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I. On the Sanskrit and Pr&krit Languages. [From the 
Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. pp. 199-231.] .... 1 

II. Preface to the Author's "Grammar of the Sanskrit 

Language." 33 


List of Sanskrit Grammars, with Commentaries, etc. . 38 

III. Preface to the Author's edition of the Amara Kosha . 46 

IT. On Sanskrit and Pr&krit Poetry. [Prom the Asiatic 

[Researches, vol. x. pp. 389-474.] 57 

Y. Introductory Remarks, prefixed to the edition of the 

EitopadeSa published at Calcutta, 1804 147 

YI. Enumeration of Indian Classes. [From the Asiatic 

Researches, vol. v. pp. 53-67.] 157 


VII. Observations on the Sect of Jains. [From the Asiatic 

Researches, vol. ix. pp. 287-322.] 171 

Till. On the Origin and Peculiar Tenets of certain Muham- 
madan Sects. [From the Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. 
pp. 838-344.] - .... 202 

IX. Translation of one of the Inscriptions on the Pillar at 
Delhi, called the L&t of Ffruz Sh&h. [From the 
Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. pp. 179-182.] .... 208 


X. On Ancient Monuments, containing Sanskrit Inscrip- 
tions. [From the Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. pp. 
398-444.] 213 * 



XI. Inscriptions upon Bocks in South Bihar. [From the 
Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. 
pp. 201-206.] 256 

XII. On three Grants of Land, inscribed on Copper, found at 
TJjjayani, and presented by Major James Tod to the. 
Royal Asiatic Society. [From the Transactions of 
the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. pp. 230-239, and 
462-466.] 263 

XIII. On Inscriptions at Temples of the Jaina Sect in South 
Bihar. [From the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, vol. i. pp. 520-523.] 276 

• XIV. On the Indian and Arabian Divisions of the Zodiac. 

[From the Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. pp. 323-376.] 281 

XV. On the Notion of the Hindu Astronomers concerning 
the Precession of the Equinoxes and Motions of the 
Planets. [From the Asiatic Researches, vol. xii. 
pp. 209-250.] 329 

Appendix, containing a reply to Bentley's criticisms, 
published in the Asiatic Journal for 1826 .... 366 

XVI. Dissertation on the Algebra of the Hindus, with 

Notes and Illustrations. [Prefixed to the Author's 

"Algebra, with Arithmetic and Mensuration, from 

the Sanskrit of Brahmagupta and Bhaskara" London, 

j 1817.] ; .... 375 

» Additional Notes 481 

Index 483 


Page 38, line 9, read pradfpoddyota. 
43, line 7, read Van&vadana. 

49, line 14, read Utpalinf. 

50, last line, read Maitreya-rakshita. 
58, line 3 infra, read Seshanaga, 

106, line 28, read Bhdmini-Yilasa, 

112, last line, read Aparavaktra. (N. B.) 

139, line 19 (col. 2), read 6+4X5+L. 

140, line 2 infra, read Yiparfta-pathy&. 
145, line 10 (col. 2), read Kirl^a. 
278, line 11, read Kaiyapa. 
312, lines 9, 16, read Par&ara. 
315, line 26, read varttika. 
338, line 7 infra, read Satananda. 
360, line 12, read Jdtakarnava. 

In p. 183 note* should have been inclosed in brackets [ ]. 

In pp. 284, 1. 16; 346, 1. 4 infr., and 348, 1. 6 infr., Marieht 
and Mdrichi should have been corrected to Mdrlcha, as Colebrooke 
himself wrote the title in p. 409, 1. 1. 

Similarly in p. 298, 1. 23 ; p. 299, 11. 9, 18 ; p. 301, 1. 27 ; 
p. 302, 1. 7, Jyeshtha, Ash£o!h&, and Bhadrapada* should be read, 
instead of the wrongly retained readings of the original edition. 





[From the Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. pp. 199-231. 

Calcutta, 1801. 4to.] 

[1] In a treatise on rhetoric, compiled for the use of M&nikya 
Chandra, R4j& of Tirabhukti or Tirhut, a brief enumeration of 
languages used by Hindu poets is quoted from two writers 
on the art of poetry. The following is a literal translation of 
both passages. 

u Sanskrita, Pr&kyita, Pais&chi, and M&gadhi, are in short 
the four paths of poetry. The gods, etc., speak Sanskrita ; 
benevolent genii, Pr&krita ; wicked demons, Pais&chl ; and men 
of low tribes and the rest, M&gadhi. But sages deem Sanskrita 
the chief of these four languages. It is used three ways : in 
proserin verse, and in a mixture of both." 1 

" Language, again, the virtuous have declared to be four- 
fold, Sanskrita [or the polished dialect], Pr&krita [or the 
vulgar dialect], Apabhransa [or jargon], and Misra [or 
mixed]. Sanskrita is the speech of the celestials, framed in 
grammatical institutes ; Pr&krita is similar to it, but manifold 
as a provincial dialect, and otherwise ; and those languages, 
which are ungrammatical, are spoken in their respective 
districts." * 

1 [I have not identified this passage.] 

* [This passage occurs in the Kavyadarrfa of Dandin, i. 32, 33, but apparently 
with some variations in the Calcutta edition : " Language, again, men of reputa- 
tion {drydk) declare to be fourfold, Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhran/a, and Misra. 
The divine language has been characterized by the great rishis as Sanskrit ; the 
degrees of Prakrit are various, as derived from Sanskrit {tadbhava), correspond- 
ing with it (tat$ama) % and provincial (deii)" — Vararuchi, the oldest Prakrit 

TOL. UI. [B88AYS II.] 1 


The Pais£chi seems to be gibberish, which dramatic poets 
make the demons speak, when they bring these fantastic beings 
on the stage. 1 The mixture of languages noticed in the second 
quotation, is that which is employed in dramas, as is expressly 
said by the same author in a [2] subsequent verse. 9 It is not, 
then, a compound language, but a mixt dialogue, in which 
different persons of the drama employ different idioms. Both 
the passages above quoted are therefore easily reconciled. 
They, in feet, notice only three tongues. 1. Sanskrit, a 
polished dialect, the inflections of which, with all its numerous 
anomalies, are taught in grammatical institutes. This the 
dramatic poets put into the mouths of gods and of holy per* 
sonages. 2. Pr&krit, consisting of provincial dialects, which 
are less refined and have a more imperfect grammar. In 
dramas it is spoken by women, benevolent genii, etc. 3. 
M&gadhi, or Apabhransa, a jargon, destitute of regular gram- 
mar. 8 It is used by the vulgar, and varies in different dis- 
tricts. The poets accordingly introduce into the dialogue of 
plays a provincial jargon, spoken by the lowest persons of the 
drama. 4 

The languages of India are all comprehended in these three 

grammarian, divides the Prakrit dialects into four, Prakrit proper, Pairfachi, 
M&gadhi, and S'auraseni. Later writers continually increase the number, see 
Lassen, Instit. Lingua Pracritiea, pp. 2-38; Muir's Sansk. Texts, ii. 2nd ed. pp. 

1 [No existing drama, I believe, has any specimens of the Pais'achX; but the 
Vrihat Katha is said to have been originally composed in that dialect.] 

* [Kdvyddaria, i. 37.] 

8 [For a fuller account of Magadhi and Apabhransa, see Lassen's Inst. Lingua 
fracr., pp. 391-410, 435-438, and pp. 449-484.] 

* Sanskrita is the passive participle of a compound verb, formed by prefixing 
the preposition sam to the crude verb Ap, and by interposing the letter * when 
this compound is used in the sense of embellishment. Its literal meaning then is 
u adorned"; and when applied to a language it signifies •' polished." Prakrita 
is a similar derivative from the same crude verb, with pra prefixed : the most 
common acceptation of this word is " outcast, or man of the lowest class "; as 
applied to a language it signifies *' vulgar." — [For Hemachandra's derivation of 
the word see infra p. [66]. — Apabhransa is derived from bhrai, " to fall down": 
it signifies a word, or dialect, which falls off from correct etymology. Gram- 
marians use Sanskrita as signifying " duly formed or regularly inflected ;" and 
Apabhransa for false grammar. 


classes. The first contains Sanskrit, a most polished tongue, 
which was gradually refined until it became fixed in the 
classic writings of many elegant poets, most of whom are- sup- 
posed to have flourished in the century preceding the Christian 
era. It is cultivated by learned' Hindus throughout India, as 
the language of science and of literature, and as the repository 
of their law, civil and religious. [3] It evidently draws its origin 
(and some steps of its progress may even now be traced) from 
a primeval tongue, which was gradually refined in various 
climates, and became Sanskrit in India, Pahlavi 1 in Persia, 
and Greek on the shores of the Mediterranean.* Like other 
very ancient languages, Sanskrit abounds in inflections, which 
are, however, more anomalous in this than in the other 
languages here alluded to ; and which are even more so in the 
obsolete dialect of the Yedas, than in the polished speech of 
the classic poets. It has nearly shared the fate of all ancient 
tongues, and is now become almost a dead language ; but there 
seems no good reason for doubting that it was once universally 
spoken in India. Its name, and the reputed difficulty of its 
grammar, have led many persons to imagine that it has been 
refined by the concerted efforts of a few priests, who set them- 
selves about inventing a new language ; not, like all other 
tongues, by the gradually improved practice of good writers 
and polite speakers. The exquisitely refined system by which 
the grammar of Sanskrit is taught, has been mistaken for the 
refinement of the language itself. The rules have been* sup- 
posed to be anterior to the practice, but this supposition is 

1 [The oldest form of the Iranian language is the Zend, which is found in the 
Gatha dialect, and in a more modern form in the ancient Bactrim or classical 
language of the Zendavesta. Besides these, we have* the language of the cunei- 
form inscriptions of the Achamenian dynasty, — the Pahlavi of the Sassanian 
dynasty, which is largely mixed with a Semitic element, and the P&rsi, which 
forms the basis of modern Persian ; this last language chiefly differing from it in 
the large amount of adopted Arabic words.] 

* [More correctly we may say that the primeval tongue divided into two great 
branches, the first represented by the German, Lithuanian, and Slavonic tongues ; 
and the second, on the one hand, by the Keltic, Italian, and Greek, and, on the 
other, by the Iranian and Sanskrit.] 


gratuitous. In Sanskrit, as in every other known tongue, 
grammarians have not invented etymology, but have only 
contrived rules to teach what was already established by 
approved practice. 

There is one peculiarity of Sanskrit compositions which 
may also have suggested the opinion that it could never be 
a spoken language. I allude to what might be termed the 
Euphonical orthography of Sanskrit. It consists in extending 
to syntax the rules for the permutation of letters in etymology. 
Similar rules for avoiding incompatible sounds in compound 
terms exist in all languages ; this is sometimes effected by a 
deviation from orthography in the pronuncia[4]tion of words 5 
sometimes by altering one or more letters to make the spelling 
correspond with the pronunciation. These rules have been 
more profoundly investigated by Hindu grammarians than by 
those of any other nation ; and they have completed a system 
of orthography which may be justly termed euphonical. 
They require all compound terms to be reduced to this 
standard, and Sanskrit authors, it may be observed, delight 
in compounds of inordinate length : the whole sentence, too, 
or even whole periods, may, at the pleasure of the author, be 
combined like the elements of a single word, and good writers 
generally do so. In common speech this could never have 
been practised. None but well-known compounds would be 
used by any speaker who wished to be understood, and each 
word would be distinctly articulated independently of the 
terms which precede and follow it. Such, indeed, is the pre- 
sent practice of those who still speak the Sanskrit language ; 
and they deliver themselves with such fluency, as is sufficient 
to prove that Sanskrit may have been spoken in former times 
witli as much facility as the contemporary dialects of the 
Greek language, or the more modern dialects of the Arabic 
tongue. I shall take occasion again to allude to this topic, 
after explaining at large what are, and by whom were com- 
posed, those grammatical institutes, in which the Sanskrit 


language is framed, according to the author above quoted ; or 
by which (for the meaning is ill-conveyed by a literal trans- 
lation) words are correctly formed and inflected. 

P&nini, the father of Sanskrit grammar, lived in so remote 
an age, 1 that he ranks among those ancient sages whose 
fabulous history occupies a conspicuous place in the Pur&nas, or 
Indian theogonies. 8 The name is a patro[5]nymic, indicating 
his descent from Panin; 3 but, according to the Paur&nika 
legends, he was grandson of Devala, an inspired legislator. 
Whatever may be the true history of P&nini, to him the 
Sutras, or succinct aphorisms of grammar, are attributed by 
universal consent: his system is grounded on a profound 
investigation of the analogies in both the regular and the 
anomalous inflections of the Sanskrit language. He has com- 
bined those analogies in a very artificial manner ; and has thus 
compressed a most copious etymology into a very narrow 
compass. His precepts are indeed numerous, 4 but they have 
been framed with the utmost conciseness ; and this great 
brevity is the result of very ingenious methods which have 
been contrived for this end, and for the purpose of assisting 
the student's memory. In P&nini's system, the mutual re- 
lation of all the parts marks that it must have been completed 
by its author : it certainly bears internal evidence of its having 
been accomplished by a single effort, and even the corrections 
which are needed cannot be interwoven with the text. It 

1 [Panim's date is still an unsettled question. It has been usually fixed, on 
confessedly uncertain grounds, about b.c. 350; but Prof. Goldstiicker, in bis 
Btnini, his Place in Sanskrit Literature, maintains tbat be may even have 
preceded Buddha.] 

3 Every Purana treats of five subjects : the creation of the universe, its pro- 
gress, and the renovation of worlds ; the genealogy of gods and heroes ; chrono- 
logy, according to a fabulous system ; and heroic history, containing the achieve- 
ments of demi-gods and heroes. Since each Purana contains a cosmogony, with 
mythological and heroic history, the works which bear that title may not inaptly 
be compared to the Grecian theogonies. 

* [According to the Siddhdnta Kaumudl (i. 542), Panini was the descendant of 
Panina, who again was the descendant of Panin. His mother's name was Dakshl. 
(See Pdnini, hit Plot* in Sanskrit Lit., p. 211.)] 

* Not fewer than 3996. 


must not be hence inferred, that P&gini was unaided by the 
labours of earlier grammarians. In many of his precepts he 
cites the authority of his predecessors, 1 sometimes for a 
deviation from a general rule, often for a grammatical canon 
which has universal oogency. He has even employed some 
technical terms without defining them, 9 because, as his com- 
mentators remark, those terms were already introduced by 
earlier grammarians. 8 None of the [6] more ancient works, 
however, seem to be now extant: being superseded by his, 
they have probably been disused for ages, and are now perhaps 
totally lost. 4 

A performance such as the P&niniya grammar must inevit- 
ably contain many errors. The task of correcting its inaccura- 
cies has been executed by Katy&yana, 5 an inspired saint and 
lawgiver, whose history, like that of all the Indian sages, is 
involved in the impenetrable darkness of mythology. His 
annotations, entitled V&rtikas, 6 restrict those among the 
Paniniya rules which are too vague, enlarge others which are 
too limited, and mark numerous exceptions which had escaped 
the notice of P&nini himself. 

The amended rules of grammar have been formed into 
memorial verses by Bhartrihari,' whose metrical aphorisms, 
entitled K&rikd, have almost equal authority with the precepts 

1 S'akalya, Gargya, Kaiyapa, Galava, S'aka{ayana, and others [viz. Apit'ali, 
Chakravarmana, Bh&radwaja, Senaka. Sphotayana, and the so-called eastern and 
northern grammarians]. 

* [See this point discussed in Pdnini, his Place in 8. X., pp. 182-168.] 

* In a few instances he quotes former grammars to refute them. 

* Definitions of some technical terms, together with grammatical axioms, are 
also cited from those ancient works in the commentaries on Panini. They are 
inserted in a compilation entitled' Paribhdshd, which will be subsequently noticed. 
The various original authorities of Sanskrit grammar, as enumerated in a memo- 
rial verse, are eight in number, viz., Indra, Chandra, Kas'akritsna, Apisali, 
S'aka(ayana, Panini, Amara, and Jinendra. 

* This name likewise is a patronymic [viz. the descendant of Kati]. 

* [More properly vdrtiikat, as derived from vfitti y ' a commentary.*] 

7 [Bhartrihari wrote the Vfikyapadiya, which is sometimes called the flarikarika ; 
but the Karikas quoted in the Mahabhashya are not by him. Prof. Goldstiicker 
(/. c. pp. 93-105) considers that some of these are by Katyayana, others by 
Patanjali himself, others by some third author.] 


of P&nini and emendations of E&ty&yana. If the popular 

^ t iA 

traditions concerning Bhartrihari be well founded, be lived in L c *^ 
the century preceding the Christian era; 1 for he is supposed 
to be the same with the brother of Vikram&ditya, and the 
period when this prince reigned at TJjjayini is determined by 
the date of the Samvat era. 

The studied brevity of the P&niniya Sutras renders [7] 
them in the highest degree obscure. Even with the knowledge 
of the key to their interpretation, the student finds them am- 
biguous. In the application of them when understood, he 
discovers many seeming contradictions ; and, with every 
exertion of practised memory, he must experience the utmost 
difficulty in combining rules dispersed in apparent confusion 
through different portions of P&nini's eight lectures. A com- 
mentary was therefore indispensably requisite. Many were 
composed by ancient grammarians to elucidate the text of 
P&nini. A most copious one on the emendations of his rules 
was compiled in very ancient times by an uncertain author. 
This voluminous work, known by the title of Mah&bhashya, 
or the great commentary, is ascribed to Patanjali, a fabulous 
personage, to whom mythology has assigned the shape of a 
serpent. 8 In this commentary almost every rule is examined 
at great length. All possible interpretations are proposed: 
and the true sense and import of the rule are deduced through 
a tedious train of argument, in which all foreseen objections 
are considered and refuted, and the wrong interpretations of 
the text, with all the arguments which can be invented to 
support them, are obviated or exploded. 

Voluminous as it is, the Mah&bh&shya has not exhausted 
the subject on which it treats. Its deficiencies have been 

1 A beautiful poem has been composed in his name, containing moral reflec- 
tions, which the poet supposes him to make on the discovery of his wife's infidelity. 
It consists of either three or four S'atakas, or centuries of couplets. 

* [Patanjali was one of the Eastern grammarians. Prof. Goldstiicker has shown 
good reasons for believing that he wrote part of his commentary between 140 and 
1*20 B.C. (/. & pp. 229-234).] 


supplied by the annotations of modern grammarians. The 
most celebrated among these scholiasts of the Bh&shya is 
Kaiyata, a learned Kashmirian. His annotations are almost 
equally copious with the commentary itself. Yet they, too, 
are loaded by numerous glosses ; among which the old and 
new Vtmranas are mo3t esteemed. 

The difficulty of combining the dispersed rules of grammar, 
to inflect any one verb or noun through all its variations, 
renders further aid necessary. This seems to have [8] been 
anciently afforded in vocabularies, one of which exhibited the 
verbs classed in the order implied by the system of P&nini, 
the other contained nouns arranged on a similar plan. Both 
probably cited the precepts wbich must be remembered in 
conjugating and declining each verb and noun. A catalogue 
of verbs, classed in regular order, but with few references to 
the rules of etymology, is extant, and is known by the title 
Dh&tup&tha. 1 It may be considered as an appendix to the 
grammar of P&nini ; and so may his treatise on the pronun- 
ciation of vocal sounds, 8 and the treatise of Y&ska on obsolete 
words and acceptations peculiar to the Veda. 3 A numerous 
class of derivative nouns, to which he has only alluded, have 
been reduced to rule, under the head of Unadi, or the termi- 
nation &, etc. ; 4 and the precepts respecting the gender of 
nouns have been, in like manner, arranged in Sutras, which 
are formed on the same principles with Paninf s rules, and 
which are considered as almost equally ancient. Another 
supplement to his grammar is entitled Ganap&tha, and con- 
tains lists of words comprehended in various grammatical 
rules, under the designation of some single word, with the 
term " etc." annexed to it. These supplements are due to 

1 [Edited by Prof. Westergaard in his Radices Lingua Sanscrita, 1841.] 

* [For the tract on pronunciation called S'iksha, often called a Vedanga, see 
Professor M tiller's Anc. Santk. Lit., p. 146.] 

* [Task a was probably anterior to Panini ; his Nirukta has been edited by 
Prof. Roth, Gbttingen, 1852.] 

* [The best edition of the TTn&di Siitras is that by Prof. Aufrecht, with Ujjwala- 
datta's Commentary, London, 1859.] 


various authors. The subject of gender alone has been treated 
by more than one writer reputed to be inspired ; namely, by 
K&tyfyana, Gobhila, and others. 

These subsidiary parts of the P&niniya grammar do not 
require a laboured commentary ; excepting only the catalogue 
of verbs, which does need annotation ; and which is, in truth, 
a proper groundwork for a complete review of all the rules of 
etymology that are applicable to each verb. 1 [9] The Vritti 
Ny&sa, a very celebrated work, is, I believe, a commentary of 
this sort. 2 It is mentioned by Maitreya Rakshita, the author 
of the Dh&tu Pradipa, as the work chiefly consulted by him in 
compiling his brief annotations on the Dh&tup&tha. A very 
voluminous commentary on the catalogue of verbs was com- 
piled under the patronage of S&yana, minister of a chieftain 
named Bukkaraya, and is entitled M&dhaviya Vritti. It 
thoroughly explains the signification and inflection of each 
verb ; but at the same time enters largely into scholastic re- 
finements on general grammar. 

Such vast works as the Mah&bh&shya and its scholia, with 
the voluminous annotations on the catalogue of verbs, are not 
adapted for general instruction. A conoi 8 er commentary must 
have been always requisite. The best that is now extant is 
entitled the K&sikd Vritti, or commentary composed at Var&nasi. 
The author, Jayaditya, 3 in a short preface explains his design : 
" to gather the essence of a science dispersed in the early com- 

1 The number of verbal roots amounts to 1750 nearly; exclusive of many 
obsolete words omitted in the Dhatupatha, but noticed in the Sutras as the roots 
of certain derivatives. The crude verbs, however, are more numerous, because 
many roots, containing the same radical letters, are variously conjugated in dif- 
ferent senses. The whole number of crude verbs separately noticed in the cata- 
logue exceeds three thousand. From each of these are deduced many compound 
verbs, by prefixing one or more prepositions to the verbal root. Such compounds 
often deviate very widely in their signification, and some even in their inflections, 
from the radical verb. The derivative verbs, again, are numerous; such as 
causal*, frequentatives, etc. Hence it may be readily perceived how copious this 
branch of grammar must be. 

* I have not yet had an opportunity of inspecting either this or its gloss. It 
has been described to me as a commentary on the Kas'ika Vritti. — [See p. [40]. 

8 [He if also called Yamana.] 


mentaries, in the Bh&shya, in copious dictionaries of verbs 
and of nouns, and in other works." He has well fulfilled the 
task which he undertook. His gloss explains in perspicuous 
language the meaning and application of each rule ; he adds 
exam [10] pies, and quotes, in their proper places, the necessary 
emendations from the V&rttikas and Bh&shya. Though he 
never deviates into frivolous disquisitions nor into tedious 
reasoning, but expounds the text as succinctly as could consist 
with perspicuity, his work is nevertheless voluminous j and 
yet, copious as it is, the commentaries on it, and the annota- 
tions on its commentaries, are still more voluminous. Amongst 
the most celebrated is the Padamanjari of Haradatta Misra, 
a grammarian whose authority is respected almost equally with 
that of the author on whose text he comments. The annota- 
tors on this, again, are numerous ; but it would be useless to 
insert a long list of their names, or of the titles of their works. 
Excellent as the K&sikd Vritti undoubtedly is, it partakes 
of the defects which have been imputed to F&nini's text. 
Following the same order in which the original rules are 
arranged, it is well adapted to assist the student in acquiring 
a critical knowledge of the Sanskrit tongue. But for one who 
studies the rudiments of the language a different arrangement 
is requisite, for the sake of bringing into one view the rules 
which must be remembered in the inflections of one word, and 
those which must be combined even for a single variation of a 
single term. Such a grammar has been compiled within a few 
centuries past by R&macbandra, an eminent grammarian. It 
is entitled Prakriyd Eaumudi. 1 The rules are P&nini's, and 
the explanation of them is abridged from the ancient commen- 
taries ; but the arrangement is wholly different. It proceeds 
from the elements of writing to definitions ; thence to ortho- 
graphy : it afterwards exhibits the inflections of nouns accord- 
ing to case, number, and gender ; notices the indeclinables ; 
and proceeds to the uses of the cases. It subjoins the rules of 

1 [See Prof. Aufrecht's Bodleian Catalogue, p. 360 6.] 


apposition, by which compound terms are formed ; the ety- 
mology of patronymics and other [11] derivatives from nouns ; 
and the reduplication of particles, etc. In the second part it 
treats of the conjugation of verbs arranged in ten classes ; to 
these primitives succeed derivative verbs, formed from verbal 
roots or from nouns. The rules concerning different voices 
follow ; they are succeeded by precepts regarding the use of 
the tenses; and the work concludes with the etymology of 
verbal nouns, gerunds, supines, and participles. A supple- 
ment to it contains the anomalies of the dialect in which the 
Veda is composed. 

The outline of P&^ini's arrangement is simple ; but numer- 
ous exceptions and frequent digressions have involved it in 
much seeming confusion. The two first lectures (the first 
section especially, which is in a manner the key of the whole 
grammar) contain definitions ; in the three next are collected 
the affixes, by which verbs and nouns are inflected. Those 
which appertain to verbs occupy the third lecture : the fourth 
and fifth contain such as are affixed to nouns. The remaining 
three lectures treat of the changes which«roots and affixes un- 
dergo in special cases, or by general rules of orthography, and 
which are all effected by the addition or by the substitution of 
one or more elements. 1 The apparent simplicity of the design 
vanishes in the perplexity of the structure. The endless pur- 
suit of exceptions and of limitations so disjoins the general pre- 
cepts, that the reader cannot keep in view their intended con- 
nexion and mutual relation. He wanders in an intricate maze, 
and the clew of the labyrinth is continually slipping from his 

The order in which R&machandra has delivered the rules of 
grammar is certainly preferable ; but the Stitras of P&nini, 
thus detached from their context, are wholly unin[12]telligible. 
Without the commentator's exposition, they are indeed what 
Sir William Jones has somewhere termed them, " dark as the 

1 Eren the expunging of a letter is considered as the subititntion of a blank. 


darkest oracle." Even with the aid of a comment, they can** 
not be fully understood until they are perused with the proper 
context Notwithstanding this defect, Bhattoji Dfkshita, 1 
who revised the Kaumudi, has for very substantial reasons 
adhered to the Paniniya Sdtras. That able grammarian has 
made some useful changes in the arrangement of the Prakriy a ; 
he has amended the explanation of the rules, which was in 
many places incorrect or imperfect ; he has remedied many 
omissions, has enlarged the examples, and has noticed the 
most important instances where the elder grammarians dis- 
agree, or where classical poets have deviated from the strict 
rules of grammar. This excellent work is entitled Siddhanta 
Kaumudi. The author has very properly followed the example 
of R&machandra, in excluding all rules that are peculiar to the 
obsolete dialect of the Yeda, or which relate to accentuation ; 
for this also belongs to the Yeda alone. He has collected 
them in an appendix to the Siddhanta Kaumudi ; and has 
subjoined, in a second appendix, rules concerning the gender 
of nouns. The other supplements of Panini's grammar are 
interwoven by this author with the body of his work. 

The Hindus delight in scholastic disputation. Their gram- 
marians indulge this propensity as much as their lawyers and 
their sophists. 8 Bhattoji Dikshita has provided an ample 
store of controversy in an argumentative commentary on his 
own grammar. This work is entitled [13] Praudha Mano- 
rama. He also composed a very voluminous commentary on 
the eight lectures of Pacini, and gave it the title of Sabda 
Kaustubha. The only portion of it I have yet seen reaches 
no further than to the end of the first section of Panini's first 
lecture. But this is so diffusive, that, if the whole have been 
executed on a similar plan, it must triple the ponderous volume 

1 Descendants of Bhaftoji in the fifth or sixth degree are, I am told, now living 
at Benares. He must have flourished, then, between one and two centuries ago. 

* Many separate treatises on different branches of general grammar are very 
properly considered as appertaining to the science of logic. 


of the Mahabhashya itself. I have reason, however, for 
doubting that it was ever completed. 

The commentaries on the Siddh&nta Kaumudi and Mano- 
rama are very numerous. The most celebrated shall be here 
briefly noticed. 1. The Tattwa Bodhini expounds the 
Siddh&nta : it is the work of Jnanendra Saraswati, an ascetic, and 
the pupil of Y&manendra Swami. 2. The &abdendu Sekhara 
is another commentary on Bhattoji's grammar. It was com- 
posed by a successor, if not a descendant, of that grammarian. 
An abridgment of it, which is very generally studied, is the 
work of Nagesa, son of &iva Bhatta and pupil of Hari Dikshita. 
He was patronized, as appears from his preface, by the pro- 
prietor of Sringavera Pura. 1 Though called an abridgment, 
this Laghu &abdendu is a voluminous performance. 3. The 
Laghu Sabdaratna is a commentary on the Manorama of 
Bhattoji Dikshita, by the author's grandson, Hari Dikshita. 
This work is not improperly termed an abridgment, since it is 
short in comparison with most other commentaries on gram- 
mar. A larger performance on the same topics, and with the 
same title of Sabda Ratna, was composed by a professor of this 
school. 4. Bala barman P&gondiya, who is either fourth or 
fifth in succession from Bhattoji, as professor of grammar at 
Benares, has written commentaries on the Kaustubha, Sabda 
Ratna, and [14] &abdendu Sekhara. His father, Baidyanatha 
Bhatta, largely annotated the Paribhashendu Sekhara of 
Nagesa Bhatta, which is an argumentative commentary on a 
collection of grammatical axioms and definitions cited by the 
glossarists of Panini. This compilation, entitled Paribhasha, 
has also furnished the text for other controversial perform- 
ances bearing similar titles. 

While so many commentaries have been written on the 
Siddhanta Kaumudi, the Prakriya Kaumudi has not been 
neglected. The scholiasts of this, too, are numerous. The 

1 A town on the Ganges, marked 8inghore, in Kennel's map. It is situated 
aboTe Ilahfcbad. [Cf. Bodleian Cat., p. 165.] 


most known is Krishna Par^dita 5 and his work has been 
abridged by his pupil Jayanta, who has given the title of 
Tattwa Chandra to a very excellent compendium. 1 On the 
other hand, Krishna Pandita has had the fate common to all 
noted grammarians, since his work has employed a host of 
commentators who have largely commented on it. 

The Kaumudis, independently even of their numerous com- 
mentaries, have been found too vast and intricate for young 
students. Abridgments of the Siddh&nta Kaumudi have been 
therefore attempted by several authors with unequal degrees 
of success. Of three such abridgments one only seems to 
deserve present notice. It is the Madhya Kaumudi, and is 
accompanied by a similar compendium of annotations, entitled 
Madhya Manoramd. The name indicates, that it holds a 
middle place between the diffuse original and the jejune ab- 
stracts called Laghu Kaumudi, etc. It contains such of 
P&ipni's rules as are most universal, and adds to each a short 
but perspicuous exposition. It omits only the least common 
exceptions and limitations. 

[15] When Sanskrit was the language of Indian courts, 
and was cultivated not only by persons who devoted them- 
selves to religion and literature, but also by princes, lawyers, 
soldiers, physicians, and scribes (in short, by the first three 
tribes, and by many classes included in the fourth), an easy 
and popular grammar must have been needed by persons who 
could not waste the best years of their lives in the study of 
words. Such grammars must always have been in use ; those, 
however, which are now studied are not, I believe, of very 
aneient date. The most esteemed is the S&raswata, together 
with its commentary named Chandrik&. It seems to have 
been formed on one of the Kaumudis, by translating PininPs 
rules into language that is intelligible independently of the 

1 Finished by him, as appears from a postscript to the book, in the year 1687 
of the Sam vat era. Though he studied at Benares, he appears to have been born 
on the banks of the Tapati, a river marked Taptee in Rennel's map. 



gloss, and without the necessity of adverting to a different 

Another popular grammar, which is in high repute in 
Bengal, is entitled Mugdhabodha, and is accompanied by a 
commentary. It is the work of Vopadeva, and proceeds upon 
a plan grounded on that of the Kaumudis ; but the author 
has not been content to translate the rules of Panini and to 
adopt his technical terms. He has, on the contrary, invented 
new terms and contrived new abbreviations. The same author 
likewise composed a metrical catalogue of verbs alphabetically 
arranged. It is named Kavikalpadruma, and is intended as 
a substitute for the Dhatup&tha. 

The chief inconvenience attending Vopadeva's innovation is, 
that commentaries and scholia, written to elucidate poems and 
works of science, must be often unintelligible to those who 
have studied only his grammar, and that the writings of his 
scholars must be equally incomprehensible (wherever a gram- 
matical subject is noticed) to the students of the P&ninfya. 
Accordingly the Pandits of Bengal are cut of£ in a manner, 
from communication on grammatical topics with the learned of 
other provinces in India. Even [16] etymological dictionaries, 
such as the commentaries on the metrical vocabularies, which I 
shall next proceed to mention, must be unintelligible to them. 

It appears from the prefaces of many different grammatical 
treatises, that works entitled Dhatu and Nama Parayana 
were formerly studied. They must have comprehended, as 
their title implies, "the whole of the verbs and nouns " apper- 
taining to the language; and, since they are mentioned as 
very voluminous, they must probably have contained references 
to all the rules applicable to every single verb and noun. 
Haradatta's explanation of the title confirms this notion. But 
it does not appear that any work is now extant under this 
title. The Dhatup&tha, with its commentaries, supplies the 
place of the Dh&tuparaya^a. A collection of dictionaries and 
vocabularies, in like manner, supplies the want of the Nama- 


p&r&yana. These then may be noticed in this place as a 
branch of grammar. 

The best and most esteemed vocabulary is the Amara Kosha. 
Even the bigotry of Sankara Achdrya spared this, when he 
proscribed the other works of Amara Sinha. 1 Like most other 
Sanskrit dictionaries, it is [17] arranged in verse to aid the 
memory. Synonymous words are collected into one or more 
verses, and placed in fifteen different chapters, which treat 
of as many different subjects. The sixteenth contains a few 
homonymous terms, arranged alphabetically, in the Indian 
manner, by the final consonants. The seventeenth chapter 

1 Amara Sinha was an eminent poet, and one of the nine gems (for bo these 
poets were called) who were the ornament of Vikramaditya's Court. Unfortun- 
ately he held the tenets of a heterodox sect, and his poems are said to have 
perished in the persecutions fomented by intolerant philosophers against the 
persons and writings of both Jainas and Bauddhas. The persecution, instigated by 
S'ankara and TJdayana Aoharya, was enforced, perhaps from political motives, by 
princes of the Yaishnava and S'aiva sects, who compelled the Bauddha monarchs to 
retire from Hindustan, and to content themselves with their dominions of Lusaka 
and Bhota. It would be curious to investigate the date of this important revolution. 
The present conjecture (for it is little more than mere conjecture) is partly 
founded upon some acknowledgments made by Pandits, who confess that S'ankara 
and TJdayana persecuted the heterodox sects and proscribed their books; and 
partly on the evidence of the engraved plate found at Mudgagiri, and of the 
inscription on the pillar found at Badal (see As. Res. vol. i. p. 123 and 133), 
from which it appears that Devapala Deva belonged to the sect of Buddha, and 
that he reigned over Bengal and Karnafa as well as Lasafa and Bhota, and had 
successfully invaded Kamboja, after traversing as a conqueror the Yindhya range 
of mountains. His descendants, as far as the fourth generation, governed a no 
less extensive empire ; as appears from the inscription on the pillar at Badal. 
I must however acknowledge, that this last-mentioned inscription does not in- 
dicate any attachment to the sect of Buddha. This may be accounted for, by 
supposing that the worshippers of Krishna and of Rama, or whatever other sects 
prevailed, were then as cordial to the followers of Buddha, as they now are 
towards each other. The king and his minister might belong to different sects. 

Amara is mentioned in an inscription at Buddha Gaya as the founder of a 
temple at that place. (As. Res. vol. i. p. 284.) This circumstance may serve to 
explain why his works have been proscribed with peculiar inveteracy, as it is 
acknowledged by many Pandits that they have been. He was probably a zealous 

This is, however, by no means certain : and Bhanuji Dikshita, in his com- 
mentary on the Amara Kosha, denies that there is any evidence to prove that the 
author belonged to the sect of Jainas. [For the supposed date of Amara Sinha, 
see Wilson's Essays, v. pp. 182-200 ; Gen. Cunningham's Report, B. A. S.J. vol. 
xxxii. pp. vii-x. The fifth or sixth century a,d. seems the most probable date.] 


is a pretty full catalogue of indeclinables, which European 
philologists would call adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions, and 
interjections, bat which Sanskrit grammarians consider as in- 
declinable nouns. The last chapter of the Amara Kosha is a 
treatise on the gender of nouns. Another vocabulary by the 
same author is often cited by his commentators, under the 
title of Amara M&1&. 

Numerous commentaries have been written on the Amara 
Kosha. The chief object of them is to explain the deriva-[18] 
tions of the nouns and to supply the principal deficiencies of 
the text. Sanskrit etymologists scarcely acknowledge a single 
primitive amongst the nouns. When unable to trace an ety- 
mology which may be consistent with the acceptation of the 
word, they are content to derive it, according to grammatical 
rules, from some root to which the word has no affinity in 
sense. At other times they adopt fanciful etymologies from 
Pur&nas or from Tantras : but, in general, the derivations are 
accurate and instructive. The best known among these com- 
mentaries of the Amara Kosha is the Pada Chandrik&, com- 
piled from sixteen older commentaries by Vrihaspati, surnamed 
Mukuta, or at full length R&ya Mukuta Mani. 1 It appears 
from the incidental mention of the years then expired of as- 
tronomical eras, that Mukuta made this compilation in the 
4532nd year of the Kali Yug, which corresponds with a.d. 
1430. Achyuta Jallaki has abridged Mukuta's commentary, 
but without acknowledgment; and has given the title of 
Vy&khya Pradipa to his compendium. On the other hand, 
Bh&nuji Dikshita has revised the same compilation, and has 
corrected the numerous errors of Mukuta, who often derives 
words from roots that are unknown to the language, or accord- 
ing to rules which have no place in its grammar. Bh&nuji 
has greatly improved the plan of the work, by inserting from 
other authorities the various acceptations of words exhibited 
by Amara in one or two senses only. This excellent compi- 
lation is entitled Yy&khy& Sudha.* 

1 [Of. Wilson, Essays on Sansk. Lit. iii. 204.] s [Cf. Wilson, ibid, pp. 204, 205.] 

VOL. in. [B88AT8 U.] 2 


The AmaraKosha, as has been already hinted, gives a very 
incomplete list of words that have various acceptations. This 
defect is well supplied by the Medini, a dictionary so named 
from its author, Medinikar. 1 It contains words that bear 
many senses, arranged in alphabetical order by the final con- 
. sonants ; and a list of homonymous indeclinables is subjoined 
to it. A similar dictionary, compiled by [19] Maheswara and 
entitled Yiswa Prak&sa, is much consulted, though it be very 
defective, as has been justly remarked by Medinikar. 8 It 
contains, however, a very useful appendix on words spelt more 
than one way ; and another on letters which are liable to be 
confounded, such as v and b; and another, again, on the gender 
of nouns. These subjects are not separately treated by Medi- 
nikar; but he has, on the other hand, specified the genders 
with great care in the body of the work. The exact age of 
the Medini is not certainly known; but it is older than 
Mukuta's compilation, since it is quoted by this author. 

Amara's dictionary does not contain more than ten thousand 
different words ; yet the Sanskrit language is very copious. 
The insertion of derivatives, that do not at all deviate from 
their regular and obvious import, has been very properly 
deemed superfluous. Compound epithets, and other compound 
terms, in which the Sanskrit language is peculiarly rich, are 
likewise omitted ; excepting such as are especially appro- 
priated, by a limited acceptation, either as titles of deities, or 
as names of plants, animals, etc. In fact, compound terms 
are formed at pleasure, according to the rules of grammar ; 
and must generally be interpreted in strict conformity with 
those rules. Technical terms, too, are mostly excluded from 
general dictionaries, and consigned to separate nomenclatures. 
The Amara Kosha, then, is less defective than might be in- 
ferred from the small number of words explained in it. Still, 
however, it needs a supplement. The H&r&vali may be used 

1 [Cf. Wilson, Essay* on Sansk. Lit. iii. pp. 217, 221.] 
a [Cf. Wilson, ib. p. 215.] 


as such. It is a vocabulary of uncommon words, compiled by 
Purushottama, the author of an etymological work, and also 
of a little collection of monograms, entitled Ek&kshara. 1 His 
Har&vaK was compiled by him under the patronage of Dhrita 
Sinha. It is noticed by Medinikar, and seems to- be likewise 
anterior to the Viswa. 

[20] The remaining deficiencies of the Amara Kosha are 
supplied by consulting other dictionaries and vocabularies ; 
such as Hal&yudha's, Y&chaspati's, the Dharani Kosha, or 
some other. Sanskrit dictionaries are indeed very numerous. 
Purushottama and Medinikar name the Utpalini, Sabdarnava, 
and Sansdr&varta, as works consulted by them. Purushottama 
adds the names of Y&chaspati, Vy&di, and Yikram&ditya; but 
it is not quite clear whether he mentions them as the authors 
and patrons of these, or of other dictionaries. Medinikar 
adds a fourth vocabulary, called N&mam6J&, and with similar 
obscurity subjoins the celebrated names of Bh&guri, Yararuchi^ 
S'&swata, Bop&lita, and Bantideva. He then proceeds to enu- 
merate the dictionaries of Amara, Subh&nga, Hal&yudha, 
Govardhana, Babhasa P&la, and the Bafna Kosha ; with the 
vocabularies of Budra, Dhananjaya, and Gangddhara ; as also 
the Dharani Kosha, H&r&vali, Yrihad Amara, Trik&nda Sesha, 
and Batnam&l&.* Many of these are cited by the commen- 
tators on Amara and by the scholiasts on different poems. 
The following are also frequently cited; some as etymolo- 
gists, the rest as lexicographers : Sw&mi, Durga, Sarvadhara, 
Y&mana, Chandra, and the authors of the Yaijayanti, N4- 
manidh&na, Haima, Yrihat-nighanti, etc. To this list might 
be added the Anek&rtha Dhwani Manjari, N&n&rtha, and 
other vocabularies of homonymous terms ; the Dwirukti, Bhu- 
riprayoga Kosha, and other lists of words spelt in more than 
one way ; and the various Nighantis or nomenclatures, such 
as the Dhanwantari Nighanta and B&ja Nighanta, which con- 

» [Cf. Wilson, Essays on Sansk. Lit. iii. pp. 211, 212.] 
* [Ct Wilaon, ib. pp. 217-220.] 


tain lists of the materia medica; and the Nighanti of the 
Veda, which explains obsolete words and unusual acceptations. 1 

[21] Before I proceed to mention other languages of India, 
it may be proper to mention, that the school of Benares now 
uses the Siddhanta Kaumudi, and other works of Bhattoji, as 
the same school formerly did the Kasika Vritti. The Pra- 
kriya Kaumudi, with its commentaries, maintains its ground 
among the learned of Mithila or Tirhtit. In both places, 
however, and indeed throughout India, the Mahabhashya con- 
tinues to be the standard of Sanskrit grammar : it is therefore 
studied by all who are ambitious of acquiring a critical know- 
ledge of the language. The Harikarika, with its commentaries 
by Hel&raja and Punjaraja, was probably in use with a school 
that once flourished at Ujjayini, but it does not seem to be 
now generally studied in any part of India. 

The second class of Indian languages comprehends the 
written dialects which are now used in the intercourse of 
civil life, and which are cultivated by lettered men. The 
author of a passage already quoted includes all such dialects 
under the general denomination of Prakrit : but this term is 
commonly restricted to one language, namely, to the Saraswati 
b&la bani, or the speech of children on the banks of the Saras- 
wati. 3 There is reason to believe that ten polished dialects 
formerly prevailed in as many different civilized nations, who 
occupied all the fertile provinces of Hindustan and the Dak- 
hin. 3 Evident traces of them still exist. They shall be 

1 The Nirukti, as explained in Sir William Jones's treatise on the literature of 
the Hindus, belongs to the same class with the Nighanti of the Veda : and a 
small vocabulary under both these titles is commonly annexed to the Rigveda to 
complete the set of Upavedas. There is, however, a much larger work entitled 
Nirukti ; and the commentators of it are often cited upon topics of general gram- 
mar. See the preceding vol. p. [26]. [Nighanti and Nirukti are more corectly 
written Nighan{u and Nirukta.] 

' The term will bear a different interpretation, but this seems to be the most 
probable explanation of it. The other (youthful speech of Saraswati) is generally 

8 [The exact relation of the modern vernacular languages of Northern India to 
Sanskrit and Prakrit is a still unsettled question (cf. Br. Muir'a Sanskrit Texts, 


noticed in the order in which these Hindu nations are usually 

[22] The S&raswata was a nation which occupied the banks 
of the river Saraswati. Br&hmanas, who are still distin- 
guished bjr the name of their nation, inhabit chiefly the 
Panj&b or Panchanada, west of the river from which they 
take their appellation. Their original language may have 
once prevailed through the southern and western parts of 
Hindust&n proper, and is probably the idiom to which the 
name of Pr&krit is generally appropriated. This has been 
more cultivated than any other among the dialects which will 
be here enumerated, and it occupies a principal place in the 
dialogue of most dramas. Many beautiful poems composed 
wholly in this language, or intermixed with stanzas of pure 
Sanskrit, have perpetuated the memory of it, though perhaps 
it have long ceased to be a vernacular tongue. Grammars have 
been compiled for the purpose of teaching this language and 
its prosody, and several treatises of rhetoric have been written 
to illustrate its beauties. The Pr&krita Manoram& and 
Pr&krita Pingala are instances of the one, and the Saraswati 
Kapthabharatya of Bhojadeva, may be named as an example of 
the other, although both Sanskrit and Pr&krit idioms furnish 
the examples with which that author elucidates his precepts. 
For the character of the Pr&krit language I must refer the 
reader to Sir William Jones's remarks, in his preface to the 
translation of the Fatal Ring. 

toI. ii. 2nd ed. chap. i). Between these modern dialects and Sanskrit we can at any 
rate trace four intermediate stages, though we cannot determine their relative anti- 
quity to each other. Thus we find in the Buddhist vaipttiya tidrtu or * developed 
sutras' of Nepal long passages in Terse, called gdthds, which are written in a 
popularized Sanskrit, fall of barbarous inflections and corruptions, but still re- 
taining a yery strong likeness to the original Then we have the language of 
the rock inscriptions of the second and third centuries b.c. ; and closely connected 
with this, the Pali or Magadhi of the sacred books of the Buddhists in Ceylon 
and Bnrmah. Here we find a pure Prakrit type, not, as in the Gathas, a 
barbarous form of Sanskrit ; it has a regular grammar and a vast literature of its 
own. Lastly we have the Prakrit dialects of the grammarians and the dramas; 
but none of these agree with the language of the inscriptions or with the Pali ; 
and indeed they are undoubtedly of a more recent character.] 


The K&nyakubjas possessed a great empire, the metropolis 
of which was the ancient city of K&nyakubja or Kanoj. Theirs 
seems to be the language which forms the groundwork of 
modem Hindustani, and which is known by the appellation 
of Hindi or Hindavi. Two dialects of it may be easily dis- 
tinguished, one more refined, the other less so. Te this last 
the name of Hindi is sometimes restricted, while the other is 
often confounded with Pr&krit. Numerous poems have been 
composed in both dialects, 1 not only [23] before the Hindustani 
was ingrafted on the Hindi by a large intermixture of Persian, 
but also in very modern times, by Muhammadan as well as 
Hindu poets. Dohrds or detached couplets, and Kabits or 
stanzas, in the Hindavi dialect, may be found among the 
works of Musalm&n authors : it will be sufficient to instance 
those of Malik Muhammad JaisI, Muhammad Afeal, and 
Amirkh£n Anj&m. Most poems in this dialect are, however, 
the exclusive production of Hindu poets.* On examining 
them, the affinity of Hindi with the Sanskrit language is 
peculiarly striking ; and no person acquainted with both can 
hesitate in affirming that Hindi is chiefly borrowed from 
Sanskrit. Many words, of which the etymology shows them 
.to be the purest Sanskrit, are received unaltered ; many more 
undergo no change but that of making the final vowel silent ; 
a still greater number exhibits no other difference than what 
arises from the uniform permutation of certain letters ; the 

1 [For farther information respecting the different Hindi poets, see M. Gardn 
de Tassy's Histoire de la Literature Hindouie et Hindoustanie. The oldest is 
Chand, who wrote his great epic, the Prithwirdfja-Charitra^ about 1200 a.d.] 

* Among the most admired specimens of Hindi poetry, the seven hundred 
couplets of Bihari Lai, and the amatory verses of Sundar and of Matiram, are 
conspicuous. But their dialect is not pure Hindavi, since they sometimes borrow 
from the Persian language. Sundar wrote his poems in the reign of Shahjahan, 
and seems to hare been patronized by that prince, whom he praises in his preface. 
Bihari Lai flourished at the court of Ambher, towards the beginning of the six- 
teenth century of the Christian era. His poems were arranged in their present 
order for the use of the unfortunate prince A'zam Shah, and the modern edition 
is therefore called Atomshahl The old edition has been elegantly translated 
into Sanskrit verse by Hariprasada Pan^ita, under the patronage of Chet Sinn, 
wfcen Raja of Benares. 


rest, too, with comparatively few exceptions, may be easily 
traced to a Sanskrit origin. That this is the root from which 
Hindi has sprang (not Hindi the dialect whence Sanskrit has 
been refined) may be proved by etymology, the analogy of 
which is lost in Hindi and preserved in Sanskrit. A few 
examples will render this evident. 

. [24] Kriyd signifies action, and karma act, both of which 
are regularly derived from the root Art € to do.* They have 
been adopted into Hindustani, with many other regular deri- 
vatives of the same root (such, for example, as karana [con- 
tracted into karnd] the act of doing ; kartd the agent; kdran 
cause, or the means of doing ; kdrya [kdrj\ kdj^] the thing to 
be done, and the intent or purpose of the action). But I 
select these two instances, because both words are adopted 
into Hindustani in two several modes. Thus krid signifies 
action, and kirid expresses one metaphorical sense of the same 
Sanskrit word, viz. oath or ordeal. Again, kiridkaram signi- 
fies funeral rites ; but kdm is the most usual form in which 
the Sanskrit karma is exhibited in the Hindustani ; and it 
thus assumes the same form with kdm, desire, a very different 
word taken from the Sanskrit derivative of the root ham, to 
seek. Here then the Hindustani confounds two very different 
words in one instance, and makes two words out of one in the 
other instance. 

Sat literally signifies existent : it is employed in the accepta- 
tion of truth. Satycty a regular derivative from it, signifies 
true ; or, employed substantively, truth. The correspondent 
Hindi word, sack, is corrupted from the Sanskrit satya, by 
neglecting the final vowel, by substituting,; for y, according to 
the genius of the Hindavi dialect, and by transforming the 
harsh combination tj into the softer sound of eh. Here then 
is obviously traced the identity of the Hindustani sack, and 
Bengali shotyo, which are only the same Sanskrit word satya 
variously pronounced. 

Yuvan signifies young, and yaupana youth. The first 


makes yuvd in the nominative case: this is adopted into 
Hindustani with the usual permutation of consonants, and 
becomes jubd, as yaumna is transformed into joban. The same 
word has been less corrupted in Persian and Latin, where it 
stands juwdn and juvenk. In many inflections [25] the root 
of yuvan is contracted into yim : the possessive case, for ex- 
ample, forms in the three numbers, yitnas, yunoQ, yundm. 
Here, then, we trace the origin of the Latin comparative 
Junior; and I cannot hesitate in referring to these Sanskrit 
roots, the WeUhjevangk, and Armorican jovank, as well as the 
Saxon yeong, and finally the English young. This analogy, 
which seems evident through the medium of the Sanskrit 
language, is wholly obscured in Hindust&nf. 

These examples might be easily multiplied, but unprofitably, 
I fear ; for, after proving that nine-tenths of the Hindi dialect 
may be traced back to the Sanskrit idiom, there yet remains 
the difficulty of accounting for the remaining tenth, which is 
perhaps the basis of the Hindi language. Sir William Jones 
thought it so ; and he thence inferred, that the pure Hindi 
was primeval in Upper India, into which the Sanskrit was 
introduced by conquerors from other kingdoms in some very 
remote age. 1 This opinion I do not mean to controvert. I 
only contend, that where similar words are found in both 
languages, the Hindi has borrowed from Sanskrit, rather than 
the Sanskrit from Hindi. It may be remarked too, that in 
most countries the progress has been from languages rich in 
inflections, to dialects simple in their structure. In modern 
idioms, auxiliary verbs and appendant particles supply the 
place of numerous inflections of the root: it may, for this 
reason, be doubted, whether the present structure of the Hindi 
tongue be not a modern refinement. But the question, which 
has been here hinted rather than discussed, can be decided 
only by a careful examination of the oldest compositions that 
are now extant in the Hindi dialect. Until some person 

1 See Sir W. Jones's third amuyersary discourse. 


execute this task, a doubt must remain, [26] whether the 
groundwork of Hindi, and consequently of Hindustani, be 
wholly distinct from that of Sanskrit. 

On the subject of the modern dialect of Upper India, I with 
pleasure refer to the works of a very ingenious member of this 
society, Mr. Gilchrist, whose labours have now made it easy 
to acquire the knowledge of an elegant language, which is used 
in every part of Hindustan and the Dakhin, which is the com- 
mon vehicle of colloquial intercourse among all well-educated 
natives, and among the illiterate also, in many provinces of 
India, and which is almost everywhere intelligible to some 
among the inhabitants of every village. The dialects which 
will be next noticed are of more limited use. 

Gaura, 1 or as it is commonly called Bengalah, or Beng&li, 
is the language spoken in the provinces of which the ancient 
city of Gaur was once the capital. It still prevails in all the 
provinces of Bengal, excepting perhaps some frontier districts, 
but is said to be spoken in its greatest purity in the eastern 
parts only ; and, as there spoken, contains few words which 
are not evidently derived from Sanskrit. This dialect has not 
been neglected by learned men. Many Sanskrit poems have 
been translated, and some original poems have been composed 
in it :* learned Hindus in Bengal speak it almost exclusively ; 
[27] verbal instruction in sciences is communicated through 
this medium, and even public disputations are conducted in 
this dialect. Instead of writing it in the Devan&gari, as the 
Pr&krit and Hindavi are written, 8 the inhabitants of Bengal 

1 It is necessary to remark, that although Gaura [Gauda] be the name of 
Bengal, yet the Brahmanas, who bear that appellation, are not inhabitants of 
Bengal, but of Hindustan proper. They reside chiefly in the Suba of Delhi, 
while the Brahmanas of Bengal are avowed colonists from Kanoj. It is difficult 
to account for this contradiction. The Gaura Brahmaaas allege a tradition, that 
their ancestors migrated in the days of the Pano>vas, at the commencement of 
the present Kali Toga. Though no plausible conjecture can be founded on this 
tradition, yet I am induced to retract a conjecture formerly hazarded by me, that 
the Gar ot our maps was the original country of the Gaura priests. 

* [On old Bengali literature, see two articles in vols. xiii. and xvii. of the Cal- 
cutta Review* The province is properly called Bangadefa or B&ngala (sometimes 
Bangala), and the language B&ngala ; Bangalf only means a native of Bengal.] 

* Prakrit and Hindi books are commonly written in the Devanagarf ; but a 



have adopted a peculiar character, which is nothing else but 
Devan&gari, difformed for the sake of expeditions writing. 
Even the learned amoDgst them employ this character for the 
Sanskrit language, the pronunciation of which, too, they in 
like manner degrade to the Beng&li standard. The labours of 
Mr. Halhed and Mr. Forster have already rendered a know- 
ledge of the Beng&li dialect accessible; and Mr. Forster *s 
further exertions will still more facilitate the acquisition of a 
language which cannot but be deemed greatly useful, since it 
prevails throughout the richest and most valuable portion of 
the British possessions in India. 

Maithila, or Tirhutiya, is the language used in Mithilft. 
(that is, in the Sirk&r of Tirhut), and in some adjoining dis- 
tricts, limited however by the rivers Eusi (Kausiki), and 
Gandhak (Gandhaki), and by the mountains of Nep&l. It 
has great affinity with Beng&li ; and the character in whioh it 
is written differs little from that which is employed throughout 
Bengal. In Tirhut, too, the learned write Sanskrit in the 
Tirhutiya character, and pronounce it after their own inelegant 
manner. As the dialect of Mithili has no extensive use, and 
does not appear to have been at [28] any time cultivated by 
elegant poets, it is unnecessary to notice it further in this place. 

Utkala, or Odradesa, is co-extensive with the Sub& of 
Orissa, extending from Medinipur to M&nakapattana, and 
from the sea to Sammall-pur. The language of this province, 
and the character in which it is written, are both called Uriya. 
So far as a judgment can be formed from imperfect specimens 
of this language, it contains many Sanskrit words variously 
corrupted, with some Persian and Arabic terms borrowed 
through the medium of Hindust&ni, and with others of 

corrupt writing, called Nfigari, is used by Hindus in all common transactions 
where Hindi is employed by them; and a still more corrupted one, wherein 
vowels are for the most part omitted, is employed by bankers and others in mer- 
cantile transactions. I must here confess that I can give no satisfactory explana- 
tion of the term. The common etymology of Ndgari is unsatisfactory ; unless 
Nagara be taken as the name of some particular place emphatically called the city. 


doubtful origin. The letters are evidently taken from the 
Devan&gari; and the Br&hmans of this province use the Uriya 
character in writing the Sanskrit language. Its deviations 
from the Devan&gari may be explained, from the practice of 
writing on palm leaves with an iron style, or on paper with a 
pen cut from a porcupine's quill. It differs in this respect 
from the hand-writing of northern tribes, and is analogous to 
that of the southern inhabitants of the peninsula. 

The five Hindu nations, whose peculiar dialects have been 
thus briefly noticed, occupy the northern and eastern portions 
of India; they are denominated the five Gaurs. The rest, 
called the five Dr4virs, inhabit the southern and western parts 
of the peninsula. Some Pandits, indeed, exclude Karn&ta, 
and substitute K&smira; but others, with more propriety, omit 
the K&shmirian tribe ; and, by adding the K&naras to the list 
of Dr&virs, avoid the inconsistency of placing a northern tribe 
among southern nations. There is reason, too, for doubting 
whether K&smira be occupied by a distinct nation, and whether 
the inhabitants of it be not rather a tribe of Kanyakubjas. 

Dr&vira 1 is the country which terminates the peninsula of 
India : its northern limits appear to lie between the twelfth 
and thirteenth degrees of north latitude. The lan[29]guage 
of the province is the T&mel, to which Europeans have given 
the name of Malabar, 8 from Malay-w&r, a province of Dr&vira. 

1 [Mahr&tti and Gujarati belong to the Sanskrit class of languages. Br. 
Caldwell, in his Drdvidian Comparative Grammar, p. 27, would make nine 
northern languages, ue. Bengali, TJriya, Hindi with its daughter Hindustani, 
Panjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati, Mahratfi, and the languages of Nepal and Kashmir. 
The Dravicfon branch consists of Tamil, Telugu, Kanarese, and Malayalam, the 
language of Malabar (which is closely connected with Tamil). They all borrow 
largely from Sanskrit in their vocabulary, but they are essentially non-Sanskrit 
in their grammatical structure and their most important roots, and belong to the 
Turanian, not the Indo-European family. The dialects of most of the various 
mountain-tribes in Central and South India, as the Gonds, Khonds, etc., belong 
to the same stock, and perhaps some of those in North India ; and hence it has 
been supposed that these languages represent the language of the aboriginal 
inhabitants of India previous to the immigration of the Sanskrit-speaking Aryan 
tribes. See Dr. Caldwell's Drdvi&an Camp. Grammar.] 

* A learned Brahman of Dravira positively assures me, that the dialect of 
Malabar, though confounded by Europeans with the Tamel, is different from it, 
and is not the language to which Europeans have allotted that appellation. 


They have similarly corrupted the true name of the dialect 
into Tamul, Tamulic, and Tamulian, 1 but the word, as pro- 
nounced by the natives, is T&mla, or Timalah; and this seems 
to indicate a derivation from T&mra, or T£mraparnf , a river of 
note which waters the southern M&thura, situated within the 
limits of Dr&vira. The provincial dialect is written in a 
character which is greatly corrupted from the parent Deva- 
n&gari, but which nevertheless is used by the Br&hmans of 
Dr&vira in writing the Sanskrit language. After carefully 
inspecting a grammar published by Mr. Drummond at Bom- 
bay, and a dictionary by missionaries at Madras, I can 
venture to pronounce that the T&mla contains many Sanskrit 
words, either unaltered or little changed, with others more 
corrupted, and a still greater number of doubtful origin. 

The Mah&r&ahtra, or Mahr&tta, is the language of a nation 
which has in the present century greatly enlarged its ancient 
limits. If any inference may be drawn from the name of 
the character in which the language is written, the country 
occupied by this people was formerly called Muru;* for the 
peculiar corruption of the Devan£gari, [30] which is employed 
by the Mah&r&shtras in common transactions, is denomin- 
ated by them Mur. Their books, it must be remarked, 
are commonly written in Devan&gari. The Mahratta nation 
was formerly confined to a mountainous tract situated south 
of the river Narmadi, and extending to the province of Kok&n. 
Their language is now more widely spread, but is not yet 
become the vernacular dialect of provinces situated far beyond 
the ancient bounds of their country. Like other Indian 
tongues, it contains much pure Sanskrit, and more corruptions 
of that language, intermixed with words borrowed from Persian 

1 The Romish and Protestant missionaries who have published dictionaries 
and grammars of this dialect, refer to another language, which they denominate 
Orandam and Grandonicum. It appears that Sanskrit is meant, and the term 
thus corrupted by them is Grantha, a volume or book. [The Grantha character 
is used in Southern India for Sanskrit MSS.] 

* Mentioned in the royal grant preserved at a famous temple in Karnafa. See 
As. Res. vol. iii. p. 48. However, the Mahra((as themselves affirm, that the 
Muru character was introduced amongst them from the island of Silan. 


and Arabic, and with others derived from an unknown source. 
If the bards of Muru were once famous, their supposed suc- 
cessors, though less celebrated, are not less diligent. The 
Hahr&ttas possess many poems in their own dialect, either 
translated from the Sanskrit, or original compositions in honour 
of Krishna, B&ma, and other deified heroes. Treatises in 
prose, too, on subjects of logic and of philosophy, have been- 
composed in the Mahr&tta dialect. 

Karn&ta, or K&nara, is the ancient language of Karn&taka, 
a province which has given name to districts on both coasts 
of the peninsula. This dialect still prevails in the inter- 
mediate mountainous tract, but seems to be superseded by 
other provincial tongues on the eastern coast. A peculiar 
character formed from the Devan&gari, but, like the Tlmla, 
much corrupted from it through the practice of writing on 
palm leaves with an iron style, is called by the same name 
with the language of Karn&tak. Br&hmans of this tribe have 
assured me that the language bears the same affinity to 
Sanskrit as other dialects of the Dakhin. I can affirm, 
too, from their conversation, that the K&naras, like most 
other southern tribes, have not followed the ill example of 
Bengal and the provinces adjacent to it, in pro[31]nouncing 
the Sanskrit language in the same inelegant manner with 
their own provincial dialects. 

Tailanga, Telingah, or Tilanga, is at once the name of a 
nation, of its language, and of the character in which that 
language is written. Though the province of Telingfina alone 
retain the name in published maps of India, yet the adjacent 
provinces on either bank of the Krishna and God&vari, and 
those situated on the north-eastern coast of the peninsula, 
are undoubtedly comprehended within the ancient limits of 
Tilanga, and are inhabited chiefly by people of this tribe. 
The language, too, is widely spread : and many circumstances 
indicate that the Tailangas formerly occupied a very extensive 
tract, in which they still constitute the principal part of the 


population. The character in which they write their own 
language is taken from Devan&gari, and the Tailanga Brah- 
mans employ it in writing the Sanskrit tongue, from which 
the Tailanga idiom is said to have borrowed more largely than 
other dialects used in the south of India. This language 
appears to have been cultivated by poets, if not by prose 
.writers ; for the Tailangas possess many compositions in their 
own provincial dialect, some of which are said to record the 
ancient history of the country. 

The province of Gdrjara 1 does not appear to have been 
at any time much more extensive than the modern Guzrat, 
although Brahmanas, distinguished by the name of that 
country, be now spread over the adjoining provinces on both 
sides of the Narmada. This tribe uses a language denom- 
inated from their own appellation, but very nearly allied to 
the Hindi tongue, while the character in which it [32] is 
written conforms almost exactly with vulgar Nagari. Con- 
sidering the situation of their country, and the analogy of 
language and writing, I cannot hesitate in thinking that the 
Gurjaras should be considered as the fifth northern nation of 
India, and the Uriyas should be ranked among the tribes of 
the Dakhin. 

Brief and imperfect as is this account of the Prakrits of 
India, I must be still more concise in speaking of the lan- 
guages denominated Magadhi and Apabhransa in the passages 
quoted at the beginning of this essay. Under these names 
are comprehended all those dialects which, together with the 
Prakrits above-noticed, are generally known by the common 
appellation of Bhasha, or speech. This term, as employed by 
all philologists, from Panini down to the present professors 
of grammar, does indeed signify the popular dialect of San- 
skrit, in contradistinction to the obsolete dialect of the Veda ; 

1 The limits of Gtirjara, as here indicated, are too narrow. It seems to have 
been co-extensive with the ancient, rather than the modern Guzrat, and to hare 
included the whole, or the greatest part of Khandesh and Malwa. 


but in common acceptation, Bh&kh£ (for so the word is pro- 
nounced on the banks of the Ganges) denotes any of the modern 
vernacular dialects of India, especially such as are corrupted 
from the Sanskrit : these are very numerous. After excluding 
mountaineers, who are probably aborigines of India, and whose 
languages have certainly no affinity with Sanskrit, there yet 
remain in the mountains and islands contiguous to India 
many tribes that seem to be degenerate Hindus. They have 
certainly retained some traces of the language and writing 
which their ancestors had been taught to employ. 

Without passing the limits of Hindustan, it would be easy 
to collect a copious list of different dialects in the various 
provinces which are inhabited by the ten principal Hindu 
nations. The extensive region which is nearly defined by the 
banks of the Saraswati and Ganga on the north, and which is 
strictly limited by the shores of the [33] eastern and western 
seas towards the south, contains fifty-seven provinces accord- 
ing to some lists, and eighty-four according to others. Each 
of these provinces has its peculiar dialect, which appears, 
however, in most instances, to be a variety only of some one 
among the ten principal idioms. Thus Hindustani, which 
seems to be the lineal descendant of the X&nyakubja, comprises 
numerous dialects, from the Urdti Zab&n, or language of the 
royal camp and court, to the barbarous jargon which reciprocal 
mistakes have introduced among European gentlemen and 
their native servants. The same tongue, under its more ap- 
propriate denomination of Hindi, comprehends many dialects 
strictly local and provincial. They differ in the proportion 
of Arabic, Persian, and Sanskrit, either pure or slightly 
corrupted, which they contain ; and some shades of difference 
may be also found in the pronunciation, and even in the basis 
of each dialect. 

Not being sufficiently conversant with all these idioms, I 
shall only mention two, which are well known, because lyric 
poets have employed them in songs that are still the delight 



of natives of all ranks. I allude to the Panj&b( and to the 
Brij-bh&kh&. The first is the language of Panchanada, or 
Panj&b, a province watered by the five celebrated rivers which 
fall into the Sindhu. The songs entitled Khe&ls and Tappas, 
which are no doubt familiar to all who have a taste for the 
vocal music of India, are composed almost exclusively in this 
dialect ; as the Dhiirpads and regular R&gs are Hindi ; and 
Rekhtah, 1 in the language of the court of Hindust&n. 

The Brij-bh&kh&, or Vraja Bh&sh&, is the dialect supposed 
to have been anciently spoken among the peasants [34] in the 
neighbourhood of MathurA. It derives its name from the 
cow-pens (vrqja) and dairies in the forest of Vrindd, where 
Krishna was educated among the wives and daughters of the 
cowherds. His amorous adventures with R&dhd and the 
Gopis furnish the subject of many favourite songs in this 
dialect. It is still spoken with much purity throughout a 
great part of the Antarbed or Do&b, and in some districts on 
the opposite banks of the Yamun& and Gangfi. 

To these cursory observations might be fitly added a speci- 
men of each language, and of the character in which it is 
written, together with a list of the most common terms in the 
various dialects of India, compared with words of similar 
sound and import in the ancient languages of Europe. I 
have, indeed, made collections for this purpose: but the in- 
sertion of a copious list would exceed the limits of a desultory 
essay. For this reason, and because the collection is yet 
incomplete, I suppress it: and shall here close the present 
essay abruptly, with the intention of resuming the subject, 
should the further prosecution of these inquiries at any future 
time enable me to furnish the information called for by this 
Society, concerning the number of Hindavi dialects, and the 
countries where they are spoken. 

1 The author of the Tazlcirah Shua'ra Hind explains Rekhtah as signifying a 
poetry composed in the language of the royal court of Hindustan, hut in the 
style and metre of Persian poetry. 




[Calcutta, 1805. Folio.] 

[35] Hating accepted an honourable nomination to the post 
of Professor of the Sanskrit Language in the College of Fort 
William, early after the foundation of that useful institution, 
I felt it incumbent on me to furnish, through the press, the 
means of studying a language, which it was my duty to make 
known, but on which I had no intention of delivering oral 

Among other undertakings adapted to this purpose, the 
publication of a Sanskrit Grammar was commenced, which 
was first intended to be brief and elementary, but of which the 
design has been enlarged in its progress. As the entire work 
will exceed the bounds of a single volume, a convenient break 
has been chosen to close the first, and a few remarks will be 
now prefixed to it, since a considerable time may elapse before 
the second volume be completed. I have the less scruple, in 
pausing upon this work, to devote my attention to other 
duties, because the deficient part of it may be supplied by the 
grammars which Mr. Forster and Mr. Carey will severally 

In the composition of this grammar, I have followed the 
system taught by writers, whose works are considered by the 
vol. in. [nam n.] 3 


prevailing sects of Hindus to be sacred, and to form an appen- 
dage of their scriptures. My reasons for preferring these to 
the popular or profane treatises on Grammar, were stated in 
an essay on the Sanskrit lan[36]guage inserted in the seventh 
volume of the Asiatic Researches. 1 I adhere to the opinion 
there expressed. The sacred grammar has been more culti- 
vated, its agreement with ancient writings and classical 
authors has been more carefully verified, than any other 
grammar of the language : it is more usually cited, and more 
generally understood : and, as finally corrected by a long train 
of commentators, it is more accurate and complete. 

The arrangement, indeed, is ill-adapted to facilitate study ; 
both in the original work and in the numerous illustrations of 
it. But I thought it practicable to frame a grammar upon 
the same system, which should be easily intelligible to the 
English student of Sanskrit. Without believing that I have 
succeeded, I still think it to be practicable : and the difficulties 
which may be experienced in the following pages will in 
general be found owing merely to the want of examples; 
which have been omitted, under the apprehension of rendering 
the work too voluminous. 

An improvement which has been recently effected in the 
types of the Ndgari character, by reducing their size, without 
diminishing their distinctness, has removed the objection to 
ample illustrations by examples : and, if this work should be 
reprinted, examples of every rule will accordingly be inserted ; 
and, at all events, they will be retained in the second volume 
of this grammar. 

On the same supposition of a new edition of this first volume, 
I should be desirous of altering some of the terms adopted by 
me in place of technical words in Sanskrit grammar. An 
unwillingness to coin new words in English led me to use 
some expressions, which are not sufficiently precise; others 
were selected by me, not anticipating objections to their use, 

' See page [16] of the present volume. 


which have since occurred: and, in some instances, I have 
inadvertently changed an appropriate term for one less suit- 
able. The most material [87] intended changes are men- 
tioned in the margin ; l and the reader is requested to notice 

I shall be likewise glad to have ait opportunity of inserting 
the original roles of Sanskrit Grammar. They are usually 
committed to memory by native students of the language ; 
and are cited by Sanskrit authors, in words, and not by re- 
ference to their place or their import. The knowledge of them 
is, therefore, material to the student of Sanskrit : and they 
are framed, like the aphorisms of other sciences among the 
Hindus, with studied and ingenious brevity. 

The author of these grammatical aphorisms is P&nini. 
His rules, with the annotations of K&y&yana entitled V&rt- 
tikas, confirmed or corrected by Patanjali in the Mah&bh&shya, 
constitute the standard of Sanskrit gram[38]mar. From the 
three saints, as Hindu grammarians affect to call them, there 
is no appeal. Other authorities may be admitted, where they 
are silent : but a deviation even by a classical or an ancient 
writer, from a rule in which they concur, is deemed either a 
poetical licence or a privileged barbarism. 

1 Letters, added by Sanskrit grammarians, aa markfl, bat which are not 
sounded, nor retained in the inflections, are.called by them Anvbandha or It ; 
which, in this grammar, has been translated mute; bnt the circumstance of such 
Towels being accented, leads to the inconsistency of speaking of accented mute 
Towels. They would be better designated by the word indicatory. 

A class of derivative verbs, which in a former treatise I denominated Frequenter 
tims, has been here named Intensive*. On consideration, I revert to the first- 
mentioned term. 

Under the head of tenses, I have used the word Aorist to signify indefinite in 
respect to a species of time, instead of indefinite as to time in general ; the name 
of Remote pott is not sufficiently descriptive of the import of the tense to which 
it has been assigned ; and several others are open to similar remark : I wish 
therefore to change the names of the tenses, according to the following scheme : 

1. Present 6. Aorist 1st (Imperative, etc.). 

2. Preterite unperceived (Remote 6. Pridian past (Absolute past). 

past). 7. Aorist 2nd (Imperative, etc). 

3. Grastine future (Absolute future). S. Indefinite past (Aorist past). 

4. Ttwfaflnitg future (Aorist future). 9. Conditional (Conditional future). 


The works of these sacred writers, with the notes of Kaiy- 
yata on the Mah&bh&shya* interpreted by his scholiasts, and 
more especially the perpetual commentary of Y&mana on 
P&nini's aphorisms, under the title of K&sikfi, Yritti, eluci- 
dated by the copious annotations of Haradatta Misra in the 
Padamanjari, are the basis of the grammar here printed. 
The Siddh&nta Kaumudi, and Manorami, of Bhatfoji, with 
their commentaries, have been frequently consulted by me. 
Much use has also been made of the Prakriy& Kaumudi, with 
its commentaries, the Pras&da and Tattwa Chandra: and I 
have continually referred to Maitreya, M&dhava, Yopadeva, 
and the other interpreters of Sanskrit roots. A reader, who 
may be desirous of verifying my authorities, should be ap- 
prized, that the K&sik& Yritti, Siddh&nta Kaumudi, and 
M&dhaviya Yritti have been my chief guides : and that others, 
besides the books enumerated, have been occasionally con- 
sulted; as the Ganaratna Mahodadhi, the Yritti Sangraha, 
and the commentators of the Paribh&sh&s; and sometimes, 
though rarely, the popular grammars. 

For the information of the Sanskrit student, a list of these 
and other grammatical works will be subjoined, including 
many treatises which have not been used for this grammar ; 
but none, which I do not know to be extant; and few, of 
which I do not actually possess complete copies. The list 
might have been greatly enlarged by adding the names of 
books quoted by undoubted authorities: and I shall only 
remark, in regard to such works, that the earliest [39] gram- 
marians are expressly stated by Yopadeva to have been 
Indra, Chandra, K&sakritsna, ^pisali, Sakat&yana, P&nini, 
Amara, and Jainendra. Among these P&nini remains; and 
some of the others : perhaps all. 

The authorities, which have been mentioned by me, as 
generally followed in this grammar, differ materially in their 
arrangement. I have been guided sometimes by otfe, some- 
times by another, as seemed best adapted to the two objects 


proposed, conciseness and perspicuity.' I am apprehensive, 
that, in the pursuit of both objects, one has frequently been 
missed. It was, however, with the view of compressing much 
grammatical information in a small compass, that paradigmas 
have been multiplied, but exhibited in a succinct form ; and 
that general rules only are usually inserted in the text, while 
exceptions and special rules are placed in the notes. 

I have admitted no remarks on general grammar, though 
suggested by the numerous peculiarities of Sanskrit. These, 
with the observations which occur on a comparison of the 
ancient language of India with those of Europe, are deferred 
until the completion of the work. 

In the mean time, one singularity of the Sanskrit language 
may be noticed : its admitting both the ancient and the modern 
systems of grammatical structure. It abounds in inflections 
for cases and genders ; tenses and persons : and it also admits 
a simple construction of indeclinable nouns with prepositions, 
and of participles with auxiliary verbs. 

This remark anticipates on a part of the grammar reserved 
for the second volume, in which composition and syntax will 
be explained, with other matters indicated in the note sub- 
joined to the table of contents of the first volume. 




[40] Siitra by P&nini : rales of grammar in eight books entitled 
Ashfddhydya; comprising 3996 aphorisms. 1 

Vdrttika by X£tyayana, amending or explaining P&nini's roles. 

Mahdbhdthya by Patanjali, interpreting or correcting Katy&yana's 

Mahdbhdshya Pradipa by Kaiyyata, annotating Fatanjali's gloss. 

Bhdshya Pradipodyota by Nagojf Bhafta, commenting on Kaiyyafa's 

Bhdshya Pradipa Vivarana by Tswarananda : another commentary 
on Kaiyya{a's notes. 

Kdiihd Vritti by Jayaditya or Yamana Jay&ditya; a perpetual 
commentary on Pdnini's rules. 

Padamanjari by Haradatta Misra : an exposition of the last-men- 
tioned work. 

Nyasa or Kdsikd Vfitti Panjikd by Jinendra : another exposition of 
the same,* with explanatory notes by Rakshita. 

Vritti Sangraha by Nagojf Bhafta: a concise commentary on Pdnini. 

Bhdshd Vritti by Purushottama Deva : a commentary on P&nini's 
rules (omitting those which are peculiar to the dialect of the 
Vedas). [41] 

Bhdshd Vfittyartha Vivpitti by Srishtidharaj explaining Puru- 
shottama' s commentary. 

S'abda Kaustubha by Bhattojf D&shita, consisting of scholia on 
Panini (left incomplete by the author), 

1 [Edited in Calcutta with a Comm., a.d. 1809, and again by Bohtlingk, 
Bonn, 1839.] 

* I state this with some distrust, not haying yet seen the book. The Nyasa is 
universally cited; and the Bodhinyasa is frequently so. Vopadeva'e Kavya 
Kamadhenu quotes the Nyasa of Jinendra and that of Jinendra Buddhl. [Ci 
Prof. Aufrecht's Bodl. Cat., pp. 118a, 176a, 161$, 170a.] 


Prahhd by Baidyandtha Payagunda, also named Balambhafta; a 

commentary on the Sabda Kaustubha. 
Prahriyd Kaumudi by Bamachandra Acharya : a grammar in which 

Pacini's roles are used, bnt bis arrangement changed. 
Pratdda by Yifthala Acharya; a commentary on the Prahriyd 

Taitwa Chandra by Jayanta: another commentary on the same, 

abridged from one by Krishna PanoUta. 
Siddhdnta Kaumudi by Bhaftoji Dfkshita : a grammar on the plan 

of the Prahriyd ; but more correct and complete. 1 
Manor amd or Praudha Manor amd by the same author ; containing 

notes on his own work.* 
Tattwa Bodhinibj Jnanendra Saraswati : a commentary on Bhaftoji's 

Siddhdnta Kaumudi.* 
&abdendu S'ekhara by Nagesa Bhatt& (same with N6gojf Bhafta) : 

another commentary on the SiddMnta Kaumudi. 1 
Laghu S'abdendu S'tkhara : an abridgment of the last 
Chidasthimdld by Baidyan&tha Payagunda: a commentary on the 

abridged gloss of Nage£a. 
Sabdaratna by Hari Dfkshita : a commentary on Bhattoji's notes 

on the Manoramd. 
Laghu S'abdaratna : an abridgment of the same. 
Bhdva Prakdtikd by Baidyan&tha Payagunda: an exposition of 

Hari Dfkshita's commentary. 
Madhya Kaumudi by Barada Raja : an abridgment of the Siddhdnta 

Kaumudi. There is also a Madhya Ma[42~\noramd ; besides other 

abridgments of the Siddhdnta itself, as the Laghu Kaumudi, 6 etc. 
Paribhdshd: maxims of interpretation from ancient grammarians, 

cited in the Vdrttikas and Bhdshya, as rules for interpreting 

Pdnini's Sutra*. 
Paribhdshd Vritti by Sfcra Deva: a commentary on the cited maxims 

of interpretation. 
Laghu Paribhdshd Vritti by Bh£skara Bhafta : a succinct commen- 
tary on the same. 
Paribhdihdrtha Sangraha : another commentary on the same. 

1 [Edited in Calcutta, 1811, 1863, and 1870 ; in Bombay, 1866; and in Madras, 
1858.] > [Benares, 1868.] * [Benares, 1863.] 

* [Benares, 1865.] • [Edited and translated by Ballantyne, 1849, 1867.] 


Chandrikd by Swayamprak&£4nanda: interpreting the last-mentioned 

Paribhdshendu Sekhara by Nagesa Bhafta: a brief exposition of the 
same maxims. 1 

Parihhdshendu Sekhara Kdiika by Baidyan&tha Pdyagunda, com- 
menting the gloss of Nagesa. 

Kdrikd: metrical roles of grammar, cited in the Mahdbhdthya, 
Kdiikd Fritti, etc. 

Vdkya Pradipa* by Bhartrihari: metrical maxims chiefly on the 
philosophy of syntax. These are often cited under the name of 

Vaiydkarana Bhushana by Konda Bhafta: on syntax and the 
philosophy of grammatical structure.' 

Bhushana Sdra Darpana by Hariballabha: a commentary on the 
work last mentioned. 

Vaiydkarana Bhushana Sdra : an abridgment of the same work. 

Laghu BhiiBhana Kdnti by Baidyanatha Pdyaguitda : a commentary 
on that abridgment 

Vaiydkarana Siddhdnta Manjushd by N&gesa Bhafta: on syntax 
and the philosophy of grammatical structure. 

Laghu Vaiydkarana Siddhdnta Manjushd: an abridgment of the 
same. [43] 

Kald by Baidyan&tha Pdyagunda : a commentary on the last-men- 
tioned abridgment. 
Other treatises on construction logically considered, which 

are very numerous, are omitted as belonging more properly to 

the science of logic. 

Oanapdtha : lists of words comprehended in rules of grammar, under 
general classes. 

Oanaratna Mahodadhi: a collection of such lists, with a commentary. 

jDhdtupdfha by P&nini : the roots or themes systematically arranged, 
with their indicatory letters and their interpretations. 

Dhdtupradipa or Tantrapradipa by Maitreya Bakshita: an illus- 
tration of the list of roots, with examples of their inflections. 

1 [Benares, 1864; also edited and translated by Kielhorn, Bombay, 1870.] 
* [Or rather Vakyapadiya.] 

3 [Printed with Hariballabha' s Comm. at Benares, 1866. The Bhushana 
Sdra was printed at Calcutta, 1849.] 


Mddhavlya Vfitti by Sayana Xch&rya, in the name of Madhava 
Acharya : a copious exposition of the roots with their derivatives. 1 
The Bhaffi Kdvya, a poem describing the adventures of Rama, may 
be considered as a grammatical work, having been purposely 
written for a practical instruction on grammar. It has several 
The Sttshtf of Panini and Nirukta of Yaska, with the commentaries 
on the Nighanfa included in the last, are there omitted, as they 
are of little use, except in the reading of the Vedas. Treatises 
on particular branches of etymology are also omitted, as not very 
generally consulted. Such is the Tan Luganta 8'iromani on the 
formation of frequentative verbs. 

Numerous other works, belonging to this grammar, have not been 
ascertained to be extant, being at present known only through 
quotations from them: as the Pdninkya Mata Darpana quoted in the 
Prasdda ; and many others cited in the Mddhaviya Vritti. [44] 

The following belong to other Systems of Grammar. 

Sdratwati Prakrit/ d by Anubhuti Swarupaoharya : a grammar 
founded on seven hundred rules or aphorisms, pretended to 
have been received by the author from the goddess Saraswatf. 
This grammar is much used in Hindustan proper. 4 

A commentary on the same by Punjaraja. , 

Another by Mabibhatta. 

Siddhdnta Chandrikd : another commentary on the same grammar. 

Pada Chandrikd: another, in which Panini's aphorisms are also 

Eaimavydkarana by Hemachandra or Hemasuri. A Sanskrit gram- 
mar is cited under this title, which is probably the same with 
Hemachandra's commentary on the tfalddmridsatia, entitled 
Laghu Vfitti; comprised in eight books, including in the last 
the anomalies of the Prakrit language as derived from the 
Sanskrit. (The Kdmadhenu cites a 8 'abddnutdsana by Abhinava 

1 fWestergaaid's Radices lingua Sanscrita, app.] 

* [Calcutta, 1828, with two commentaries.] 

> [On 8'ikahft and 8'iksha, cf. Muller's Ane. Sanskrit Lit., p. 113.] 

* [This has been twice printed at Bombay, with a oomm.] 


Sakat&yana besides Hemasuri's work.) This grammar is used by 

the Jainas. 
A commentary, without the author's name, is annexed to Hema- 

chandra's grammar. 
Prdkrita Manor amd: an abridged commentary on the Prdkrita 

Chandrilcd of Yararuchi; showing the anomalies of Prakrit 

formed from Sanskrit. 1 

Kdtantra or Kaldpa : a grammar, of which the rules or aphorisms 
are ascribed to the god Kumara. It is much used in Bengal. 

Bawrgasinhi : a commentary on the above by Durgasinha; but 
stated in the introductory couplet to be the work of Sarva 
Yarman, who is accordingly cited in Yopadeva's Kdmadhmu. [45] 

Kdtantra Vritti l\kd by Durgasinha : an exposition of the above- 
mentioned commentary. (The Kdmadhenu quotes the Durga Ttkd 
of Durgagupta, and the Kdtantra Vutdra of Yardhamana Mi£ra.) 

Kdtantra Panjikd by Trilochanadasa : a commentary on the same 

Kaldpa Tattwdrnava by Eaghunandana Acharya Slromani: another 
commentary on the same grammar. 

Kdtantra Chandrilcd : another commentary on the same. 

Chaitrakkfi by Yararuchi : another on the same. 

Vydhhyd Sdra by Harirama Chakravartf : another commentary. 

Vydhhyd Sdra by BamadaBa : another, under the same title. 

Other commentaries on the same grammar by Sushena Kaviraja, 
Ramana'tha, Umapati, Kulachandra, and Murari. 

Kdtantra Pariiishfa by SWpatidatta : a supplement to the Kdtantra. 

PariSishfa Prabodha by Gopf natha : a commentary on the above. 

Pariiuhta Siddhdnta Ratndkara by Sttvaritma Chakravartf : another 
on the same. 

Kdtantra Gana Dhdtu ; the roots or themes systematically arranged 
for the Kdtantra. 

Manoramdbj Raman&tha : a commentary on that list of verbs. 

Many other treatises belong to this grammar; as the Kdtantra 
Shafhdraha by Rahasanandf,* the Kdtantra Unddi Vritti by 
Stfvadasa, the Kdtantra Chatushfaya Pradipa, Kdtantra Dhdtu- 
ghoshd, Kdtantra S'abda Mdld, etc. 

1 [London, 1864.] * [Haherfanandf P Ind. Off. Libr. MS.] 


Smhhiptagdra by Ejamadf swara : a grammar, corrected by 
Jumaranandf and often cited under the title of Jmmmra. This 
grammar is in use in Bengal [46] 

A commentary on the above, by Goyfchandra. 

Vgdkdra Liptkd by Nyaya Panchanana: an exposition of Goyf- 
chandra's commentary. 

Another exposition of the same commentary by Vansf vadana. 

Durghafa Ohafana : another commentary on the SunJkMpUudra. 

Other commentaries on the same grammar, by different authors, as 
Gopala Chakravartf , etc. 

A supplement to Jumaranandf a corrections of the SankMpUudra 
by Goyfchandra. 

Other treatises appertain to this grammar, as S>abdagho$hd f Dhdtu- 
gkoshd, etc 

Mugdkabodha by Vopadeva : a grammar of the Sanskrit language, 
much studied in Bengal. 1 

A commentary by the author of the grammar. 

Another by Durgadasa, entitled Subodhink. 

One by Misra, entitled Chhdfd. 

Other commentaries by Bamananda, Rama Tarkav&gfsa, Ma- 
dhusudana, Devfdisa, Bamabhadra, Bamapras^da Tarkavagfsa, 
SHballahhacharya, Day&rama V&chaspati, Bholan&tha, Eartika 
Siddhanta, Batikanta Tarkavdgfsa, Govinda Bama, etc. 

Jfngdhabodha PariHshfa by Ka&swara : a supplement to the Mug- 

Another by Nandakisora. 

Kavikalpadruma by Vopadeva : an alphabetical catalogue of roots, 
arranged in verse. 

Kdvya Kdmadhenu by the same author, explaining his own list of 

Bhdtu Dipikd by Durg&dasa : a commentary on the same catalogue 
of verbs. [47] 

Kavikalpadruma Vydhhyd by B&ma Ky&yalankara : another com- 
mentary on the same. 

Dhdtwratndvdli by Bldhakrishna : a metrical catalogue of roots. 
1 [Often printed in Calcutta; with Durg&dana's Comm., 1863.] 


ITavtrahasya by HaMyndha: exhibiting in verse examples of the 

most common verbs. 
A commentary on the Bame. 

Supadma by Padman&bha Datta : a grammar of Sanskrit. It is in 

nse in some parts of Bengal. 
Supadma Makaranda, or Makaranda: a commentary on the above, 

by Vishnu Midra. 
Other commentaries by various authors: as Kandarpa Siddhanta, 

Ka&s'wara, Sfrfdhara Chakravarti, Ramachandra, etc. 
Supadma Pari6ish{a : a supplement to the grammar. 
Supadma Dhdtupdfha by Padmanabha Datta: a list of themes or 

roots for the author's grammar, called Supadma. The same 

author added other appendages to his grammar, viz., Paribhdshd 

and Unddivrttti. 
Other treatises belong to this grammar; as the Kdto&warl Gam, and 

its commentary by Ramakanta. 

Ratnamdld by Purushottama : a grammar used in KdmarLpa. 

Druta Bodha by Bharatamalla : a grammar, with a commentary on it 
by the same author* This and the following are not much in use. 

Sudkdiubodha * by R&mesVara : another grammar with a commen- 
tary by the author himself. 

Harindmdmrita by Jfvaghosha Swami: another, with a commen- 
tary. [48] 

Chaikwydmrita : another, also accompanied by a commentary. 

Kdrikdvali by Kama Narayana : a grammar in verse. 

Prabodha Prakd&a by Balarama Panohanana : a grammar. 

Eupamdla by Vimala Saraswati : another grammar. 

Jndndmfita by Ka&£wara : another. 

Ahibodha, Zaghubodha, S'tghrabodha, Sdrdmrfta, Divya, Paddvali, 
Ulkd ; and many other grammars by various authors. 

Besides VararuchTs Prdkrita PrakdSa or Chandrikd, and 
Bhamaha's commentary entitled Manoramd Vritti before 
mentioned, other grammars of Prakrit are known: as the 
Prdkrita Kdmadhenu, Prdkrita Lanke&wara, etc. 

* [S'uddM-, India Office Libr. MS.] 


Authorities of Sanskrit grammar, cited in books which have 
been used for the present volume, but not otherwise known, 
nor in any manner ascertained to be now extant, have been 
excluded from the foregoing list. Many of them could not be 
confidently referred to any particular system of grammar; 
and, in numerous instances, a doubt arises, whether the same 
work be not quoted under different names, in different places : 
sometimes, under the title of the book ; at other times, under 
the designation of the author. A few of these names, which 
occur most frequently, will be here enumerated, with a notice 
of the authority by which they are quoted. 

Panini himself names §&kalya, G&rgya, K&syapa, G&lava, 
Apisali, S&kat&yana, Bh&radw&ja, i&wal&yana, 1 Sphot&yana, 
and Chakravarmana. 

The Mddhaviya Vritti quotes, among many other authors, 
Chandra, ^pisali, &&katayana, Atreya, Dhanap&la, Kausika, 
Purushakdra, Sudh&kara, [49] Madhusudana, Y&dava, 
Bh&guri, Sribhadra, Sivadeva, B&madeva Misra, Deva, 
Nandi, R&ma, Bhima, Bhoja, Hel&r&ja, Subhuti Chandra, 
Puma Chandra, Yajnan&r&yana, Kanwa, Sw&mi, Kesava 
Sw&mi, &iva Sw&mi, Dhurta Sw&mi, Kshira Sw&mi (this last is 
cited in the Prasdda as author of the Kshira Taranginl). The 
Mddkaviya likewise frequently cites the Tarangini, A'bharana, 
Sdbdikdbharana, Samantd, Prakriyd Ratna and Pratipa. 

The Vdrttikax of Vy&ghra Bhuti and Vy&ghra P&da are 
mentioned by many authors ; and so is the Dhdtu Pdrdyana. 
Vopadeva, in the Kdmadhenu, has quoted the Panjikd Pra- 
dipa of Kusala (belonging perhaps to the grammar called 
Kdtantra;) and the Saraswati Kanthdbharana (ascribed by 
some to Bhoja Deva). The Prasdda often cites the Rdmavyd- 
karana, and seems to name Yopadeva as the author of it. 

The following are, among others, noticed in the Dhdtu 
Dipikd of Durg&d&sa, viz. Bhattamalla, Govinda Bhatfa, 
Chaturbhuja, Gadisinha, Govardhana, and Saranadeva. 

i [SenakaPcf. £tt. v. 4, 112.] 





[Calcutta, 1808. 4to.] 

[50] The compilation of a Sanskrit dictionary haying been 
undertaken early after the institution of the College of Fort 
William, it was at the same time thought advisable to print, 
in Sanskrit and English, the work which has been chosen for 
the basis of that compilation, as well for the sake of exhibiting 
an original authority to which reference will be frequently 
necessary, as with the view of furnishing an useful vocabulary, 
which might serve until an ampler dictionary could be pre- 
pared and published. 

The celebrated Amara Kosha, or Vocabulary of Sanskrit 
by Amara Sinha, is, by the unanimous suffrage of the learned, 
the best guide to the acceptations of nouns in Sanskrit. The 
work of P&nini on etymology is rivalled by other grammars, 
some of which have even obtained the preference in the opinion 
of the learned of particular provinces ; but Amara's vocabu- 
lary has prevailed wherever the Sanskrit language is cultivated, 
and the numerous other vocabularies which remain, are con- 
sulted only where Amara's is either silent or defective. It 
has employed the industry of innumerable commentators, 
while none of the others (with the single exception of Hema- 
ehandra's) have been interpreted even by one annotator. Such 
decided preference for the Amara Kosha, and the consequent 
frequency of quotations from it, determined the selection of 

1 [Cf. Wilson's Essays, vol. v. pp. 168-252, " Preface to the Sana. Diet 1819."] 


this as the basis of an alphabetical dictionary, and sug-[51] 
gested the expediency of also publishing the original text with 
an English interpretation. 

lake other vocabularies of Sanskrit, that of Amara is in 
metre ; and a considerable degree of knowledge of the language 
becomes requisite to discriminate the words from their inter- 
pretations, and to separate them from contiguous terms which 
affect their initials and finals. On this account, and to adapt 
the work to the use of the English student, the words, of 
which the sense is exhibited, are disjoined from their inter- 
pretation (which is included between crotchets) ; and the close 
of each word is marked by a roman letter over it indicating 
the gender of the noun. Where a letter has been permuted 
according to the Sanskrit system of orthography, a dot is 
placed under the line, to intimate that a letter is there altered 
or omitted; and a marginal note is added, exhibiting the 
radical final of the noun, or its initial, in every instance where 
either of them is so far disguised by permutation as not to be 
easily recognized upon a slight knowledge of the rudiments of 
the language, and of its orthography. An explanation in 
English is given in the margin, and completed when necessary 
at the foot of the page. The different interpretations proposed 
by the several commentators, and the variations in orthogra- 
phy remarked by them, are also specified in the same place. 

According to the original plan of the present publication, 
the variations in the reading of the text (for which a careful 
collation has been made of several copies and of numerous 
commentaries) are noticed only where they affect the inter- 
pretation of a word or its orthography. It was not at first 
intended to insert those differences which are remarked by 
commentators upon other authority, and not upon the ground 
of any variation in the text itself. However, the utility of 
indicating such differences was after [52] wards thought to 
counterbalance any inconvenience attending it; and after 
some progress had been made at the press, this and other 


additions to the original design were admitted, which have 
rendered a supplement necessary to supply omissions in the 
first chapters, and complete the work upon an uniform plan. 

To avoid too great an increase of the volume, the various 
readings and interpretations are rather hinted than fully set 
forth : it has been judged sufficient to state the result, as the 
notes would have been too much lengthened, if the ground of 
disagreement had been everywhere exhibited and explained. 
For the same reason, authorities have not been cited by name. 
The mention of the particular commentator in each instance 
would have enlarged the notes, with very little advantage, as 
the means of verifying authorities are as effectually furnished 
by an enumeration of the works which have been employed 
and consulted. They are as follows : 

I. — The text of the Amara Kosha. 

This vocabulary, comprised in three books, is frequently 
cited under the title of Trik&nda, 1 sometimes under the deno- 
mination of Abhidh&na (nouns), from its subject ; often under 
that of Amara Kosha, from the name of the author. The 
commentators are indeed unanimous in ascribing it to Amara 
Sinha. He appears to have belonged to the sect of Buddha 
(though this be denied by some of his scholiasts), and is re- 
puted to have lived in the reign of Vikram&ditya ; and he 
is expressly named among the [53] ornaments of the court 
of Rdjd Bhoja,* one of the many princes to whom that title 
has been assigned. If this mention of him be accurate, he 
must have lived not more than eight hundred years ago ; 
for a poem entitled Subh&shita Batna Sandoha, by a Jaina 
author named Amitagati, is dated in the year 1050 from the 

1 i.e. the Three Books. But that name properly appertains to a more ancient 
Yocabulary, which is mentioned by the commentaries on the Amara Kosha, among 
the works from which this is supposed to have been compiled. 

* In the Bhoja Prabandha. [On this romance cf. Wilson, Essay*, vol. v. 
pp. 168-177. Prof. Aufrecht, Bodl. Cat., p. 161, places the author Ballala at the 
end of the sixteenth century .J 


death of Vikram&ditya, and in the reign of Munja, who was 
uncle and predecessor of R&j& Bhoja. It, however, appears 
inconsistent with the inscription at Buddha Gay& 1 which is 
dated in the year 1005 of the era of Vikram&ditya, and in 
which mention is made of Amara Deva, probably the same 
with the author of the vocabulary. From the frequent in- 
stances of anachronism, both in sacred and profane story as 
current among the Hindus, more confidence seems due to the 
inscription than to any popular tales concerning R&ja- Bhoja ; 
and the Amara Kosba may be considered as at least nine 
hundred years old, and possibly more ancient. 2 

It is intimated in the author's own preface that the work 
was compiled from more ancient vocabularies : 3 his commen- 
tators instance the Trik&nda, 4 TTtp&lini, Rabhasa and K&ty&- 
yana, as furnishing information on the nouns, and Vy&di and 
Yararuchi on the genders. The last mentioned of these 
authors is reputed contemporary with Vikram&ditya, and con- 
sequently with Amara Sinha himself. 

The copies of the orignal which have been employed in the 
correction of the text, in the present publication, are, 

1st. A transcript made for my use from an ancient cor- 
rected copy in the Tirhutiya character, and collated by me 
with a copy in Devan&gari, which had been carefully examined 
by Sir William Jones. He had inserted in it [54] an English 
interpretation, of which also I reserved a copy, and have 
derived great assistance from it in the present publication. 

2nd. A transcript in Devan&gari character, with a commen- 
tary and notes in the K&nara dialect. It contains numerous 
passages, which are unnoticed in the most approved commen- 
taries, and which are accordingly omitted in the present edition. 

3rd. Another copy in the Devan&gari character, with a 
brief and imperfect interpretation in Hindi. 

1 [As. Researches, i. 284.] * [Cf. p. [17], supra.'] 

* [For S'arfwata's Ndndrthakotka cf. Aufrecht's Bodl. Cat. p. 182.] 

4 See a preceding note. 

TOL. III. [B&4AY8 II.] 4 


4th. A copy in the Bengal character, with marginal notes 
explanatory of the text. 

5th. A copy in duplicate, accompanied by a Sanskrit com- 
mentary, which will be forthwith mentioned (that of R&m&s- 
rama). It contains a few passages not noticed by most of the 
commentators. They have been, however, retained on the 
authority of this scholiast. A like remark is applicable to 
certain other passages expounded in some commentaries, but 
not in others. All such have been retained, where the au- 
thority itself has been deemed good. 

6th. Recourse has been occasionally had to other copies 
of the text in the possession of natives, whenever it has been 
thought any ways requisite. 

II. — Commentaries on the Amara Kosha. 

1. At the head of the commentaries which have been used, 
must be placed that of R&ya Mukuta (or Yrihaspati, surnamed 
R&ya Mukuta Mani). This work, entitled PadachandrikA, 
was compiled, as the author himself informs us, from sixteen 
earlier commentaries, to many of which he repeatedly refers ; 
especially those of Kshira Sw&mi, Subhuti, Hadda Chandra, 
Kalinga, Kon[55]ka(a, Sarvadhara, and the Yy&khy&mrita, 
Tik&sarvaswa, etc. 1 

Its age is ascertained from the incidental mention of a date, 
viz. 1353 S&ka, or 4532 of the Kali Yuga, corresponding to 
A.D. 1431. 

Though the derivations in Mukuta's commentary be often in- 
accurate, and other errors also have been remarked by later com- 
pilers, its authority is in general great ; and accordingly it has 
been carefully consulted under every article of the present work. 

2. Among the earlier commentaries named by R&ya Mu- 

1 The following mimes may be selected from Mukuta's quotations, to complete 
the number of sixteen: Mddhavl, Madhu Mddhavi, Sarvdnanda, Abhintnda, 
B&jadeya, Govardhana, Draviga, Bhojaraja. But some of these appear to be 
separate works, rather than commentaries on the Amara Kosha. Mukuta occa- 
sionally cites the most celebrated grammarians, as Panini, Jayaditya, Jinendra, 
Maitreya, ftakshita, Furushottama, Madhava, etc. 


kuta, that of Kshira Sw6mi is the only one, which has been 
examined in the progress of this compilation. It is a work 
of considerable merit; and is still in general use in some 
provinces of India, although the interpretations not unfre- 
quently differ from those commonly received, 

3. The VyakhyasudhA, a modern commentary by R&m&s- 
rama or by Bh&nudikshita (for eopies differ as to the name 
of the author), is the work of a grammarian of the school of 
Benares* 1 He continually refers to R&ya Mukuta and to 
Sw&mi ; and his work serves to confirm their scholia where 
accurate, and to correct them where erroneous* It has been 
consulted at every line. 

4. The Vy&khyi Pradipa, by Achyuta Up&dhy&ya, is a 
concise and accurate exposition of the text ; but adds little to 
the information furnished by the works above mentioned. It 
has been, however, occasionally consulted. 

In these four commentaries, the derivations are given [56] 
according to PaninPs system. In others, which are next to be 
enumerated, various popular grammars are followed for the 
etymologies. But, as the derivations of the words are not 
included in the plan of the present work, being reserved for a 
place in the intended alphabetical dictionary of Sanskrit, those 
commentaries have not been the less useful in regard to the 
information which was sought in them. 

5. The commentary of Bharata Malla (entitled Mugdha- 
bodhini) has been as regularly consulted as those of Mukuta 
and R&masrama. It is, indeed, a very excellent work; copious 
and clear, and particularly full upon the variations of ortho- 
graphy according to different readings or different authorities : 
the etymologies are given conformably with Yopadeva's system 
of grammar. The &uthor flourished in the middle of last 

6. The S&ra Sundari, by Mathuresa, has been much used. 
It is perspicuous and abounds in quotations from other com- 

1 [Cf. Prof. Aufrecht, Bodl. Cat. pi 182, a.] 


mentaries, and is therefore a copious source of information on 
the various interpretations and readings of the text. The 
Supadma is the grammar followed in the derivations stated by 
this commentator. Mathuresa is author likewise of a vocabu- 
lary in verse, entitled &abdaratn&vali, arranged in the same 
order with the Amara Kosha, and which might serve there- 
fore as a commentary on that work. It was compiled under 
the patronage of a Musalm&n chieftain, Murchhd KMn, whose 
name is prefixed to it. The author wrote not more than 150 
years ago, 1 

7. The Pad&rtha Kaumudi, by N&r&ya^a Chakravarti, is 
another commentary of considerable merit, which has been 
frequently consulted. The Kal&pa is the grammar followed 
in the etymologies here exhibited. * 

[57] 8. A commentary by Ram&natha Vidy4 V&chaspati, en- 
titled Trik&nda Viveka, is peculiarly copious on the variations 
of orthography, and is otherwise a work affording much useful 

9. Another commentary, which has been constantly em- 
ployed, is that by Nflakantha. It is full and satisfactory 
on most points for which reference is usually made to the 
expositors of the Amara Kosha. 

10. The commentary of Ramatarka V&gisa has been uni- 
formly consulted throughout the work. It was recommended 
for its accuracy; but has furnished little information, being 
busied chiefly with etymology. This, like the preceding, 
follows the grammar entitled Kal&pa. 

Other commentaries were also collected for occasional 
reference in the progress of this work; but have not been 
employed, being found to contain no information which was 
not also furnished, and that more amply, by the scholiasts 
above mentioned. 

The list of them contained in the subjoined note may there- 
fore suffice. 8 

1 His work contains the date 1688 S'aka, or 1666. 

2 Kaumudi by Nayan&nanda ; Trikan$t Chintamani by Raghunatha Chakra- 


HI. — Sanskrit dictionaries and vocabularies by other authors. 

Throughout the numerous commentaries on the Amara 
Eosha, the text itself is corrected or confirmed, and the inter- 
pretations and remarks of the commentators supported, by- 
reference to other Sanskrit vocabularies. They are often cited 
by the scholiasts for the emendation of the text in [58] regard 
to the gender of a noun, and not less frequently for a variation 
of orthography, or for a difference of interpretation. The 
authority quoted has been in general consulted, before any 
use has been made of the quotations ; or, where the original 
work cannot now be procured, the agreement of commentators 
has been admitted as authenticating the passage. This has 
been particularly attended to in the chapter containing 
homonymous words, it having been judged useful to intro 
dace into the notes of that chapter the numerous additional 
acceptations stated in other dictionaries, and understood to 
be alluded to in the Amara Eosha. 

The dictionaries which have been consulted are, 1st. The 
Medini, 1 an alphabetical dictionary of homonymous terms by 

2. The Yiswa Prak&sa by Maheswara Vaidya, a similar 
dictionary, but less accurate and not so well arranged. It 
is the ground-work of the Medini, which is an improved and 
corrected work of great authority. Both are very frequently 
cited by the commentators. 

3. The Haima, 8 a dictionary by Hema Chandra, in two 
parts; one containing synonymous words arranged in six 
chapters; 9 the other containing homonymous terms in alpha- 
betical order. Both are works of great excellence. 

Tarti ; both according to P&nini's system of etymology. Vaiahamya Kannradi 
by Ramaprasada Tarkalankara ; Pada Manjari by Lokanatha; both following 
the grammatical system of the Kalapa. Pradipa Manjari by Ramas'rama, a 
jejnoe interpretation of the text Vrihat Haravali by Raines' wara. Also com- 
mentaries by Xrishnadasa, Trilochanadasa, Sundarananda, Vanadfyabhafta, 
Yirfwanatha, Gopala Chakravartf, Govindananda, Ramananda, Bholanatha, etc. 

1 [Edited by Somanatha S'arman, Calcutta, 1868.] 

' [Printed, Calcutta, 1808.] 9 [Edited by BtfhUingk and Rieu, 1847.] 


4. The Abhidh&na Ratnam&l&, 1 a vocabulary by Hal&- 
yudha, in five chapters ; the last of which relates to words 
having many acceptations. It is too concise for general use, 
but is sometimes quoted. 

5. The Dharani, a vocabulary of words bearing many 
senses. It is less copious than the Medini and Haima ; but 
being frequently cited by commentators, has been necessarily 

6. The Trikai^da Sesha, or supplement to the Amara Kosha, 
by Purushottama Deva. 

[59] 7. The Har&vali of the same author. 

The last of these two supplements to Amara, being a col- 
lection of uncommon words, has not been much employed for 
the present publication. The other has been more used. 
Both are of considerable authority. 

The reader will find in the notes a list of other dictionaries 
quoted by the commentators, but the quotations of which have 
not been verified by reference to the originals, as these have 
not been procurable. 8 

Works under the title of Yarnadesand, Dwirupa, and 
Un&di, have indeed been procured; but not the same with 
the books cited, many different compilations being current 
under those titles. The first relates to words, the ortho- 
graphy of which is likely to be mistaken from a confusion 
of similar letters ; the second exhibits words which are spelt 
in more than one way ; the third relates to a certain class of 
derivatives separately noticed by grammarians. 

IV. — Grammatical works. 
Grammar is so intimately connected with the subject of 
this publication, that it has been of course necessary to advert 
to the works of grammarians. But as they are regularly 

1 [Edited by Prof. Aufrecbt, 1861.] 

* Amara Mdld> Amara Datta, tfaMdrnava, S'&s'wata, Varnadtiand, IhciHtpa, 
TJnddi Kosha, Ratna Kosha, Ratna Mdld, Bantideva, Rudra, Vya#, Rabhasa, 
Vopalita, Bhaguri, Ajaya, Vachaspati, T&rapala, Arupadatta. [Cf. Wilson, 
Essays, v. pp. 209-237.] 


cited by the commentators, it is needless to name them as 
authorities, since nothing will be found to have been taken 
from this source, which is not countenanced by some passage 
in the commentaries on the Amara Eosha. 

V. — Treatises on the roots of Sanskrit. 

Verbs not being exhibited in the Amara Eosha, which is 
a vocabulary of nouns only, the treatises of Maitreya, [60] 
M&dhava, and others, on the Sanskrit roots, though furnishing 
important materials towards a complete dictionary of the 
language, have been very little employed in the present 
work; and a particular reference to them was unnecessary, 
as authority will be found in the commentaries on Amara, 
for anything which may have been taken from those treatises. 

VI. — The Scholia of classic writings. 

Passages from the works of celebrated writers are cited by 
the commentators on the Amara Eosha, and the scholiasts 
of classic poems frequently quote dictionaries in support of 
their interpretation of difficult passages. In the compilation 
of a copious Sanskrit dictionary ample use may be made of 
the scholia. They have been employed for the present pub- 
lication so far only as they are expressly cited by the principal 
commentaries on the Amara Eosha itself. 

Should the reader be desirous of verifying the authorities 
upon which the interpretation and notes are grounded, he will 
in general find the information sought by him in some one 
of the ten commentaries of Amara, which have been before 
named, and will rarely have occasion to proceed beyond those 
which have been specified as the works regularly consulted. 

In regard to plants and animals, and other objects of natural 
history, noticed in different chapters of this vocabulary, and 
especially in the 4th, 5th, and 9th chapters of the second 
book, it is proper to observe, that the ascertainment of them 
generally depends on the correctness of the corresponding 
vernacular names. The commentators seldom furnish any 



description or other means of ascertainment besides the cur- 
rent denomination in a provincial language. A view of the 
animal, or an examination of the plant, known [61] to the 
vulgar under the denomination, enables a person conversant 
with natural history to determine its name according to the 
received nomenclature of European Botany and Zoology : but 
neither my inquiries, nor those of other gentlemen, who have 
liberally communicated the information collected by them, 1 
nor the previous researches of Sir William Jones, have yet 
discovered all the plants and animals, of which the names are 
mentioned by the commentators on the Amara Kosha; and 
even in regard to those which have been seen by us, a source 
of error remains in the inaccuracy of the commentators them- 
selves, as is proved by the circumstance of their frequent 
disagreement. It must be therefore understood, that the cor- 
respondence of the Sanskrit names with the generic and specific 
names in natural history is in many instances doubtful. When 
the uncertainty is great, it has usually been so expressed ; but 
errors may exist where none have been apprehended. 

It is necessary likewise to inform the reader, that many of 
the plants, and some animals (especially fish), have not been 
described in .any work yet published. Of such, the names 
have been taken from the manuscripts of Dr. Roxburgh and 
Dr. F. Buchanan. 

Having explained the plan and design of this edition of the 
Amara Kosha, I have only further to state, that the delay 
which has arisen since it was commenced (now more than five 
years) has been partly occasioned by my distance from the 
press (the work being printed by Mr. Carey at Serampoor), 
and partly by avocations which have retarded the progress of 
collating the different copies of the text and commentaries : a 
task, the labour of which may be judged by those who have 
been engaged in similar undertakings. 

Calcutta, December, 1807. 

1 Drs. Roxburgh, F. Buchanan, and W. Hunter : and Mr. William Carey. 




[From the Asiatic Researches, vol. x. pp. 389-474. 

Calcutta, 1808. 4 to.] 

[62] Thb design of the present essay is not an enumeration 
of the poetical compositions current among the Hindus, nor an 
examination of their poetry by maxims of criticism recognized 
in Europe, or by rules of composition taught in their own 
treatises of rhetoric ; but to exhibit the laws of versification, 
together with brief notices of the most celebrated poems in 
which these have been exemplified* 

An inquiry into the prosody of the ancient and learned 
language of India will not be deemed an unnecessary intro- 
duction to the extracts from the Indian poems, which may be 
occasionally inserted in the supplementary volumes of Asiatic 
Researches; and our Transactions record more than one in- 
stance of the aid which was derived from a knowledge of 
Sanskrit prosody, in deciphering passages rendered obscure by 
the obsoleteness of the character, or by the inaccuracy of the 
transcripts. 9 It will be found similarly useful by every person 
who studies that language, since manuscripts are in general 
grossly incorrect ; and a familiarity with the metre will fre- 
quently assist the reader in restoring the text where it has 
been corrupted. Even to those who are unacquainted with 
the language, a concise explanation of the Indian system of 
prosody may be curious, since the artifice of its construction 

1 [For a fall account of Sanskrit metre see Prof. Weber's two treatises in the 
eighth volume of the Indisehe Studien. The first treats of the Vedic metres, the 
second gives the text of Pingala's Chhanda^-stltra with a perpetual commentary. 
Cf. also C. P. Brown's Sanskrit Prosody.] 

* Am. Baa., vol. L p. 279 ; vol. ii. p. 389. 


is peculiar, and not [63] devoid of ingenuity ; and the prosody 
of Sanskrit will be found to be richer than that of any other 
known language, in variations of metre, regulated either by 
quantity or by number of syllables, both with and without 
rhyme, and subject to laws imposing in some instances rigid 
restrictions, in others allowing ample latitude. I am prompted 
by these considerations to undertake the explanation of that 
system, premising a few remarks on the original works in 
which it is taught, and adding notices of the poems from 
which examples are selected. 

The rules of prosody are contained in Sdtras, or brief 
aphorisms, the reputed author of which is Pingalanaga, a 
fabulous being, represented by mycologists in the shape of a 
serpent ; and the same who, under the title of Patanjali, is the 
supposed author of the Mah&bh&shya, or great commentary 
on grammar, and also of the text of the Yoga Sastra ; 1 and to 
whom likewise the text or the commentary of the Jyotisha 
annexed to the Vedas 8 appears to be attributed. The apho- 
risms of Pingal&ch&rya, as he is sometimes called, on the 
prosody of Sanskrit (exclusive of the rules in Pr&krit likewise 
ascribed to him), are collected into eight books, the first of 
which allots names, or rather literal marks, to feet consisting 
of one, two, or three syllables. The second book teaches the 
manner in which passages of the Vedas are measured. The 
third explains the variations in the subdivision of the couplet 
and stanza. The fourth treats of profane poetry, and especially 
of verses, in which the number of syllables, or their quantity, 
is not uniform. The fifth, sixth, and se[64]venth, exhibit 
metres of that sort which has been called monoschematic, or 
uniform, because the same feet recur invariably in the same 
places. The eighth and last book serves as an appendix to the 

1 Or Sankhya system of philosophy, distinguished from that of Kapila. (See 
toI. i. p. [236], etc.) 

8 In the subscription to the only copy of this commentary which I ha?e 
seen, it is ascribed to Seshanaga ; but, in the body of the work, the commentator 
calls himself Somakara. [But of. Weber, Transact, Berlin Academy, 1862. See 
also tuprd (old ed. vol. i. p. 106) ; Mtiller, Pre/. Rig Veda, vol. iv. p. xzi.] 


whole, and contains rules for computing all the possible com- 
binations of long and short syllables in verses of any length. 

This author cites earlier writers on prosody, whose works 
appear to have been lost: such as Saitava, Kraushtika, Tandin, 
and other ancient sages, Yaska, K&syapa, etc. 1 

Pingala's text has been interpreted by various commen- 
tators ; and, among others, by Hal&yudha Bhatta, author of 
an excellent gloss entitled Mrita Sanjivini.* It is the work 
on which I have chiefly relied. A more modern commentary, 
or rather a paraphrase in verse, by Nar&yana Bhatta T&ra, 
under the title of Vrittokti Ratna, presents the singularity of 
being interpreted throughout in a double sense, by the author 
himself, in a further gloss entitled Parikshd. 

The Agni Purina is quoted for a complete system of' 
prosody, 3 founded apparently on Pingala's aphorisms; but 
which serves to correct or to supply the text in many places ; 
and which is accordingly used for that purpose by commen- 
tators. Original treatises likewise have been composed by 
various authors; 4 and, among others, by the [65] celebrated 

poet K&lid&sa. In a short treatise entitled &ruta Bodha, this 
poet teaches the laws of versification in the very metre to 
which they relate ; and has thus united the example with the 

1 [Professor "Weber gives the authors cited as Kraushtuki, Yaska, T&n4in, 
Karfyapa, Saitava, Rata, and Mano>vya.] 

* I possess three copies of it, two of which are apparently ancient ; but they 
hare no dates. [Cf. Ind. Studien, viii. pp. 192-202.] 

* It is stated by the authors who quote it (N&r&yana Bhatta and others) to be 
an extract from the Agni Parana ; but I have not been able to verify its place 
in that Parana. [It is found in the Bodleian MS. See Aufrechtfs Catalogue, 
p. 7, *.] 

* 8uch are the Vanibhnshana, Vritta Darpana, Vritta Kaumudi, and Vritta 
Batnakara, with the Chhando Manjari, Ghhando Martan^a, Chhando Mala, 
Chhando Niviti, [perhaps this should be Chhandovichiti, see Kdvy&daria, i. 12], 
Chhando Govinda, and several tracts under the title of Vritta -Muktavali, besides 
treatises included in works on other subjects. For example, Varahamihira's 
system of astrology, which contains a chapter on prosody [ch. 104, cf. Ind. Stud, 
viii. 203-6]. The Vritta Batnakara of Kedara Bhatta, with its commentaries by 
Dirakara Bhatta, N&rayana Bhatta, and Hari Bhaskara, has been the most con- 
sulted for the present treatise. The Vritta Darpana, which relates chiefly to 
Prakrit prosody, has been also much employed. 


precept. The same mode has been also practised by many 
other writers on prosody; and in particular, by Pingala's 
commentator N&r&yarjLa Bhatta; and by the authors of the 
Yfitta Ratn&kara and Vritta Darpana. 

K&lid&sa's 6ruta Bodha exhibits only the most common 
sorts of metre, and is founded on Pingala's Pr&krit rules of 
prosody ; as has been remarked by one of the commentators l 
on the Vritta Ratn&kara. 

The rules generally cited under the title of Pr&krit Pingala, 
have been explained in a metrical paraphrase, teaching the 
construction of each species of metre in a stanza of the same 
measure, and subjoining select examples. This Pr&krit para- 
phrase, entitled Pingala Yritti, is quoted under the name of 
Hamming who is celebrated in more than one passage given 
as examples of metre, and who probably patronized the author. 
It has been imitated in a modern Sanskrit treatise on Pr&krit 
prosody, entitled Vj-itta Mukt&vali ; s and has been copiously 
explained in a Sanskrit commentary named Pingala Prak&sa. 4 

Though relative to Pr&krit prosody, the rules are appli- 
[66]cable, for the most part, to Sanskrit prosody also : since 
the laws of versification in both languages are nearly the same. 

The Pr&krit, here meant, is the language usually employed 
under this name by dramatic writers; and not, in a more 
general sense of the term, any regular provincial dialect 
corrupted from Sanskrit. Hemachandra, in his grammar of 
Pr&krit, declares it to be so called because it is derived from 
Sanskrit. 5 

Accordingly his and other grammars of the language con- 
sist of rules for the transformation of Sanskrit words into the 
derivative tongue: and the specimens of it in the Indian 

' Diyakara Bhatta. 

* In the commentary on the Vrittokti Batna, 

8 The author, Dwgadatta, was patronized by the Hindfipati princes of Bun- 
delkhand. The examples, which like the text are Sanskrit in Prakrit measure, 
are in praise of these chieftains. * By Vis'waratha. 

• "Prakritih tanskfitam; tatrabhtvam tata dgatom v& prdJejHtam.'* 


dramas, as well as in the books of the Jains, exhibit few 
words which may not be traced to a Sanskrit origin. This 
is equally true of the several dialects of Pr&krit : viz. Saura- 
seni or language of feurasena, 1 and Mfigadhi or dialect of 
Magadha;* which according to grammarians, who give rules 
for deducing the first from Sanskrit, and the second from the 
first, 8 or both from Sanskrit, 4 are dialects nearly allied to 
Prakrit, and regularly formed by permutations, for which the 
rules are stated by them. The same may be said of the 
Pais&chi as a language (and distinguished from the jargon or 
gibberish which either dramatic writers, or actors exhibiting 
their dramas, sometimes put into the mouths of demons) ; for 
[67] the grammarians of Prakrit teach the manner of forming 
the Pais&chi 5 from the dialect called &aurasenf .* That remark 
may be also extended to Apabhransa, as a fixed language par- 
taking of Pr&krit and &auraseni, but deducing many terms 
immediately from the Sanskrit under rules of permutation 
peculiar to itself. 7 

The affinity of these dialects of Pr&krit to the Sanskrit and 
to each other is so great, that they reciprocally borrow, not- 
withstanding their own particular rules, terms permuted in 
the manner of other dialects, and even admit, without altera- 
tion, words inflected according to the Sanskrit grammar. 8 

1 Kulldka Bhafta (on Mann 2. 19.) sayB, that S'orasena is the country of 

* Kfkafa or Bihar. But it does not appear, that either this, or the preceding 
dialect, is now spoken in the country from which it takes its name. Specimens of 
both are frequent in the Indian dramas. 

* Vararuchiy and his commentator Bhamaha. 

4 Hemachandra, who, after stating the special permutations of these dialects as 
derived from Sanskrit, observes in both places, that the rest of the permutations 
an the same with those of Prakrit [Cf. Aufrecht, Bodl. Cat, pp. 179, 180.] 

• Or language of the Pirfachas. "Piidchdndm bhdshd Paiidehi:* Bhamaha 
on Tararuchi. 

• Vararuchi and Hemachandra. The last-mentioned author notices a variation 
of this dialect under the name of Chulikapairfachika, which differs very little from 
the proper Patfachi. 

7 It is taught under this name by Hemachandra, among other dialects of 
Prakrit. But the name usually signifies ungrammatical language. 

8 Hemachandra ad finem. 


They may be therefore considered as dialects of a single 
language, the Pr&krit or derivative tongue ; so termed with 
reference to Sanskrit, from which it is derived. 

Besides these cognate dialects, the dramatic writers intro- 
duced other languages as spoken by different persons of the 
drama. Such, according to the enumeration in the S&hitya 
Darpana, 1 are the D&kshiiL&ty&,* or language used in the south 
of India ; the Dr&vi^i, or dialect of the southern extremity 
of the peninsula; the Avantik& (probably the language 
of M&lav&) ; s the Ardha M&gadhi, [68] distinguished from 
M&gadhi properly so called ; the B&hlfkabh&sh& (perhaps the 
language of Balkh in the Transoxana) ;* the Mah&r&shtri, or 
dialect of the Marh&ttas ; the Pr&chyd, or language employed 
in the east of India ; 5 the Abhlri and Gh&^d&li, which, from 
their names, seem to be dialects used by herdsmen and by 
persons of the lowest tribes ; the S4nkar& (&&k&ri) and &&bari, 
concerning which nothing satisfactory can be at present sug- 
gested ; and generally any provincial dialect. 

It is not to be supposed that the Pr&krit rules of prosody, 
as taught by Pingala, are suited to all these languages : but 
it is probable that they were framed for the same dialect of 
Pr&krit, in which they are composed ; and they are applicable 
to those cognate dialects, which differ much less from each 
other (being very easily confounded), than they all do from 
Sanskrit, their acknowledged common parent. Generally 
those rules may be considered applicable to all the languages 

1 Ch. 6. [p. 173, Bibl. Ind. ed.] 

1 Same with Yaidarbhi, according to the commentator of the Sahitya Darpana. 
The country of Yidarbha 16 said to be the modern Berar proper. 

8 Avanti is another name of Ujjayani. 

4 Bahlika or Bahlika (for the word is spelt rarionsly) is a country famous for 
the breed of horses. Amara, 2. 8. 45. It appears to be situated north of India, 
being mentioned in enumerations of countries, with Turushka, Khasa, Kaimira, 
etc. (Hemachandra, 1. 4. 25. Trikan<jU S'esha, 2. 1. 9.) 

* The commentator on the Sahitya Darpana (Rama Charana), interprets 
Prachya, by Gamjiya; meaning, no doubt, the language of Bengal. He was 
himself a native of this province ; and his work is modern, being dated S'aka 
1622 (a.d. 1700). 


comprehended under the designation of Pr&krit, 1 as derivative 
from Sanskrit ; and certainly so to the vernacular tongues of 
the ten nations of Hindus now inhabiting India. A writer 
on Sanskrit prosody 9 pronounces the various kinds of metre to 
be admissible in the provincial languages, and has [69] quoted 
examples in those of Mah&r&shtra, Gurjara, and K&nyakubja. 
The last mentioned, which is the same with the old Hindi, as 
is demonstrated by this specimen of it, might furnish very 
numerous instances ; especially the Hindi poetry of Kesava 
D&sa, 3 who has studiously employed a great variety of metre. 
Some examples will accordingly be quoted from the most dis- 
tinguished Hindi poets. The sacred books of the Sikhs, com- 
posed in a Panj&bi dialect, which is undoubtedly derived from 
the ancient Saraswata,* abound in specimens of such metre. 
The language of Mithili, and its kindred tongue, which pre- 
vails in Bengal, also supply proof of the aptitude of Sanskrit 
prosody ; and the same is probably true of the other four 
national languages. 5 

Pingala's rules of Sanskrit prosody are expressed with 
singular brevity. The artifice by which this has been effected 
is the use of single letters to denote the feet or the syllables. 
Thus Z, the initial of a word signifying short (laghu), indicates 
a short syllable : gr, for a similar reason, 6 intends a long one. 
The combinations of these two letters denote the several dis- 
syllables : Ig signifying an iambic ; gl a trochaeus or choreus ; 
gg a spondee ; // a pyrrhichius. The letters m. y. r. *. t. j. 
bh. and n, mark all the trisyllabical feet, from three long 
syllables to as many short. A Sanskrit verse is generally 

* As. Res. vii p. 219. (Page [21], etc., of the present volume.) 

* Narayana Bha{ta, in a commentary on the Vritta Batnakara, written in 
Samrat 1602 (a.d. 1546). 

9 Contemporary with Jah&ngfr and Shah Jahan. 

* The remaining Saraswata Brahmanas inhabit chiefly the Panjab. 

9 Those of Dravida, Karna{aka, Telinga, and Oflra or U<Jiya. I omit Ganda. 
The Brahmanas bearing this national designation are settled in the districts 
arouDd Delhi: but, unless theirs be the language of Mathura, it is not easy to 
assign to them a particular national tongue. 

9 Being the initial oigwru, long. 


scanned by these last-mentioned feet, with the addition of 
either a dissyllable or a mono[70]syllable at the close of the 
verse, if necessary. This may be rendered plain by an ex- 
ample taken from the Greek and Latin prosody. 

Scanned in the Indian manner, a phaleucian verse, instead 
of a spondee, a dactyl and three trochees, would be measured 
by a molossus, an anapaest, an amphibrachys, and a trochee ; 
expressed thus m. *. j. g. /. A sapphic Terse would be 
similarly measured by a cretic, an antibacchius, an amphi- 
brachys and a trochee; written r. t.j. g. L 

To avoid the too frequent use of uncommon terms, I shall, 
in describing the different sorts of Sanskrit metre, occasionally 
adopt a mode of stating the measure more consonant to the 
Greek and Latin prosody, in which the iambic, trochee, and 
spondee, dactyl, anapaest, and tribrachys, are the only feet 
of two or three syllables which are commonly employed. 

In Prakrit prosody the variety of feet is much greater : verses 
being scanned by feet of different lengths, from two mdtras 
(two short syllables or one long), to three, four, five, and even 
six mdtrds or instants. These various descriptions of feet 
have been classed, and denominated, by the writers on this 
branch of prosody. 

The verse, according to the Sanskrit system of prosody, is 
the component part of a couplet, stanza, or strophe, commonly 
named a Sloka, although this term be sometimes restricted 
to one sort of metre, as will be subsequently shown on the 
authority of K&lid&sa. The stanza or strophe consists usually 
of four verses denominated pdda ; or, considered as a couplet, 
it comprises two verses subdivided into pddas or measures. 
Whether it be deemed a stanza or a couplet, its half, called 
ardhailoka, contains usually two pddas; and in general the 
pauses of the sense correspond with the principal pauses of the 
metre, which are accordingly indicated by lines of separation 
at the [71] close of the iloka and of its hemistich. When the 
sense is suspended to the close of a second iloka^ the double 


stanza is denominated yugma; while one, comprising a greater 
number of measures, is termed kulaka. In common with 
others, I have sometimes translated iloka by " verse," or by 
"couplet;" but, in prosody, it can only be considered as a 
stanza, though the pauses are not always very perfectly marked 
until the close of the first half: and, in conformity to the 
Indian system, it is generally treated as a tetrastich, though 
some kinds of regular metre have uniform pauses, which might 
permit a division of the stanza into eight, twelve, and even six- 
teen verses. 

In Pr&krit prosody, a greater variety is admitted in the 
length of the stanza ; some species of metre being restricted 
to a true couplet, and others extended to stanzas of six and 
even sixteen verses : independently of pauses, which, being 
usually marked by rhyme, would justify the farther sub- 
division of the stanza into as many verses as there are pauses. 
Even in Sanskrit prosody, instances occur of stanzas avowedly 
comprising a greater or a less number of verses than four ; as 
three, five, six, etc. But these are merely exceptions to the 
general rule. 

Concerning the length of the vowels in Sanskrit verse, since 
none are ambiguous, it is only necessary to remark, that the 
comparative length of syllables is determined by the allotment 
of one instant or mdtrd to a short syllable, and two to a long 
one; that a naturally short vowel becomes long in prosody 
when it is followed by a double or conjunct consonant ; 1 and 
that the last syllable of a verse [72] is either long or short, 
according to the exigence of the metre, 8 whatever may be its 
natural length. 

1 Or by the nasal termed Anusw&ra, or the aspirate Visarga. By poetical licence, 

a Towel may be short before certain conjunct* (viz., IT and \\ as also 9f and Wj. 

This licence has been borrowed from Prakrit prosody, by the roles of which a 
Towel is allowed to be sometimes short before any conjunct, or before the nasal : 
but instances of this licence occur in classical poems with only four conjuncts, as 
above mentioned ; and, even there, emendations of the text hare been proposed by 
critics to render the verse conformable to the general laws of prosody. (See re- 
marks in the Dnrghata-vritti, on passages of M&gha's poem and of the Kumara.) 
* This rale of prosody is applicable to any Terse of the tetrastich : but it is con- 
tol. in. [bbsatb n.] 6 


Sanskrit prosody admits two sorts of metre. One governed 
by the number of syllables ; and which is mostly uniform or 
monoschematic in profane poetry, but altogether arbitrary in 
various metrical passages of the Vedas. The other is, in fact, 
measured by feet, like the hexameters of Greek and Latin : 
but only one sort of this metre, which is denominated ifrya, 
is acknowledged to be so regulated; while another sort is 
governed by the number of syllabic instants or mdtrds. 

I. — CfanachhandaSy or metre regulated by feet. 

A'ryd or Gdthd. 

The metre named Xry&, or in Prfkrit G&h&, from the 
Sanskrit G&th&, is measured by feet denominated gana, or 
mdtr&gana, which are equivalent to two long syllables or to 
four short: it is described as a couplet, in which the first 
verse contains seven and a half feet ; and the sixth foot must 
consist of a long syllable between two short, or else of four 
short ; while the odd feet (1st, 3rd, 5th, and 7th) must never 
be amphibrachys. 1 In the second verse of the [73] couplet, 
the sixth foot (for here too it retains that name) consists of a 
single short syllable. Consequently the proportion of syllabic 
instants in the long and short verses is thirty to twenty-seven. 8 
The same metre has, with some propriety, been described as a 
stanza of four verses : s for it is subdivided by its pauses into 
four pdda8, which have the usual privilege of giving to the last 
syllable, whether naturally long or short, the length required 
by the metre. The pause is commonly restricted to the close 
of the third foot, and the measure is in this case denominated 

sidered by writers on rhetoric inelegant to use the privilege in the uneven verses ; 
and they thus restrict the role to the close of the stanza and of its half^ especially 
in the more rigid species of regular metre. 

1 If the rule be violated, the metre is named Gnrvini ; but this is reprobated 
by writers on prosody. 

* As. Res., vol. ii, p. 390. » Yritta-mnktarali. 


Pathy& ; bat if the pause be placed otherwise in either verse, 
or in both of them, the metre is named Vipuli. 

A particular sort of this measure, deduced from either 
species above described, is called Chapald; and the laws of 
its construction require, that the second and fourth feet should 
be amphibrachys, and that the first foot should be either a 
spondee or an anapaest, and the fifth a dactyl or a spondee. 
The first verse of the couplet, the second, or both, may be 
constructed according to these rigid rules : hence three varieties 
of this sort of metre. 

The regular Aryfi consists of alternate long and short verses: 
but, if the short verse precede the long oiie, the metre is called 
Udgiti. If the couplet consist of two long verses, it is named 
Giti : or of two short verses, Upagiti. Another sort of this 
metre is named Ary&-giti: it is constructed by completing 
the eighth foot of the regular Ary&. 1 

This measure admits therefore of eighty principal variations, 
deducible from the nine sorts above mentioned : for the pause 
may be placed at the close of the third foot in either verse of 
each couplet, in both, or in neither; and [74] either verse, both, 
or neither, may be constructed according to the strict rules of 
the Chapal& measure ; and the verse may consist of seven and 
a half, or of eight feet ; and may be arranged in couplets con- 
sisting of verses alternately long and short, or alternately 
short and long, or else uniformly long, or uniformly short. 

The Ary& metre is very frequently employed by Indian 
poets; but works of great length in this measure are not 
common. It is oftener intermixed with verses of other hinds, 
though instances do occur of its exclusive use : thus the first 
and fourth cantos, and most part of the second and third, in 
the poem entitled Nalodaya, and the entire work of Govar- 
dhana,* are in the Ary & metre. And so is the brief text of the 

1 It may be varied by alternating a long and short Terse, or a short and a long 
one, or by making both verses long. 

* Consisting of seven hundred (or with the introduction 755) stanzas of mis* 
oellaneous poetry ; and entitled, from the number of stanzas, Sapta-tfatf . 


S&nkhya philosophy of Kapila, as taught by f swara-kyishiLa j 1 
and the copious treatise of astronomy by Brahmagupta.* 

The Nalodaya above mentioned, which is ascribed to the 
celebrated poet K&lid&sa, is a poem in four cantos, comprising 
220 couplets or stanzas, 8 on the adventures of Nala and 
Damayanti : a story which is already known to the English 
reader. 4 In this singular poem, rhyme and alliteration are 
combined in the termination of the verses : for [75] the three 
or four last syllables of each hemistich within the stanza are 
the same in sound though different in sense. It is a series 
of puns on a pathetic subject. 

It is supposed to have been written in emulation of a short 
poem (of twenty-two stanau) similarly contracted, bat with 
less repetition of each rhyme ; and entitled, from the words of 
the challenge with which it concludes, Ghata-karpara. 

" Thirsty and touching water to be sipped from the hollow 
palms of my hands, I swear by the loves of sprightly damsels, 
that I will carry water in a broken pitcher for any poet by 
whom I am surpassed in rhymes.' 9 

However, the epic poem of M&gha, which will be mentioned 
more particularly under the next head, contains a specimen 
of similar alliteration and rhyme; the last fourteen stanzas 
of the sixth canto (descriptive of the seasons) being constructed 

1 Author of the Karika or metrical maxims of this philosophy. Sutras, or 
aphorisms in prose, which are ascribed to Kapila himself, are extant : bnt the 
work of rsVara-krishna is studied as the text of the S&nkhya (As. Res., vol. viii, 
p. 466). 

* Entitled Brahmasphuta-siddhanta : other treatises, bearing the same or a 
similar title, are works of different authors. 

8 Chiefly Arya, with a few anapaestic stanzas (Totaka), and a still smaller 
number of iambics and trochaics (Pramanf and Samani). [Edited by Benary, 
Berlin, 1830, and Yates, Calcutta, 1844.] 

* Translated by Mr. Kinder&ley of Madras, from a tale in the provincial lan- 
guage. [I may add Dean Milman's poetical version.] 


with like terminations to each half of the stanza. Instances 
will also be cited from Bh&rayi's poem hereafter noticed. 

The following example of a species of the Xryi metre is 
taken from the preface of the Nalodaya. 

A'ryd-giti (8 feet). 

Asti sa rdjd nite 
Mdmdkhyo, yo gatihpardjdnite, 

yasya rardjd 'nite 
ratndnijanah kule dhardjdni 'te. 

[76] ^f^4iii^i«n<)ii4iiisn<n^<n*M<i«ii^ i 

" The king celebrated under the name of R&ma 1 exists, who 
is conversant with the supreme ways of moral conduct; in 
whose family, exempt from calamity and enriched with the 
gems of the earth, dependents flourish/ 9 1. 5. 

The next is taken from Damayantf s lamentation on finding 
herself deserted by her husband Nala. It is in the same 
species of metre. 

26. Tatra, pads vydlindm, 

atha vibhrdntam vane cha devyd, 'lindm 

taru-vrinde vydlindm 
taiin dadhdne, tayd 'spade vydlindm. 

27. Vega-bald 'pdsitayd, 
venyd, Bhaimi yutd laldpd ^sitayd. 

" Nripa ! sa-kaldpd 'sitayd 
hatwd 'tin, bdndhavdn kild 9 pd*i tayd. 

28. 8a katham mdna-vandndm, 
nydyavid! dcharasi sevyamdna-vandndm, 

dhrita-dmd navandndm, 
ddrdndm tydgam y anupamd ! ^natandndm. 

1 RAma-raja, by whose command the poem was composed. So the commen- 
tators remark : but it remains uncertain who he was, or where he reigned. 



29. Para-kritam eiat twenah [tu enaK] 
smardmi, tan na mrito Vi me fattwena, 

praduahaye nd 'tra sambhrame tat ttoena ! [ttod, ina /]" 

h*msi^itfHiH • 


" Then the princess wandered in the forest, an abode of 
serpents, crowded with trees which resound with the sweet 
buzz of bees, the resort of flocks of birds. With her dark 
hair dishevelled through her haste, Bhaimi thus lamented: 
4 King! thou slayest foes, but defendest thy kindred, with 
thy quiver and thy sword. Unrivalled in excellence and con- 
versant with morality, how hast thou practised the desertion 
of a wife proud but left helpless in a forest ; thus rendering 
thyself the limit of praise? But I consider this evil to be the 
act of another, and do not charge thee with it : I do not blame 
thee, my husband, as in fault for this terror/ 9 ' 3. 26-29. 

In the passage here cited, some variations in the reading 
and greater differences in the interpretation occur ; with which 
it is, however, unnecessary to detain the reader. After con- 
sulting several scholia, the interpretation which appeared pre- 
ferable has been selected. The same mode will be followed 
in subsequent quotations from other poems. 

^ -> 

1 \ 4 

— o 

>_ J _.-. 

— 0» 



* • 




[78] II. — Mdtrdchhanda8, or metre regulated by quantity. 

1. Vaitdliya. 

Another sort of metre, regulated by the proportion of mdtrds 
or syllabic instants, is measured by the time of the syllables 
exclusively ; without noticing, as in tfce ganackhandas, the 
number of feet. It is therefore denominated mdtrdchhandas, 
and the chief metre of this kind is named Yaitfiliya. It is a 
tetrastich, or strophe of four verses, the first and third con- 
taining the time of fourteen short syllables, and the second 
and fourth sixteen. The laws of its construction impose that 
each verse shall end in a cretic and iambic, or else in a dactyl 
and spondee, 1 or by bacchius.* In regard to the remaining 
moments, which are six in the odd verses, and eight in the 
even verses of the strophe, it must be observed as a general 
rule, that neither the second and third, nor the fourth and 
fifth moments should be combined in the same long syllable ; 
nor, in the second and fourth verses, should the sixth mdtrd 
be combined with the seventh. That general rule, however, 
admits of exceptions, and the name of the metre varies ac- 
cordingly. 8 

Although the Vait&liya regularly consist of alternate [79] 
short and long verses, it may be varied by making the stanza 
consist either of four short or four long verses, admitting at 
the same time the exception just now hinted. 4 

* This variety of the metre U named Apatalika. [Weber writes ApUaUhL] 

1 Thus augmented, the measure is called Aupachhandasika. The whole of the 
last canto of Magha's epic poem hereafter mentioned is in this metre, and so is 
the first half of the 18th canto in Bharavi's Kkatarjuniya. 

* In the even verses of the strophe, if the fourth and fifth moments be com- 
bined in one long syllable, contrary to the general rule above mentioned, the metre 
is named Prachya-vritti ; or, in the odd verses, if the second and third moments be 
so combined, the metre is denominated Udichya-vritti : or the rule may be violated , 
in both instances at the same time, and the measure then takes the name of 

4 A tetrastich, consisting of four short verses of the sort called Pravrittaka, is 
named Gharuhasini : and one comprising four long verses of that description is 
termed Aparantika. 

* , 


The following is an example of a stanza composed in a 
species of this metre : 

Vaitdliya (Pravrittaka). 

Idam, Bharata-van&a-bhitbhritdm, 
br&yatdm, iruti-manorasdyanatn, 

pavitram, adhikam, &ubhodayam y 
Vydsa-vaktra-kathitam, Pravrittakam. 

" Listen to this pore, auspicious, and pleasing history of the 
kings of the race of Bharata, as uttered from the mouth of 

Here, as in most of the examples given by the commentator 
Hal&yudha, and by other writers on prosody, the name of the 
metre occurs, but with a different acceptation. Where the 
stanza has the appearance of being a quotation (as in the 
present instance), it might be conjectured that the denomina- 
tion of the measure was originally assumed from the example ; 
and this conjecture would appear probable, wherever the name 
(as is frequently the case) has no radical meaning connected 
with the subject of metre. But, in many instances, the radical 
interpretation of the word is pertinent, and has obviously 
suggested its application as a term of prosody; and the stanza, 
which is given as an example, must therefore have been pur- 
posely con[80]structed to exhibit the metre by words in which 
its denomination is included. This is confirmed by the cir- 
cumstance of some of the words being incompatible with the 
measure which they designate : and, in such cases, the author 
apologizes on that ground for not exhibiting the name in the 

The Vaitaliya metre has been employed by some of the 
most eminent poets ; for instance, in the epic poem of M&gha, 
the sixteenth canto of which is chiefly in this measure, as the 


twentieth and last canto is in that species of it which is called 

The work here mentioned is an epic poem, the subject of 
which is the death of Sisupdla slain in war by Krishna : it is 
entitled Sisup&la-badha, but is usually cited under the name 
of its author, whose designation, with praises of his family, 
appears in the concluding stanzas of the poem. Yet, if tra- 
dition may be trusted, M&gha, though expressly named as 
the author, was the patron, not the poet. As the subject is 
heroic, and even the unity of action well preserved, and the 
style of the composition elevated, this poem is entitled to the 
name of epic. 1 But the Indian taste for descriptive poetry, 
and particularly for licentious description, has disfigured even 
this work, which is otherwise not undeserving of its high 
reputation. The first two cantos and the last eight are suit- 
able to the design of the poem ; but the intermediate ten, 
describing the journey of Krishna with a train of amorous 
damsels, from Dw&rak& to Indraprastha, is misplaced, and in 
more than one respect exceptionable. 

The argument of the poem is as follows. In the first canto 
N&rada, commissioned by Indra, visits Krishna and incites 
him to war with his cousin, but mortal enemy, Sisupala king 
of the Ghedis. In the second, Krishna consults with his 
uncle and brother, whether war should be [81] immediately 
commenced, or he should first assist Yudhishthira in complet- 
ing a solemn sacrifice which had been appointed by him. The 
result of the consultation is in favour of the latter measure ; 
and accordingly, in the third canto, Kfish^a departs for 
Yudhishthira's capital. In the thirteenth he arrives and is 
welcomed by the P&^davas. In the following canto the 
sacrifice is begun; and in the next, Sisup&la, impatient of 
the divine honours paid to Krishna, retires with his partisans 
from the place of sacrifice. A negociation ensues, which is 

1 [A traditional vene ia current among the Pandits, JJpamd KdlicUUatya 
Bhdrtver arthigawvnwm, Nauhadhe padal<Uityam> Mdghe tanti trayo ffunfy.] 

F.N.7' >"tw.riY , 


however ineffectual, and both armies prepare for action. This 
occupies two cantos. In the eighteenth both armies issue to 
the field of battle, and the conflict commences. The battle 
continues in the next canto, which describes the discomfiture 
and slaughter of Sisup&la's army. In the last canto, the 
king, grown desperate, dares Krishna to the combat. They 
engage, and in the Indian manner fight with supernatural 
weapons. Bisup&la assails his enemy with serpents, which 
the other destroys by means of gigantic cranes. The king 
has recourse to igneous arms, which Krishna extinguishes by 
a septunian weapon. The combat is prolonged with other 
miraculous arms, and finally Krishna slays &isup&la with an 

The following example is from a speech of &isup41a's am- 
bassador, in reply to a discourse of Sftyaki, brother of 
Krishna, at an interview immediately preceding the battle. 

*a^nw ^mpr jvpi : i 

[82] l ^<MHHHH 1T 

. __ _ . ^ __ 


" A low man, poor in understanding, does not perceive his 
own advantage: that he should not comprehend it when shown 
by others, is surprising. The wise, of themselves, know die 
approach of danger, or they put trust in others : but a foolish 
man does not believe information without personal experience. 
The proposal which I made to thee, Krishna, was truly for thy 
benefit : the generous are ready to advise even their enemies 
bent on their destruc[83]tion. Peace and war have been 
offered at the same time by me; judging their respective 
advantages, thou wilt choose between them. Yet good adviee 
addressed to those whose understanding is astray, becomes 
vain, like the beams of the cold moon directed toward* lakes 
eager for the warm rays of the sun." 16. 39 — 43. 

Another passage of the same poem is here subjoined as 
a specimen of a different speeies of this metre. It is the 
opening of the last canto, where disupdla, impatient of the 
discomfiture of his troops and those of his allies, dares Krishna 
to single combat 


Mukham ullarita-trurehham uehchair 
bhidura-bhrb-yuga-bhiahanan dadhdnah, 

Samitdv iti vikramdn ampshyan, 
gatabhlr, dhtoata Chedirdd Murdrim. 


" Raising his head, and with a countenance terrible by its 
forked brow and wrinkled forehead, the king of the Ghedis, 


impatient of the prowess thus displayed in battle, banished 
fear, and challenged the foe of Mora to the fight." 20. 1. 

A farther example of the same metre is the second stanza 
of the following extract from the Kir&t&rjunfya l of Bh&ravi. 
The remaining stanzas exhibit variety of measure, with two 
instances of singular alliteration. 

[84] The subject of that celebrated poem is Arjuna's obtain- 
ing celestial arms from &iva, Indra, and the rest of the gods, to 
be employed against Duryodhana. It is by a rigid observance 
of severe austerities in the first instance, and afterwards by 
his prowess in a conflict with £iva (in the disguise of a moun- 
taineer), that Arjuna prevails. This is the whole subject of 
the poem ; which is ranked with the Kum&ra and Raghu of 
K&lid&sa, the Naishadhiya of &riharsha, and M&gha's epic 
poem, among the six excellent compositions in Sanskrit. The 
sixth is the Meghaduta, also ascribed to K&lid&sa ; and, on 
account of its excellence, admitted among the great poems 
(Mah&k&yya), notwithstanding its brevity. 

r: i 

1 Arjuna and the mountaineer. Eirata is the name of a tribe of mountaineers 
considered as barbarians. 


[85] *rcifii ^ra*pg*nn*n$ 

^Rnftw *nfa ^«i«Tl vnft i ro i 

The stanzas, which contain alliteration, are here copied in 
Roman characters. 

18. Iha duradhigamaih 

kinehid ecdgamaih 
satatam asutaram 

Amum atmpinam 

veda digvydpinam 
purusham ivaparam 

Padmayonih param. 
20. Sulabhaih soda nayavatd ^yavatd 

nidhi-guhyakddhipa-ramaih paramaih 

amund dhanaih kshitibhritd 'tibhritd 

• • • 

samatitya bhdti jagati jagati. 

"Then Arjuna, admiring the mountain in silent astonish- 
ment, was respectfully addressed by his conductor, Kuvera's 
attendant : for even loquacity is becoming in its season. 

" ' This mountain with its snowy peaks rending the cloudy 
sky in a thousand places, is, when viewed, able to remove at 
once the sins of man. An imperceptible something within it, 
the wise ever demonstrate to exist by proofs difficultly appre- 
hended. But Brahmd alone thoroughly knows this vast and 
inaccessible mountain, as he alone [86] knows the supreme soul. 
With its lakes overspread by the bloom of lotus, and over- 
shadowed by arbours of creeping plants whose foliage and 


blossoms are enchanting, the pleasing scenery subdues the 
hearts of women who maintained their steadiness of mind even 
in the company of a lover. By this happy and well-governed 
mountain, the earth, filled with gems of easy acquisition and 
great excellence, delightful to the god of riches, seems to 
surpass both rival worlds/' 1 5. 16 — 20. 

2. Mdtrdmmaka. 

The metre denominated M&tr&samaka consists of four verses, 
each of which contains the quantity of sixteen short syllables ; 
and in which the last syllable must be a long one ; and the 
ninth syllabic moment must be in general detached from the 
eighth and tenth, and be exhibited of course by a short syl- 
lable : if the twelfth be so likewise, the metre is distinguished 
by another name ; or if the fifth and eighth remain short, 
the denomination is again changed. The last sort of metre 
is varied by deviating from the rule respecting the ninth 
moment; and another variety exhibits the fifth, eighth, and 
twelfth moments by short syllables. 9 These five varieties of 
the metre called M&tr&samaka may be variously combined in 
the same stanza ; and in that [87] case the measure is de- 
nominated P&d&kulaka ; a name which is applied with greater 
latitude in Pr&krit prosody, to denote a tetrastich wherein 
each verse contains sixteen moments, without any other re- 
striction as to the number and place of the long and short 

1 The first and fourth stanzas, in this quotation, are in the Drutayilambita 
metre, and the fifth in the Pramitakshara ; which will be both noticed under a 
subsequent head. The third is an uncommon measure named Chandrika or 

* The names of these four varieties are 1st, Vanayasika, which exhibits the 
ninth and twelfth moments by short syllables, and the fifteenth and sixteenth by 
a long one : the rest being optional. 2ndly, Chitra, exhibiting the fifth, eighth, 
and ninth, by Bhort syllables, the fifteenth and sixteenth by a long one. 8rdrr t 
Upachitra, the fifth and eighth short; the ninth and tenth long; also the fifteenth 
and sixteenth long. 4thly, Visloka, fifth, eighth, and twelfth short ; fifteenth and 
sixteenth long; and the rest indeterminate. [Of. Ind. Stud. viiL 314-318.] 


A poem inserted in the first volume of Asiatic Researches 1 
is a specimen of the variety which this sort of metre admits. 
In a collection of tales entitled Vet&la-panchavinsati, the 
author, &ivad£sa, has quoted several stanzas of that poem 
intermixed with others, in which the measure is still more 
varied: and I may here remark, that the introduction of 
rhyme into Sanskrit verse is not peculiar to this anapostie 
metre : Jayadeva has adopted it with success in several other 
sorts of lyric measure, and it is frequent in Sanskrit poetry 
composed in any species of Prikrit metre. 

3. Qitydryd. 

Another species of metre regulated by quantity is named 
Gity&ry&. Like the preceding, it is a tetrastich, in which 
each verse consists of sixteen mdtrda or moments, but all 
expressed by short syllables. In other words the stanza con- 
tains sixty-four short syllables distributed into four verses. 
From the mixture of verses of this description with others 
consisting exclusively of long syllables, arises another metre, 
distinguished into two sorts, according as the first couplet in 
the stanza consists of short syllables and the second of long ; 
or, conversely, the first long and the second short. 8 The 
Gity&ry& may be further varied by making the last syllable 
of each couplet long and all the rest short ; at the [88] 
same time reducing both couplets to twenty-nine moments ; or 
the first only to that measure, and the second to thirty-one ; 
or the first couplet to -thirty, while the second contains thirty- 
two. 8 

1 Page 35. 

* The mixed metre, in which one couplet of the stanza contains abort syllables 
and the other long, is termed £Tikha or Chuga. If the first couplet contain the 
short syllables, it is denominated Jyotis ; but it is called Saumya or Anangakritfa, 
when the first couplet consists of long syllables. 

8 This metre, concerning which authorities disagree, is called Chutfika or 
Chulika; or, according to the Yritta-ratnakara, Atiruchira. 


4. Prdkrit measures. 

The foregoing are all comprehended under the general 
designation of J&ti: and besides these, which are noticed in 
treatises on Sanskrit prosody, other kinds belonging to the 
class of metre regulated by quantity, are specified by writers 
on Pr&krit prosody. They enumerate no less than forty-two 
kinds, some of which comprehend many species and varieties. 
The most remarkable, including some of those already de- 
scribed as belonging to Sanskrit prosody, are the following, of 
which instances are frequent in Pr&krit, and which are also 
sometimes employed in Sanskrit poetry. 

A stanza of four verses, containing alternately thirteen and 
eleven moments (and scanned 6+4+3 and 6+4+1), is 
named either DohA 1 (S. Dwipath&) or Soratth& (S. Sau- 
r&shtra), according as the long verse precedes the short one, 
or the contrary. This metre, of which no less than twenty- 
three species bear distinct names (from forty-eight short 
syllables to twenty-three long and two short), is very com- 
monly used in Hindi poetry. As an instance of it, the work 
of Bih&ril&l may be mentioned, which consists of seven hundred 
couplets (sat sai) all in this measure. It is a collection of 
descriptive poetry ; of which Krishna, sporting with R&dhd 
and the Gopfs, is the hero. The following example is from 
that celebrated author. 

[89] 4j4i<jafl jHmut^ sparer u*nf?i wf i 
^rat 4(*n(f *i *n wc >sI\JY wsj[ fatui i 

Makardkrita Gopdla ke 

kundala jhalakata kana, 
Dhasyo manohiya gadha samara, 

dyodhi lasata nisdna. 

" The dolphin-shaped ring, which glitters in Gop&ia's ear, 
may be taken for the symbol of Cupid suspended at the gate, 
while the god is lodged in his heart/ 9 

1 CorruptlyDohra. 



To understand this stanza it must be remarked, that the 
symbol of the Indian cnpid is the aquatic animal named Ma* 
kara (which has in the Hindu zodiac the place of Capricorn). 
It is here translated dolphin, without however supposing either 
the deliverer of Arion, or any species of dolphin (as the term 
is appropriated in systems of natural history), to be meant. 

The Qkthi or G4h& has been already noticed as a name of 
the &ry& measure in Pr&krit prosody. Including under this 
as a general designation the seven species of it, with all their 
numerous varieties, it is no uncommon metre in Pr&krit poetry. 
A collection of amatory verses ascribed to the famous monarch 
S&liv&hana, comprising seven hundred stanzas, 1 and purport- 
ing to be a selection from many thousands by the same author, 
is exclusively in metre of this kind. The introductory verse 
intimates that 

"Seven hundred couplets (gdhds) are here selected out of 
ten millions of elegant couplets composed by the poet H&la." 

H&la is a known title of §&liv&hana, and is so explained 
both here and in a subsequent passage by the [90] scholiast 
Gang£dhara Bhatta. It is not, however, probable, that he 
really composed those verses: and it would be perhaps too 
much to conjecture, that the true author of them was 
patronized by that monarch, whose existence as an Indian 
sovereign has been brought in doubt. 

The metre called Mah&r&shtra (in Pr&krit Marahattd) is 
a tetrastich, of which each verse contains twenty-nine tndtrds, 
scanned by one foot of six, and five of four ; with a termi- 
nating trochee. It has pauses at the eighteenth and twenty- 
ninth mdtrd8. This measure is evidently denominated from 
the country which gives name to the Marahatta nation: as 
another species, before mentioned, takes its designation from 
Saur&shtra or Sorattha. 8 The circumstance is remarkable. 

1 From their number, entitled Sat Sai. [Prof. Weber edited and translated 

about half the work in the Abhanglungm fur die Kttnde des Morgenlande», vol. v.] 

* The peninsula, between the golfs of Oambay and Catch. The name remains, 

vol. m. [essays n.] 6 


Another tetrastich, which it is requisite to notice, is de- 
nominated Rol&. Each verse contains twenty-four tndtrds: 
and this species of metre admits twelve varieties, from twenty- 
four short syllables to eleven long and two short, bearing 
distinct names. 

The ShatpadikA (Pr. ChhappaA) is a stanza of six verses, 
arranged in a tetrastich and couplet ; the first termed K&vya, 
and the second Ull&la. In the tetrastich, each verse contains 
twenty-four moments (scanned 2 + five times 4+2, or else 
6 + four times 4+2) with a pause at the eleventh moment ; 
and each verse of the couplet contains twenty-eight moments, 
with a pause at the fifteenth. The varieties are extremely 


numerous, according to the [91] number and the places of the 
long and short syllables. No fewer than forty-five variations 
of the tetrastich, and seventy* one of the whole stanza, have 
separate names. They are distinguished by the number of 
short and long syllables (from 152 short to 70 long and 12 
short in the whole stanza, or from 96 short to 44 long and 8 
short in the tetrastich). The following example is extracted 
from the Pingala'Vritti. 

Chhappad or Shatpadikd. 

Pindhau didha sanndha; bdha uppara pakhkhara da'i, 
Bandhu samadi^ rana dhalau. Sdmi Hammira baana lai, 
Uduu naha; paha bhamdu; khagga riu ska hijhdlau. 
Pakhkhara pakhkhara, thelli pelli, pabbad appdrdu. 
Hammira kajja Jajjalla bhana, kohdnala mahu mahajaldu. 
Sulatdna sisa karabdla da'i, tqji kalevara, d'ia chalau. 

**j*wf^ ?ti wre *Tfa i*fK twt wj i 

v but the boundaries of the province are more restricted than in ancient times. It 
still, however, includes the remains of Krishna's city of Dwarka ; the celebrated 
temple of Soman&tha, so frequently plundered by the Muhammadans ; and the 
mountain of Giranara, held sacred by the Jainas no less than by the followers 
of the Veda. 


^1^ Wf v% wre *nr ft* ^far ft otto \ 
vi^K v^zk %far vf9 vm* ^HXTTT* » 

Jajjala, general of Hammings forces, taking the field against 
the Muhammadan emperor, says vauntingly : 

" 1 put on strong armour, placing barbs on my horse, and 
taking leave of kinsmen, I hasten to the war. Having re- 
ceived the commands of my master Hammira, I fly through 
the sky; I pursue the road; I flourish my scimitar on the 
head of the foe. Amid the bustle of horse [92] and foot I 
scale mountains. In Hammira's cause, Jajjala declares, The 
fire of wrath burns within me ; laying my sword on the head 
of the Sultan, and abandoning this corporeal frame, I ascend 
to heaven." 

The emperor, whose death was thus vainly promised to 
Hammira by his braggart general, must have been Sultan 
Muhammad Khuni, with whom he is stated to have been 
contemporary, and who reigned from a.d. 1325 to 1351. 1 
Hammira was sovereign of S&kambhari, which, with un- 
feigned deference for the opinion of Captain Wilford on a 
geographical question, I still think to be Sambher: 2 and 
for this simple reason, that the culinary salt brought from 
the lakes of Sambher is named in Sanskrit S'dkambhariya 
lavana, answering to the Hindi Sambher laun. It is, how- 
ever, proper to remark, that maps exhibit a place of the name 
of Sambhere between Ujjayani and Indor. 

The Utkachha is a stanza of six verses, each comprising 
eleven moments (scanned 4+4+3). It admits eight species 
from sixty-six short syllables to twenty-eight long and ten 

The Kundalika is composed of one stanza of the metre 
named Doha, followed by another in the measure called Kola : 

1 As. Res. yoI ix., p. 192. a As. Res. vol. yii., p. fill. 


the entire stanza consequently comprises eight verses. In 
this species of metre, rhyme and alliteration are so appropriate 
ornaments, that it admits the repetition of a complete hemi- 
stich or even an entire verse: as in the following example 
extracted from the Pingala-vritti. 

Kundalikd or Kundatid. 

• • • • 

Dholld mdna Dhilli maha, muchhia Mechha %arira y 
Pura Jajjalld malla bora, ehatia bira Hammira. 
[93] Chalta bira Hammira, pdd bhara meini kampai. 

Diga maga naha andhdra dhuli tkraha raha jhampdi. 
Diga maga naha andhdra dnu. Khurasdnaka olid 
DavaU, daman vippakhkha : mdru Dhilli maha dholld. 

yc *n*wrr *w*r *iftm *ftr i*fa i 

" Having made the barbarians faint at the sound of the 
drum beaten in the midst of Dhilli and preceded by Jajjala, 
eminent above athletes, the hero Hammira advances ; and as 
the hero Hammira advances, the earth trembles under his feet. 
The cloud of dust, raised by the march of his multitudes, 
obscures the chariot of the sun. Darkness spreads with the 
march of his multitudes. The hostages of the Khorasanian 
are slain ; the foe is slaughtered, and the drum is beat in the 
midst of Dhilli." 

A stanza of nine verses, composed of one of five with a 
tetrastich of the metre called Dohfi. subjoined to it, is de- 
nominated Raddhi. Here the stanza of five contains three 
verses of fifteen moments each, with two of twelve and eleven 
interposed. The distribution of the feet, together with a 


restriction as to the terminating one, varies in each verse: 
and a difference in the regulation of the feet gives rise to six 
varieties which have distinct appellations. 

The Ghatnshpadiki (Pr. Ohanpaia or Chaupii) is a stanza 
of sixteen verses distributed into four tetrastichs, in which 
each verse contains thirty moments (scanned seven [94] times 
4+2), and terminated by a long syllable. This measure is of 
very frequent use in the poetry of the modern languages. 
The lUim&ya^a of Tulasid&sa, in seven cantos, a poem held in 
great estimation by Hindus of the middle tribes, is composed 
chiefly in a similar metre under the same name (Chaup&i), 
and containing the same number of verses (sixteen) in the 
stanza. It alternates with the Doh&, and very rarely gives 
place in that poem to any other metre. 

In this metre the stanza contains the greatest number of 
verses of any admitted into Pr&krit prosody. The other 
measures regulated by quantity are tetrastichs, except the 
Ghatt& and certain other couplets noticed at the foot of the 
page ; 1 some of which might have been ranked with more 
propriety under the next head of uniform metre. 

One other measure which is placed in this class, but which 
belongs rather to another, remains to be noticed. It is an 
irregular stanza of four verses, containing alternately seventeen 
and eighteen syllables, with no regulation of their length or of 
the quantity of the verse or stanza. It is termed Gandha, or 
in Pr&krit Gandh&Qa. 

The rest of the Pr&krit metres may be sought in the synop- 
tical tables subjoined to this essay. 

The present may be a proper place for noticing a class of 

1 The Ghafta and Ghaftananda, consisting of two verses of thirty-one tndtrds 
etch. In the first species the pauses are after the tenth and eighteenth mdtrdt; 
in the other after the eleventh and eighteenth. There is also a slight difference 
in the distribution of the feet (7 times 4+8 short; and 6+3 times 3+6+6+3+3 
short). The Dwipadika has in each Terse twenty-eight mdtrdt (6+ five times 
4+1 long). «The S'ikha containing the like number, the Ehanja with forty-one 
mdirdt to the Terse, and the Mala with forty-five, are couplets ; but the feet are 
strictly regulated. 


poetry which has been even more cultivated in the Pr&krit 
and provincial languages than in Sanskrit. I allude to the 
erotic poetry of the Hindus. 

[95] On its general character I shall briefly observe, that it 
is free from the grievous defects of the Hindi poems composed 
in the style and metre of Persian verse; but it wants elevation 
of sentiment and simplicity of diction. The passion, which 
it pictures, is sensual, but the language refined, with some 
tenderness in the expression and in the thoughts. Among 
the most celebrated poems in this class may be mentioned the 
Chaura-panch&sik&, comprising fifty stanzas, by Chaura, 1 and 
Amaru-sataka, containing twice that number, by Amaru. 9 
The first is supposed to be uttered by the poet Chaura, who, 
being detected in an intrigue with a king's daughter, and 
condemned to death, triumphs in the recollection of his suc- 
cessful love. The other, which is a collection of unconnected 
stanzas on amatory topics, is reputed to be the work of the 
great Sankara Ach&rya, composed by him in his youth, before 
he devoted himself to the study of theology. 3 

Some of the commentators on this poem have attempted 
to explain it in a devout and mystical sense, on the same 
principle upon which Jayadeva's lyric poems are interpreted 
as bearing a religious meaning. The interpretation, however, 
is too strained to be admitted; and though Jayadeva's in- 
tention may have been devout, and his meaning spiritual, 
Amaru, or whoever was the true author of the work bearing 
this name, is clearly the lover of an earthly mistress. 

The most singular compositions in this class of poetry, and 
for which chiefly a notice of it has been here introduced, are 
those in which the subject is treated with the studied arrange- 

1 [Edited with Scbol. by Bohlen, 1833.] ' [Often printed.] 

* [In the legendary memoirs of S'ankara, this singular episode in the great 
philosopher's life is represented as connected with his unsuccessful contest with 
Managua Mis'ra's queen. In consequence of his defeat, he enters « dead king's 
body, and remains buried in the pleasures of the harem until he is aroused by 
his disciples to a better consciousness. See Anandagiri, oh. 57-59.] 


ment and formal precision of the schools. I shall instance 
the Rasamanjari of Bhanudatte Misra in Sanskrit, and the 
works of Matir&ina and Sundara in Hindi. Here varioas 
descriptions of Iotots and mis[96]tresses distingaished by 
temper, age, and circumstances, are systematically classed and 
logically defined, with the seriousness and elaborate precision 
of scholastic writers. As ridicule was not intended, these 
poems are not humorous but trifling : and I should not have 
dwelt on the subject, if their number, and the recurrence of 
them in different languages of India, were not evidence that 
the national taste is consulted in such compositions. 

III. — Varna'tritta; metre regulated by the number of syllables. 

The next sort of metre is that which is measured by the 
number of syllables ; it is denominated Aksharachhandas or 
Var^a-vritta, in contradistinction to the preceding kinds 
which are regulated by quantity ; and it may be subdivided 
into three sorts, according as the verses composing the stanza 
are all similar, or the alternate alike, or all dissimilar. 

This also is a stanza of four verses (pddas\ each containing 
an equal number of syllables, the length of which is regulated 
by special rules. The number of syllables varies from twenty- 
four to a hundred and four, in each strophe : this is, from 
six to twenty-six in each verse. There are indeed names 
in Pr&krit prosody for verses from one to five syllables, 
and instances of Sanskrit verse containing a higher number 
than above stated, viz. from twenty-seven to one less than 
a thousand. But these constitute distinct classes of metre. 
Between the limits first mentioned, twenty-one kinds receive 
different appellations appropriate to the number of syllables 
contained in the stanza. 

Each kind comprehends a great variety of possible metres, 
according to the different modes in which long and short 
syllables, as well as pauses, may be distributed; and [97] 


since the four quarters of each stanza may be either all alike, 
or only the alternate similar, or all different, the variety of 
possible metres is almost infinite. Pingala, however, gives 
directions for computing the number of species, and for finding 
their places, or that of any single one, in a regular enumera- 
tion of them 5 or conversely, the metre of any species of which 
the place is assigned: and rules have been given even for 
calculating the space which would be requisite for writing 
down all the various species. 

In the first class or kind, wherein the verse consists of 
six syllables, sixty-four combinations are computed on the 
syllables of each verse ; 4096 l on those of the half stanza ; 
and 16,777,216' on the twenty-four syllables which con- 
stitute the complete stanza of this class. In the last of 
the twenty-one kinds, 67,108,864 combinations are com- 
puted on twenty-six syllables within each verse; nearly 
4,503,621,000,000,000, on fifty-two syllables; and more 
than 20,282,388,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000, on a hun- 
dred and four syllables which form the stanza. 3 

The different sorts, which have been used by poets, are few 
in comparison with the vast multitude of possible metres. 
Still they are too numerous to be all described at full length. 
I shall therefore select, as specimens, those sorts of metre 
which are most frequently employed, or [98] which require 
particular notice; referring for the rest to the subjoined 
tables, in which the various kinds are succinctly exhibited by 
single letters descriptive of feet scanned in the Indian and in 
the Latin mode. 

In the best Sanskrit poems, as those of K&lid&sa, Bh&ravi, 

1 Fit. 64 uniform and 4032 half equal 

* Viz. 64 uniform, 4032 half equal, and 16,773,120 unequal or dissimilar. 

• A mode of calculating the possible yarieties of metre is also taught in the 
Lilavati, a treatise of arithmetic and geometry, by Bhaskara. This truly learned 
astronomer was also a poet, and his mathematical works are composed in highly 
polished metre. If the reader figure to himself Euclid in Alcaic measure, Dio- 
phantus in anapaests, or the Almagest Terrified with all the rariety of Horatian 
metre, he will form an adequate notion of this incongruity. 



&riharsha, M&gha, etc., the poet usually adheres to the same, 
or at least to similar metre, throughout the whole of the 
canto ; * excepting towards the close of it, where the metre is 
usually changed in the last two or three stanzas, apparently 
with the intention of rendering the conclusion more impressive. 
Sometimes, indeed, the metre is more irregular, being changed 
several times within the same canto, or even altering with 
every stanza. 

The Raghava-pa^daviya, by Kaviraja,* is an instance of a 
complete poem, every canto of which exhibits variety of metre. 
This extraordinary poem is composed with studied ambiguity ; 
so that it may, at the option of the reader, be interpreted as 
relating the history of Rama and other descendants of Dasa- 

ratha, or that of Yudhishthira and other sons of Pandu. The 

* • • • 

example of this singular style of composition had been set by 
Subandhu in the story of Vasavadatta, 8 and Banabhatta in 
his unfinished work entitled K&dambari; 4 as is hinted by 
Kaviraja. Both these works, which, like the Dasakumara 5 
of Dandi, are prose compositions in poetical language, and 
therefore reckoned among poems, do indeed exhibit continual 
instances of terms and phrases employed in a double sense : 
but not, like the Raghava-pandaviya, two distinct stories told 
in the same words. 

[99] The following passage will sufficiently explain the man- 
ner in which the poem is composed. The first stanza is of the 
mixed sort of metre named Upajati, which will be immediately 
described ; the second is in one of the measures composing it, 
termed Upendravajra. 

1 Writers on rhetoric (as the author of the SfiJritya-darpana and others) lay it 
down as a maxim, that the metre and style should in general be uniform in each 
canto : but they admit occasional deviations in regard to the metre. 

3 So the author has called himself. [Printed at Calcutta, 1854.] 

* [Edited by Dr. Hall in the BibL Ind.] 

4 [Twice printed at Calcutta.] 

* [Edited by Prof. Wilson, and several times printed in Calcutta.] 


^w *i% *nre: inft^c i mo i 
fay ^tt** ufinw it# i 

50. Mdtuh iriyan sandadhad Indumatydh 
ildghyaft iaratkdla ivodupankteh, 
A%au, prqfdpdlanadakshabhdvdd, 
jdjasya chakre fnanasah pramodam. 
52. Vichitraviryatya divan gatasya 

pituh sa rqjyam pratipadya bdlye, 
Purim Ayodhydm, DhritardshtrabAadrdm, 
sahastiiobhdm tukham adhyuvdsa. 

"Having the beauty of his mother Indumati, and admirable 
like the dewy season when it enjoys the beauty of the stars, 
he (Dasaratha) made glad the mind of Aja 1 by his skill in 
the protection of the people. Succeeding in youth to the 
kingdom of his variously valiant father, who departed for 
heaven, he dwelt happily in the [100] city of Ayodhyi, 
which was adorned with elephants and upheld the prosperity 
of his realm." 

Otherwise interpreted the same passage signifies, 
" Having the beauty of his mother, and admirable like the 
dewy season when it enjoys the beauty of the stars and of the 
moon, he (P&n.du) made glad the heart of the unborn god by 
his skill in the protection of creatures. Succeeding in youth 
to the kingdom of his hither Vichitravirya,* who departed for 

1 Aja wai father and Indumati mother of Datfaratha. 
* VichitraYirya was husband of Panto's mother. 


heaven, he dwelt happily in the peaceful city of Hastin&pura 
auspiciously inhabited by Dhritar&shtra." 1. 50. and 51. 

To proceed with the subject. In general the different sorts 
of verse which are contained in the subjoined synoptical table 
of uniform metre, are used singly, and the stanza is con- 
sequently regular : but some of the species, differing little from 
each other, are intermixed. Thus the Indravajra, measured 
by a dactyl between two epitrites (third and second), and the 
Upendravajra, which begins with diiambus, may be mixed in 
the same stanza. This sort of mixt metre (an example of 
which has been just now exhibited) is denominated Upaj&ti : 
it of course admits fourteen variations ; l or, with the regular 
stanzas, sixteen. The relief which it affords from the rigorous 
laws of the uniform stanza, renders it a favourite metre with 
the best poets. It has been much employed by K&lid&sa, in 
whose poem on the birth and marriage of Pdrvati, three out 
of the seven cantos which compose it are in this metre ; as are 
eight out of nineteen in his heroic poem on the glory of the 
race of Ragha. 

The last-mentioned work, which is entitled Raghuvansa, 
[101] and is among the most admired compositions in the 
Sanskrit tongue, contains the history of R&ma and of his 
predecessors and successors, from Dilfpa father of Raghu, to 
Agnivar^a, a slothful prince who was succeeded by his widow 
and posthumous son. The first eight cantos relate chiefly to 
Raghu, with whose history that of his father Dilipa, and of 
his son Aja, is nearly connected. The next eight concern 
R&raa, whose story is in like manner intimately connected 
with that of his father Dasaratha and of his sons Eusa and 
Lava. The three concluding cantos regard the descendants of 
Kusa, from Atithi to Agnivan^a, both of whom are noticed at 
considerable length ; each being the subject of a single canto, 
in which their characters are strongly contrasted; while the in- 

1 They hare distinct names, which are enumerated in the Chhandomartanc>, 
cited by the commentator on the Vritta-ratn&kara : as Maniprabha, Kantimati, etc. 


termediate princes, to the number of twenty, are crowded into 
the intervening canto, which is little else than a dry genealogy. 

The adventures of Rama are too well known to require any 
detailed notice in this place. The poet has selected the chief 
circumstances of his story, and narrates them nearly as they 
are told in the mythological poems and theogonies, but with 
far greater poetical embellishments. Indeed, the general style 
of the poems esteemed sacred (not excepting from this censure 
the Ramayana of Valmfki,) is flat, diffuse, and no less de- 
ficient in ornament than abundant in repetitions ; and it is for 
this reason that examples have been selected, for the present 
essay, exclusively from the celebrated profane poems. Rama's 
achievements have been sung by the profane as frequently as 
by the sacred poets. His story occupies a considerable place 
in many of the Purai^as, and is the sole object of Valmiki's 
poem, and of another entitled Adhyatma-ramayana, 1 which 
is ascribed to Vy&sa. A fragment of a Ramayana, attributed 
to Baudhayana, is current in the southern part of the Indian 
peninsula; and the great [102] philosophical poem, usually 
cited under the title of Yoga-vasistyha,* is a part of a Rama- 
yana, comprising the education of the devout hero. Among 
profane poems on the same subject, the Raghuvan&a and 
Bhat(ikavya with the Raghava-pa^daviya before mentioned, 
are the most esteemed in Sanskrit, as the Ramayana of 
Tulasid&sa and Ramachandrika* of Eesavad&sa are in Hindi. 
The minor poets, who have employed themselves on the same 
topic, both in Sanskrit and in the Prakrit and provincial 
dialects, are by far too numerous to be here specified. 

The other poem of Kalidasa above mentioned, though 
entitled Kumara-sambhava or orign of Kumara (who is 
son of Parvati), closes with Parvati's wedding. It has the 
appearance of being incomplete ; and a tradition runs, that 

1 [Printed in Bombay and Benares with a Comm.] 
* [Printed in Bombay, 1865.] 


it originally consisted of twenty-two books. 1 However, it 
relates the birth of the goddess as daughter of mount Hima- 
laya* and celebrates the religious austerities by which she 
gained &iva for her husband ; after Kandarpa, or Oupid, had 
failed in inspiring 6iva with a passion for her, and had perished 
(for the time) by the fiery wrath of the god. The personages, 
not excepting her father, the snowy mountain, are described 
with human manners and the human form, with an exact 
observance of Indian costume. 

The following stanza from a poem in mixed language upon 
the same subject (the birth of Kum&ra), is selected as a further 
example of Upaj&ti metre, and as a specimen of the manner in 
which Sanskrit and Pr&krit are sometimes intermixed. It is 
quoted for that purpose in the Pingalavritti. 

tot: juk: * $*j<umrO 
if w8*I ^rnc W* thw<t 

[103] Bdlah kumdrdh; sa chha-munda-dhdri. 

Up&a-hlnd hamu ekka-n&ri. 
Ahar-ni&am khdi visham bhikhdrl. 
Gatir bhavitri kila kd hamdri. 

Devi, grieving over her Infant son Kum&ra or Skanda, says, 
" The child is an infant, but he has six mouths [to be fed] : 
I am a helpless, solitary female : night and day my mendicant 
husband swallows poison: what resource is there, alas! for me?" 
An instance of the same measure used in the Marahatta 
(Mah&r&shtra) language is quoted by the commentator on the 
Yritta-ratn&kara. It appears, however, from the rhymes, that 
the verse is there subdivided by a pause after the fifth syllable. 

1 [The remaining 1 books are generally considered spurious, though the eighth 
is quoted with the author's name (iti Edlidd$ah) in the second book of the 
Sankihiptasara, and without mentioning any name in the Darfartipa it. 
§ 12, and Sahityadarpana, iiL f 218. They hare been printed in Calcutta,] 


The variety of the Upaj&ti metre is increased by the farther 
mixture of two sorts of iambic measure named Vansastha 1 and 
Indravans&. The first is composed of a choriambus between 
two diiambi ; in the second, the first dissyllable is a spondee 
instead of an iambic. Instances of this mixt metre occur in 
V&lmiki's R&mayana, 8 in the Sri Bh&gavata-purana, 3 and 
in a metaphysical and theological drama entitled Prabodha- 
chandrodaya. 4 

The following example from the drama now mentioned 
exhibits the combination of those four sorts of metre in a 
single stanza. 

_£^^^__^^^^^ ^^^^^_^__i^ ^^^^^^^^^^^ 

flKiUHn ^THrgrT !*kw*ii i 
[104] ^m: ffri4|<P i fi > fafing- 

Vidyd-prabodhodaya-Janma-bhiimir, . 

Vdrdnasi mukti-puri niratyayd 
Atah kulochchheda-vidhim vidhitmr 

nivastum atrechhati nityam eva Bah. 

"Var&iiasi, the indestructible city of eternal salvation, is 
the native land of science and intellect : hence, one desirous of 
observing the precepts by which a continuance of family is cut 
off [and final beatitude obtained], is solicitous to dwell there 

The same term (Upaj&ti), as descriptive of mixt metre, has 
been also applied to the intermixture of two spondaic measures 
named V&tormf and &&lini ; which are very similar, the first 
having an anapaest, the other a cretic, between a dispondeus 

1 [Weber writes Vanrfastba.] 

2 In a passage of the Sundara-k&nfc. 3 Book 10th. 

4 Among the persons of this drama are the passions and rices (pride, anger, 
avarice, etc.) with the virtues (as pity and patience), and other abstract notions, 
some of which constitute very strange personifications. The author was Krishna 
Fandita. [This was edited by Brockhaus, 1846, and anonymously translated into 
German by Goldstiicker. It was translated into English by Taylor, 1812.] 


and second epitritus, with a pause at the fourth syllable. 
Analogous to the first of these are the RathoddhatA and 
Sw&gat&, measured by an anapaest preceded by two trochees, 
and followed in the one by two iambics, and in the other by 
an ionic. These and the preceding are metres in very com- 
mon use with the best poets ; and instances of them will occur 
in subsequent extracts, chosen for the sake of other measures 
with which they are joined. 

The several sorts of metre above described are, like the two 
last, also employed separately : for instance, the first cantos of 
the Naishadhiya of &riharsha, and Kir&t&rjuniya of Bh&ravi, 
as well as that of the epic poem of Magna, are in the iambic 
measure called Vansastha ; which recurs again in other parts 
of the same poems : especially in the Kir&ta, of which four 
books out of eighteen are in this measure. 

The first of the works just now mentioned is a poem 
[105] in twenty-two cantos, 1 on the marriage of Nala, king 
of Nishadha, and Damayanti, daughter of Bhima, king of 
Vidarbha. It is a favourite poem on a favourite subject ; and 
though confessedly not free from faults, is by many esteemed 
the most beautiful composition in the Sanskrit language. 9 The 
marriage of Nala and Damayanti, his loss of his kingdom by 
gaming, through the fraudulent devices of Kali disguised in the 
human form, his desertion of his wife and his transformation, 
her distresses, her discovery of him, and his restoration to his 
proper form and to his throne, are related in another poem 
already noticed under the title of Nalodaya. Their adven- 
tures likewise constitute an episode of the Mah&bh&rata, 8 and 
are the subject of a novel in prose and verse, by Trivikrama- 
bhatta, entitled Nalachampu 4 or Damayanti-kath&. &ri- 

1 [The former part was edited with a modern Comm. in Calcutta, 1836, the 
latter by Dr. Boer in the Bibl. Ind. with the Comm. of Narayana.] 

1 [There is a sloka current among the Pandits, Tdvad bhd Bhdrawr bhdti ydvan 
Mdghatya nodayafy, Udite Naithadhe kdvye Jcwa Mdghah kwa eha JBhdravih.] 

3 From the 53rd to the 79th chapters of the Vana-parra. 

4 A composition, in which prose and Terse are intermixed, is called ChampQ. 


harsha's poem, though containing much beautiful poetry 
according to the Indian taste, ia very barren of incident. It 
brings the story no further than the marriage of Nala and 
Damayanti, and the description of their mutual affection and 
happiness, which continues notwithstanding the machinations 
of Kali. The romantic and interesting adventures subsequent 
to the marriage, as told in the Nalodaya, are here wholly 
omitted; while the poet, with a degree of licentiousness, 
which is but too well accommodated to the taste of his 
countrymen, indulges in glowing descriptions of sensual love. 

The following example of Vansastha metre is from the 
introduction of the Naishadhiya. To render the author's 
meaning intelligible, it may be necessary to premise, that the 
mere celebrating of Nala and Damayanti is reckoned [106] 
sufficient to remove the taint of a sinful age, and is so declared 
in a passage of the Mah&bh&rata. 

Vaniaetha metre* 

Pavitram atr&tanute jagad yuge, 
stnrit&y rasa-kshdlanayew yat-kathd 

Katham na %d mad-giram, dvildm api, 
swasevinim eva, pavitrayishyatu 

"How should a story, which being remembered, purifies 
the world in the present age, as it were by an actual ablution, 
fail of purifying my voice, however faulty, when employed on 
this narration." 1. 3. 

In the following passage from Bh&ravTs Kir&t&rjuniya, the 
last stanza is an example of the M&lini metre, and the preced- 
ing one of the Pushpit&gii ; which will be noticed further on : 


all the rest are in the Vansastha measure. It is the close 
of a reproachful speech of Draupadi to her eldest husband, 
Yudhishthira, inciting him to break the compact with Dur- 
yodhana, by which the P&^davas had engaged to remain 
twelve years in exile. 

[107] gnftrcpR inrt **r*pt 

vRfn *rtl *tjfjt wt ^3: i 8o i 
inft^ ^fafs toto fafiimH 1 

tol. in. [S&LYS u.] 7 


[108] grana *nrort *nftw: 

" I do not comprehend this thy prudence ; for opinions 
are indeed various : but anguish forces itself on my mind 
when considering thy extreme distress. Thou, who didst 
formerly repose on a costly couch, and wert wakened with 
auspicious praise and song, now sleepest on the ground 
strewed with pungent grass, and art roused from thy [109] 
slumbers by the dismal howlings of shakals. Thy feet, which, 
resting on a footstool adorned with precious stones, were 
tinged by the dust of the blossoms in the chaplets worn by 
prostrate monarchs, now tread the wilderness, where the tips 
of sharp grass are cropped by the teeth of stags. 1 Thy per- 
son, king, which formerly gained beauty by feeding on the 
blessed remnant of the feast given to holy men, now wastes 

1 [Mallinatha explains mfigadwijdlimaiikk^hu "whose tips are cropped by 
the deer and cut by the ascetics."] 



with thy glory, while thou feedest on the fruits of the forest. 
That thou art reduced to this condition by the act of thy 
enemies, harrows up my soul. To the valiant, whose courage 
is unsubdued by the foe, misfortune is a triumph. Relin- 
quishing peace, O king, be active, and rouse thy energy for 
the slaughter of thy foes. Placid saints, not kings, attain 
perfection, disarming their enemies by patience. If persons 
such as thee, whose honour is their wealth, who are leaders of 
the brave, submit to such insupportable disgrace, then is 
magnanimity destroyed without resource. If, divested of 
courage, thou deem submission the means of lasting ease, 
then quit thy bow, the symbol of a sovereign, and becoming a 
hermit, feed here with oblations the purifying flame. Ad- 
herence to the compact is not good for thee, valiant prince, 
while thy foes compass thy disgrace ; for kings, ambitious of 
victory, scruple not the use of stratagem in treating with 
enemies. Thee, who by force of fete and time art now sunk 
in the deep ocean of calamity, dull with diminished splendour, 
and slow to enterprise, may fortune again attend, as thou 
risest like the sun with the new-born day, dispelling hostile 
gloom." 1. 37-46. 

To return to the enumeration of analogous sorts of metre. 
A true spondaic metre, named VidyunmalA, consisting of four 
spondees, with a pause in the middle of the verse, which 
virtually divides the tetrastich into a stanza of eight, is often 
mixed, as before observed, with the metre [110] termed 
Gity&ryfi, containing the same quantity in a greater number 
of syllables. 

Other measures, also containing the same quantity but in 
a greater number of syllables, occur among the species of 
uniform metre. The subjoined note 1 exhibits several species, 

1 Rukmavati or Champakamala, composed of alternate dactyls and spondees ; 
Matta, measured by three spondees with four short syllables before the last ; 
Panara, containing a spondee and dactyl, and an anapaest and spondee ; Bhrama- 
rarilasita, measured by two spondees, four short syllables and an anapaest : 
Jaloddhatagati, composed of alternate amphibrachys and anapsestB ; and several 
other species, as Kusumavichitra, Manignnanikara, Knflmaladantl, Lalana, etc* 



in which the Terse is divided by the position of the pauses 
into two parts equal in quantity, and some of them equal in 
number of syllables. Further instances are also stated in the 
notes, of metre containing the same quantity similarly redu- 
cible to equal feet. 1 Some of the species of metre which con- 
tain a greater number of syllables, are reducible, in conformity 
to the position of their pauses, to this class. 8 

All these varieties of metre have a great analogy to the 
M&tr&samaka and other species before described, which similarly 
contain the quantity of sixteen short syllables or eight long, 
reducible to four equal feet. 

Among the kinds of metre described at the foot of the pre- 
ceding paragraphs, the Dodhaka, Totaka, and Pramit&kshar4 
are the most common. A stanza in the anapeestic measure 
named Pramit&kshari, in which each verse exhibits allitera- 
tion at its close, has been already quoted [111] from the fifth 
canto of the Kir&t&rjuniya of Bh&ravi. The specimen of 
anapaestic measure Totaka, which will be here cited from the 
close of the Nalodaya, is a further instance of alliteration in- 
troduced into every stanza of this singular poem. 


M<4HM<H»M<*IIM<*» I 

Ariraanhatir a*ya vaneshu iuchdm 

padam dpadam dpad amd 'padamd. 
Sukhadan cha yathaiva jandya Harim 

yatam dyatamdya tarn dyata Md. 

1 Dodhaka, composed of three dactyls and a spondee ; Totaka, containing four 
anapaests; Pramitakshara, measured by three anapaxts with an amphibrachys 
for the second foot; Mala, a species of Chandravarta, and some others. 

* Thus Mattakri^a combines two simple kinds, the Vidyonmala and Chandra- 
varta. So Kraunchapada is composed of two species before mentioned, the 
Champakamala and Maniguna. 


" The luckless and despondent crowd of his foes found in 
the forests a calamitous place of sorrow ; and prosperity was 
constant to him, who gave happiness to a sincerely affectionate 
people, as she clings to Hari, who blesses the guileless." 4. 46. 

It has been before said, that in several sorts of metre, the 
pauses would justify the division of the stanza into a greater 
number of verses than four, and instances have been shown, 
where either the number of syllables, or the quantity, would 
be the same in each verse of a stanza of eight, twelve, or even 
sixteen short verses. In the following species of metre, the 
verses of the stanza, subdivided according to the pauses, are 

The 6&rd61avikridita, a very common metre, of which 
examples occur in the former volumes of Asiatic Researches, 1 
is a tetrastich, in which the verse consists of [112] nineteen 
syllables divided by the pause into portions of twelve and 
seven syllables respectively. The following instance of this 
metre is from the close of the first book of M&gha's epic 
poem ; where N&rada, having delivered a message from 
Indra, inciting Krishna to war with &isup&la, king of the 
Chedis, departs, leaving the hero highly incensed against 
his kinsman and enemy. 

Om ityuktavato *tha idrngina, iti 

vydhritya vdehan, nabhas 
Tasminn utpatite purah tura-tnundv 

indofr briyam bibhrati, 
Satrindm aniiam vindia-pi&unah, 

kruddhasya ChaidyampraU 
Vyomniva, bhrukuti-chhalena, vadane 

ketui chakdr' dspadam. 
i Vol. i. p. 279. 


" While the divine sage, having delivered this discourse, 
ascended the sky, bearing on his front the radiance of the 
moon ; the hero, armed with a bow, uttered an expression of 
assent ; and the frown, which found place on his brow wreak* 
ful against the prince of the Ohedis, was as a portent in the 
heavens, foretokening destruction of his foes." 1. 75. 

The Mandakranta, which is the metre in which the Megha- 
duta is composed, has pauses subdividing each verse of seven- 
teen syllables into three portions, containing four, six, and 
seven syllables respectively: viz. two spondees; two pyrrhichii 
and an iambic ; a cretic, trochee, and spondee. The Harini 
differs from the preceding in trans[113]posing the first and 
second portions of the verse, and making the third consist of 
an anapaest between two iambics. An instance of it will be 
subsequently exhibited* 

The example of the first-mentioned metre, here inserted, is 
from the Meghaduta. 1 This elegant little poem, attributed 
as before observed to Kalid&sa, and comprising no more than 
116 stanzas, supposes a Yaksha or attendant of Euvera to 
have been separated from a beloved wife by an imprecation 
of the god Kuvera, who was irritated by the negligence of 
the attendant, in suffering the celestial garden te be trddden 
down by Indra's elephant. The distracted demigod, banished 
from heaven to the earth, where he takes his abode on a hill 
on which Rama once sojourned, 8 entreats a passing cloud to 
convey an affectionate message to his wife. 

Manddkrdntd metre. 
a WITOFI WTO tqlMq^l^^Jtal** 

1 [Often printed in India ; also edited by Gildemeutef, and by Wilson with 
a translation into English Terse.] 

2 Called B&magiri. [It U situated a little to the north of Nagpore.] 


~». _r» ^» -»-» -_ ^ 

[114] 6. Jdtam vanSe, bhumna-vidite, pushkardwrtakdndm, 
Jdndmi tw&tn, prakritupurmhan^ Admar&pam, Maghonah. 
Tend *rthitwan, twayi, vidhi-vaidd ddrabandhur, goto 'ham. 
Tdchhd moghd taram adhigune, nddhame labdhdkdmd. 
7. Bantaptdndn twam cm iaranan; fat, payoda, priydydh, 
Sandeiam me hara, dhanapati-krodha-vi&lethitasya. 
Qantavyd te vaeatir Aldkd ndma yaksheiwardndm, 

" I know thee sprung from the celebrated race of diluvial) 
clouds, a minister of Indra, who dost assume any form at 
pleasure : to thee I become an humble suitor, being separated 
by the power of late from my beloved spouse: a request pre- 
ferred in vain to the noble is better than succeed*! solicitation 
to the vile. Thou art the refuge to the inflamed : therefore 
do thou, cloud, convey to my beloved a message from me 
who am banished by the wrath of the god of riches. Thou 
must repair to Al*k&, the abode of the lord of Yakshas, a 
palace of which the walls are whitened by the moonbeams 
from the crescent on the head of Siva, who seems fixed in the 
grove without." 6 and 7. 

The &ikharini, also a common metre, distributes seventeen 
syllables into portions of six and eleven : an iajnbic and two 
spondees in the one, and a tribrachys, anapaest, dactyl, and 
iambic in the other. This is the metre of the Ananda-lahar., 1 
a hymn of which Sankar&ch&rya is the reputed author, and 
which is addressed to feivd, the &akti or energy of Siva or 
Mah&deva. It comprises a hundred stanzas of orthodox 
poetry held in great estimation by the devout followers of 

1 [Often printed in India.] 


Sankara: the devotional poetry of the Hindus does not usually 
employ metre of so high an order. 

Examples of this measure will be shown in a subsequent 
[115] extract from a work of a very different kind : a drama, 
by Bhavabhdti entitled M&lati-m&dhava. 

The M&lini, consisting of fifteen syllables, places two tri- 
brachys and a spondee in the one subdivided portion of the 
verse, and a cretic, trochee, and spondee, in the other. An 
instance of it occurs in a former extract from the Kir&t4r- 
juniya. The following example of this metre is from the 
drama above mentioned. The passage is descriptive of a 
love-sick maid. 

Mdlini metre. 

Parimridita-mrindll-mldnam angam ; pravrittih 
Katham apt parivdra-prdrthandbhih kriyd&u. 
Kalayati cha himdnior nishkalankasya lakshmim 
AbMnava-kari-danta-chchheda-kdntah kapolah. 

"Her person is weary like bruised threads of a lotus; 
scarcely can the earnest entreaties of her attendants incite 
her to any exertion ; her cheek, pale as new wrought ivory, 
emulates the beauty of a spotless moon." 1. 22. 

The Praharshhtf, containing thirteen syllables, separates 
a molossus from two pyrrhichii, as many trochees, and a 
spondee. An example of it will be shown in a subsequent 
extract from Bhavabhuti's drama. 

The Ruchird, with the same number of syllables, disjoins 
two iambics from two pyrrhichii, a trochee, and cretic. The 


opening stanza of the Bhattik&vya 1 may serve as an in- 
stance of this metre. The poem bearing that title is on the 
subject of the adventures of B&ma: it is comprised in 
[116] twenty-two cantos. Being composed purposely for 
the practical illustration of grammar, it exhibits a studied 
variety of diction, in which words anomalously inflected are 
most frequent. The style, however, is neither obscure nor 
inelegant; and the poem is reckoned among the classical 
compositions in the Sanskrit language. The author was 
Bhartrihari : not, as might be supposed from the name, the 
celebrated brother of Vikram&ditya ; but a grammarian and 
poet, who was son of &ridhara Sw&mf, as we are informed 
by one of his scholiasts, Vidyavinoda. 9 

Ruchird metre. 

Abhbn nripo, vibudha-safchah, parantapaA, 
tfrutdnwito, Daiaratha ityuddhrttafr, 

Ghtnair varam, bhuvana~hita-chchhalena, yam 
Sandtanah pitaram up&gamat sway am. 

" He, whom the eternal chose for a father, that he might 
benefit the world [in a human form], was a king, a friend of 
the gods, a discomfi ter of foes, and versed in science : his name 
was Dasaratha. He was a prince eminent for his virtues/ 1 1.1. 

1 [Printed at Calcutta, in 1828, with the commentaries of Jayamangala and 

* [The same account is given by the scholiast Bharatamallika ; but the more 
usual account is that given by the scholiast Jayamangala, that its author was 
Bhafti, the son of 8'ri-e wamin, who, as the last verse of the poem in some copies 
states, lived in Vallabhi during the reign of King S'rfdharasena, or (as the schol. 
reads) of Narendra, the son of S'rldhara. Lassen (Ind. Alt. iii. 613) places 
his reign A.D. 580-546.] 


The Suvadan& distributes twenty syllables in three portions 
of the yerse : one containing two spondees and a bacchius ; 
the second four short syllables and an anapaest ; the third a 
spondee, pyrrhichius, and iambic. The Sragdhard, a very 
common metre, differs from it only ia the third portion of 
the verse, which contains a trochee, spondee, and [117] 
bacchius: but here the number of syllables in every sub- 
division is equal: via. seven. In all the other instances 
above described, the subdivisions of the regular verses were 

The following sorts of metre, which are usually employed, 
have no pauses' but at the close of the verse. The Druta<- 
vilamljita contains in each verse two anapaests preceded by 
three short syllables and a long one, and followed by an 
iambic. Instances of this measure have been already cited in 
an extract from the Kir&t&rjuniya. The Sragvini is measured 
by a trochee, spondee, and iambic repeated ; as the Bhujanga- 
pray&ta is by a similar repetition of an iambic, trochee, and 
spondee. Both sorts of metre are of frequent occurrence in 
classic poems. 

The Vasantatilaka, which consists of a spondee, iambic, 
tribrachys, dactyl, trochee, and spondee, is one of the metres 
in most general use. It commonly occurs as a change from 
other metre. But the whole fifth canto of MAgha's poem is 
in this measure. The Chaura-panch&sik&, a short poem 
before described, is in the same metre, and so is a pathetic 
elegy on the death of a beloved wife which occurs in the 
Bh&mani-vil&sa, 1 a collection of miscellaneous poetry by 
Jagann&tha Pandita-r&ja. It begins thus : 


i [Printed in Calcutta, 1862. Prof. Aufreeht (Boil Cot. p. 180) fixes its 
date in the reign of the Emperor Akbar.] 



" Since fate, alas ! is become adverse, and the gem of kin- 
dred is departed towards heaven, to whom, my soul, [118] 
wilt thou tell thy grief P and who will appease thy anguish 
with refreshing words ? " 

The following passage from some Hindi poem, is quoted 
in N&r&yana Bhatta's commentary on the Yritta-ratn&kara 
as a specimen of this metre in the K&nyakubja dialect. 

«m$vi *ni"*t jp% iftf wm 
^f itffn xpn v&$i *f| wftft i 

Eandarpa-rhpa jaba ten tumha linha, Krishna ! 

Lokqpakdma hatna hin, bahu-pira, chhori. 
Jau bhetikain viraha-pim naadu meri. 

Tain bhdnti djttipathal> kahi bdta, Qopi. 1 

" Krishna, since thou didst assume the form of Cupid, I 
have neglected worldly affairs, suffering much anxiety. Be- 
lieve by thy presence the pain of separation which I endure. 
Such was the message, with which the Gopl despatched her 

IV. — Sloka or Vaktra. 

The most common Sanskrit metre is the stanza of four 
verses containing eight syllables each, and denominated from 
the name of the class, Anushtubh. Several species of it have 
been described. Two very simple kinds of it occur, consisting 
of iambic, or trochaic feet exclusively: 9 [119] the rest are 

1 Short Towels, when final, are bo faintly sounded, that they are usually omitted 
in writing the provincial languages of India in Roman character. But they have 
been here preserved at the close of words ; being necessary, as in Sanskrit, for 
correctly exhibiting the metre. 

* The first termed Pramanf, the other SamanL Considered as a species of 


included in one general designation. 1 But several analogous 
species are comprehended under the denomination of Vaktra. 
Here the laws of the metre, leaving only the first and eighth 
syllables indeterminate, require either a bacchius or an amphi- 
brachys 9 before the eighth syllable, and forbid an anapaest or 
tribrachys after the first; as also in the second and fourth 
verses of the stanza, an amphimacer. A variety of this metre 
introduces a tribrachys before the eighth syllable in the first 
and third verses, and a bacchius in the second and fourth. 8 
And another sort, 4 which admits five varieties, requires the 
penultimate syllable to be short in the second and fourth 
verses j and introduces before the eighth syllable of the first 
and third verses, a dactyl, anapaest, tribrachys, amphimacer, 
or molossus. 

The metre which is most in use, is one of the species now 
described, in which the number of syllables is determinate 
(viz. eight), but the quantity variable. K&lid&sa appropriates 
to this metre the term &loka (abbreviated from Anushtubh 
&loka) ; and directs, that the fifth syllable of each verse be 
short, the sixth long, and the seventh alternately long and 
short. The mythological poems under the title of Purina, 
and the metrical treatises on law and other sciences, are 
almost entirely composed in this easy verse ; with a sparing 
intermixture of other analogous sorts, and with the still rarer 
introduction of other kinds of metre. [120] The varieties of 
the Anushtubh Sloka which most frequently occur, make the 
fifth, sixth, and seventh syllables of the first and third verse 
all long or all short ; or else the fifth long with the sixth and 
seventh short. Thus varied, it is much used by the best 

uniform metre, the first is also named Nagaswarapini or Matallika, and the 
second is denominated Mallika. There is also a regular measure which alternates 
trochees and iambics, and is denominated Manavakakritfa : and another, named 
Chitrapada, consisting of two dactyls and a spondee. . 

1 Vitana. 

* The metre is named Fathya when an amphibrachys is introduced in the 
second and fourth verses ; some say in the first and third. 
> Ohapala. « Vipula. 


poets. K&lid&sa has employed it in the second and sixth 
cantos of his poem entitled Kum&ra-sambhava, and in the 
first, fourth, and several others of the Baghuvansa. The 
second and nineteenth cantos of M&gha's poem are in this 
metre, and so is the eleventh of the Kir&t&rjunfya. 

The examples here subjoined are from M&gha's poem. One 
passage is part of a speech of Balar&ma to Krishna, urging 
him to the immediate commencement of hostilities against 
Sisup&la : the other is extracted from Uddhava's reply, dis- 
suading Krishna from instant war, and advising his previous 
compliance with Yudhishthira's invitation to assist at a 
Bolemn sacrifice which the king was on the point of celebrating 
at Indraprastha. 

tot ^0*u**j*i •P j nn<fi ft ^nHhft i 

wmhimwO ft w^f mqniTtatft: m^> 
toit ftireni%*ft ^cftswjY frwr ^ i 
^•^w 3* ft *nflfaift: ftp* i ^ i 

jftfiifli4*ni $Ttw*TTV?tf*ro i $<sj 

Vl^imiW^^^fi<IM <KI | IMIt<^l 

[121] *?nrft *ai[ mm«imn3l*Hj *ni: 1 80 u 
i^Kim* vnn mm urvT ^ w. i 
ft4ift-ft; ORRn w. ^tbito: ^pr: 1 8s h 

ftroTTOftir^ir fa<j*M*d 'jwi w. 1 8$ i 
WPK *rfr*Fi ^rntf *p$f«w 1 88 1 


TTT^npt ^JWRT J}4 1 lift Off ft I 

Balar&ma speaks. " A proved enemy, and a tried friend, 
are mart to be regarded ; for they are known by their actions : 
others, presumed to be so, from temper or affinity, may be 
found in the end to be friend or foe. Peace may be main- 
tained with a natural enemy, who confers benefits ; not with a 
presumptive friend, who commits outrages; kindness or injury, 
is the proper test of both. The king of the Ohedis was 
offended, O Hari, by the seizure of Bukmini ; for woman is 
the chief cause, that the tree of discord takes root. Whilst 
thou wert engaged in subduing the offspring of the earth, he 
besieged this city, as darkness encircles the skirts of Meru 
while the sun is remote. To hint, that he ravished [122] the 
wife of Vabhru is enough : the narration of crimes is too dis- 
gustful. Thus aggrieved by thee, and having much injured 
us, the son of Srutasravas is an enemy demonstrated by deeds. 
The man who is negligent, while an enraged foe meditates 
aggressions, sleeps in the wind with fire under his arm. What 
forbearing man, who would cheerfully dissemble a slight and 
single injury, can patiently endure repeated wrongs? At 
other times, patience becomes a man; and pudency, a woman : 
but valour befits the insulted warrior ; as modesty should be 
laid aside by a woman in the nuptial bed. Whoever lives 
(may none so live!) tortured by the pain of insults from his 
enemy, would that he had never been born, vainly giving his 
mother anguish. Dust, which, kicked by the foot of the 
traveller, rises and settles on his head, is less contemptible 
than the dastard, who is contented under wrongs." 2. 36 — 46. 

Uddhava, in reply, addressed to Krishna : 


waft: irnwufai fiwrat *rcf*PWT: i *>8 » 

wrt'ftjw 5|€H«*niKl *Hfliftffl i 

[123] qfffr HflJfW l tfa ^mflHHWl I 

" The just king and his kinsmen, relying on thee for an 
associate capable of sustaining the heaviest burden, are willing 
to undertake the task of a solemn sacrifice. Even to enemies, 
who court them, the magnanimous show kindness ; as rivers 
convey to the ocean the rival torrents from the mountains. 
Violence, used against foes by the strong, is at length success- 
ful ; but friends, once offended, are not easily reconciled even 
by compliances. Thou thinkest, that the slaughter of the 
foe will most gratify the inhabitants of heaven ; but far better 
is it to present offerings, which are desired by the deities who 
devour oblations. What the virtuous offer, under the name 
of ambrosia, in flames, whose tongues are holy prayers, was 
the splendid ornament of the ocean churned by the mountain 
Mandara. 1 The promise made by thee to thy father's vener- 
able sister, to forgive her son a hundred offences, should be 
strictly observed. Let the intellect of a good man be sharp 
without wounding; let his actions be vigorous, but concili- 

1 [Rather ' prayers are the amrita, — the churned ocean is rhetoric.'] 


atory ; let bis mind be warm, without inflaming : and let his 
word, when he speaks, be rigidly maintained. Before the 
appointed hour, even thou art not able to destroy the tyrant, 
on whom thyself conferred that boon ; no more than the sun 
can prematurely close the day, which he himself enlightens." 
2. 103—110. 

[124] V. — Compound metre. 

Instances of compound metre have been already exhibited 
under the designation of TJpaj&ti, consisting of two kinds of 
simple metre variously combined : two of these combinations 
are repeated under the head of half equal metre, with the 
contrasted metre of Akhy&naki and Viparit&khy&naki. Other 
species of metre belonging to this class are in use among 
eminent poets: particularly the Pushpit&gr& and Aparavaktrd. 1 
In the first, both verses are terminated by two trochees and a 
spondee, and begin with four short syllables, one verse inter- 
posing a pyrrhichius, and the other a dactyl. In the next 
species, both verses are terminated by three iambics, and 
begin like the preceding with four short syllables; but one 
verse interposes a single short syllable, and the other a trochee. 

Examples of the first of these mixed measures are very 
common. One instance has been already exhibited in a quota- 
tion from the first canto of Bh&ravTs poem of Arjuna and the 
mountaineer. The whole tenth canto of the same poem, and 
the seventh of M&gha's death of Si&up&la, are in this mixt 
metre. The second is less common : but an instance occurs 
in the eighteenth canto of the Kir&t&rjuniya. 

The close of the ninth canto of K&lid&sa's Raghuvansa, 
exhibiting a variety of metre, in which two of the species now 
mentioned are included, is here cited, for the sake of these 
and other species which have been before described. The 
subject is Dasaratha's hunt, in which he slew the hermit's 
son : a story well known to the readers of the Rdm&yana. 

1 [Apavaktra appears to be the more oorrect form.] 


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[128] *iftitf^faUllMijm 

wr*rt*irf\if\qi*Ki<j{<H i c ^i 

" Thus did the chase, like an artful mistress, allure the king, 
forgetful of all other business, and leaving to his ministers 
the burthen of the state, while his passion grew by indulgence. 

u The king, without his retinue, passed the night in some 
sequestered spot, reposing on a bed of leaves and blossoms, 
and enlightened by the flame of wild herbs. At dawn, being 
awakened by the flapping of his elephant's ears in place of 
the royal drums, he delighted in listening to the sweet and 
auspicious tones of chirping birds. 

" One day, pursuing an antelope, and outstripping his at- 
tendants, he arrived, with his horse foaming with fatigue, on 
the banks of the Tamasfi, a stream frequented by the devout. 
In its waters a deep sound, caused by the filling of a vase r 
was mistaken by the king for the grumbling of an elephant, 
and he directed an arrow towards the spot whence the sound 
proceeded. By this forbidden act 1 Dasaratha transgressed 1 
for even the wise, when blinded by passion, deviate into the- 
pathless waste. 'Ah father!' was the piteous cry which 
issued : and the king, anxious, sought it» cause among the 
reeds. He found the vase, and near it a hermit's son pierced 
by his arrow, and he stood amazed as if internally wounded. 
The king, of glorious lineage, who had already alighted from 
his horse, eagerly inquired the parentage of the youth ; who, 

1 The royal and military tribe is prohibited from killing elephants unless in 


resting on the vase, with feeble accents said 'he was the 
son of a hermit, but no priest/ Instructed by him, the king 
conveyed the wounded youth to his blind parents: and to 
them, as they approached [129] their only son, he related his 
mistaken deed. The unhappy pair, lamenting, conjured the 
king to draw the arrow from the breast of their wounded son. 
The youth was dead. The aged hermit, ratifying his curse 
with tears instead of water for a libation, pronounced this 
imprecation on the king: 'In thy extreme age thou shalt 
reach thy fated time, with grief like mine for a beloved son/ 
While he spoke, as it were a serpent assailing first and then 
discharging fatal venom, 1 Kausalya's lord, 8 conscious of the 
first offence, addressed him thus : * Thy curse has fallen like 
a boon on me, who have not seen the beauteous countenance 
of offspring ; as fire, fed with fuel, fertilizes the soil which it 
burns/ The king then said, ' For me, who merciless deserve 
death at thy hands, what are thy commands P' The holy 
hermit asked fuel for the funeral pile; he and his wife resolving 
to follow their son in death. The king, whose attendants 
were now arrived, promptly fulfilled his command, and re- 
mained dejected, bearing with him the hermit's curse, a cause 
of his future destruction, as the ocean embraces the devouring 
fire. Again the king addressed him. 'Wise hermit! what 
shall this shameless criminal, who deserves death from thee, now 
perform ? ' He desired the funeral flame to be duly lighted : 
and the king presented the fire for him, and his wife and son. 

" The chief of the race of Raghu, attended by his army, 
now returned to his palace, dejected, bearing in his mind the 
heavy imprecation of the saint, as the ocean holds within itself 
the fire of destruction/' 9. 74— 89. 8 

This extract exhibits, besides two stanzas of Pushpit&grd 4 

1 [Mallinatha explains it, "like a serpent discharging his venom, having been 
first attacked (sc. by being trodden on)."] > [Bather " the lord of Kodak,"] 

* [9. 69-82 in the Calcutta and Stenzler's edition. Neither has the two last 
▼erses, which seem evidently interpolated.] * 75 and 76. 


and as many of Sundari metre, 1 both belonging to the present 
head, and one, of which an example was promised [130] in 
this place, 8 several others which have been before exemplified, 3 
and two which are less common. 4 

A singular species of variable metre is mentioned by writers 
on prosody, who describe it as a stanza in which the verses 
increase in arithmetical progression. In the instance exhibited 
by them the four verses of the stanza increase regularly from 
eight to twenty syllables. Varieties of it are noticed in which 
the progression is not regular, the short verse exchanging 
places with the second, third, or fourth. The quantity of the 
syllables is in general indeterminate ; but varieties are stated 
in which the verse consists of short syllables, either ending or 
beginning with a spondee, or both ending and beginning with 

A class of metre which admits an inordinate length of the 
verse, is known under the general designation of Dandaka. 
The verse may consist of any number of syllables, from twenty- 
seven to nine hundred and ninety-nine ; and the specific name 
varies accordingly. 5 The construction of the metre requires 
that the first six syllables be short, and the remainder of the 
verse be composed of cretic feet ; or, instead of the cretic foot, 
the bacchius. These two kinds of metre are distinguished by 
different names. A verse consisting of any number of anapaests 
within the limitation above mentioned, is also comprehended 
under this general designation ; as are verses of similar length 
consisting exclusively of iambic or trochaic feet. They have 
their peculiar denominations. 

Examples of these extravagantly long verses are to be [131] 
found in the works of the poet Vana. It is unnecessary to 

1 77 and 79, most properly the last 

1 Swagata 78. 

1 Vasantatilaka 81—87 and Upendravajra 88. Ruchira 89. 

* Manjubhashini 74 (P. T. D. 3 I.) and Mattamaytira 80 (2 S+T. I. D. S.) 

* For example, Arna which comprises ten feet; Arnava eleven; Vydla 
twelve ; Jimuta nineteen, etc. 


insert any specimen of them in this place, as an example will 
occur in a subsequent quotation from Bhavabhtiti's drama. 

That class of metro, which is termed half equal, because 
the alternate verses are alike, comprises various sorts, which 
appear to be compounded of two simple kinds with an appro- 
priate number of syllables of a determinate quantity* 

Another class, in which every verse of the stanza is different, 
appears more complex. But, here also, the quantity as well 
as the number of syllables being regulated, the stanza is in 
fact composed of four kinds of uniform metre. 

The most common metre of this class is that called Udgatd. 
Here the number of syllables in each verse, as well as their 
quantity, differs; the first verse comprising an anapaest, iambic, 
tribrachys, and trochee; the second, a tribrachys and anapaest 
with two iambics ; the third, a trochee, tribrachys, and two 
anapaests ; l and the fourth, an anapaest, iambic, and pyrrhi- 
chiufl with three iambics. 

The twelfth canto of the Kir&t&rjuniya is in this metre ; 
and so is the fifteenth canto of MAgha's epic poem. It begins 

" But the king of the Ghedis was impatient of the honours 
which the son of Pftndu commanded to be shown in that 
assembly to the foe of Madhu ; for the mind of the proud is 
envious of the prosperity of others." 

[132] Other kinds of metre, in which every verse of the 
stanza differs in the number and quantity of syllables, are 
comprehended under the general name of G6th& ; under which 
also some writers on prosody * include any sort of metre not 
described by Pingala, or not distinguished by a specific appel- 

1 Or the third verse may consist of a trochee and dactyl, with two anapaests ; 
or of two trochees, with two anapsests ; and the metre is denominated, in the 
tint instance, Saurabhaia ; in the second, Zaiitd. 

* Halayudha and Narayana-tara. 


lation. The same denomination is applicable also to stanzas 
consisting of any number of verses other than four. 1 An 
instance of a stanza of six verses has been remarked in the 
Mah&bh&rata, and another example occurs at the beginning of 
MAgha's poem. 3 

Ihmdhd-kritdtmd, kirn at/am div&karo t 
Vidhuma~rochifi y kirn ayam hut&hanah t 
Oatan UrahMnam anfou-sdratheh. 


Prasiddham trdhwcy'toalanam havirbhtyah. 
Patatyadho dh&ma-vi&dri %arvatah 
Kim etad f itydkulam ikshitam janaih. 

[133] N&rada descending from the heavens to visit Krishna, 
is thus described : 

" ft Is this the sun self-parted into two orbs P Is it fire 
shining with light divested of smoke P The motion of the 
luminary whose charioteer has no legs, is distinguished by its 
curvature ; the ascent of flame is a known property of fire. 
Then what is this, which descends diffusing light around P 1 
Thus was the sight contemplated with wonder by the people.'" 
Mdgha 1. 2. 

i Divakara on the Vritta-ratnakara. 

* It if cited by Divakara Bhafta as an instance of a stansa of six. Tet the 
scholiasts of the poem omit the two first verses and read the stanza as a tetrastich. 
One commentator, however, does remark, that copies of the poem exhibit the 
additional verses ; and another commentator has joined them with two more 
verses in a separate stansa. 


VI.— Prose; and Verse mixed with Prose. 

I follow the example of Sanskrit writers on prosody, in pro- 
ceeding to notice the different species of prose. They dis- 
criminate three, and even four sorts, under distinct names. 
1st. Simple prose, admitting no compound terms. It is de- 
nominated Muktaka. This is little used in polished compo- 
sitions; unless in the familiar dialogue of dramas. It must 
undoubtedly have been the colloquial style at the period when 
Sanskrit was a spoken language. 2nd. Prose, in which com- 
pound terms are sparingly admitted. It is called Kulaka. 
This and the preceding sort are by some considered as 
varieties of a single species named Churnik6. It is of course 
a common style of composition; and when polished, is the 
most elegant as it is the chastest. But it does not command 
the admiration of Hindu readers. 3rd. Prose, abounding in 
compound words. It bears the appellation of TJtkalika-pr&ya. 
Examples of it exhibit compounds of the most inordinate 
length : and a single word exceeding a hundred syllables is 
not unprecedented. This extravagant style of composition, 
being suitable to the taste of the Indian learned, is common 
in the most elaborate works of their favourite authors. 4th. 
Prose, modulated so as frequently to exhibit portions of verse. 
It is named Vrittagandhi. It will occur without study, and 
even [134] against design, in elevated compositions, and may 
be expected in the works of the best writers. 

Some of the most elegant and highly wrought works in 
prose are reckoned among poems, as already intimated, in like 
manner as the " T£l«5inaque " of F£n£lon and " Tod Abels " 
of Gessner. The most celebrated are the Y&savadatt& of 
Subandhu, the Dasa-kum&ra of Dandi, and the K&dambari 
of V&g*. 1 

1 [In p. 89 Colebrooke spells the name B&na. Dr. Hall, in the preface to 
his edition of the Vasavadatta, has shown that B&na lived at the Court of 
Harshavardhana, King of Kanauj, whose history is partly given by the Chinese 
traveller Hiouen Thsang. He died a.d. 660. Some of the facts given by 



The first of these is a short romance, of which the story 
is simply this. 1 Kandarpaketu, a young and valiant prince, 
son of Chint&mani king of Kusumapura,* saw in a dream a 
beautiful maiden, of whom he became desperately enamoured. 
Impressed with the belief, that a person, such as seen by him 
in his dream, had a real existence, he resolves to travel in 
search of her, and departs, attended only by his confidant 
Makaranda. While reposing under a tree in a forest at the 
foot of the Yindhya mountains, where they halted, Makaranda 
overhears two birds conversing, and from their discourse he 
learns that the princess Y&savadatt&, having rejected all the 
suitors who had been assembled by the king her father for her 
to make choice of a husband, had seen Kandarpaketu in a 
dream, in which she had even dreamt his name. Her con- 
fidant, Tamdlikd, sent by her in search of the prince, was 
arrived in the same forest, and is discovered there by Maka- 
randa. She delivers to the prince a letter from the princess, 
and conducts him to the king's palace. He obtains from the 
princess the avowal of her love ; and her confidant, Kal&vatf , 
reveals to the prince the violence of her passion. 

The lovers depart together : but, passing through the [135] 
forest, he loses her in the night* After long and unsuccessful 
search, in the course of which he reaches the shore of the sea, 
the prince, grown desperate through grief, resolves on death. 
But at the moment when he was about to cast himself into the 
sea, he hears a voice from heaven, which promises to him the 
recovery of his mistress, and indicates the means. After 
some time, Kandarpaketu finds a marble statue, the precise 
resemblance of V&savadatt&. It proves to be her; and she 

Hiouen Thsang hare been illustrated by Dr. Hall, from the Harsha-charitra, 
which B&na wrote to celebrate his patron's achieyements. The poet mentions 
the ' YasaYadattfc » in his introduction, as also the Vrihatkatha. (Cf. also B. A. S. 
Journ. 1862, pp. 1-13).] 

1 [For a fuller account of the plot, see Dr. Hall's introduction to his edition in 
the Bibliotheca Indica.] 

2 Same with Patalfpura or Pataliputra ; the ancient Palibothra, now Patna. 
As. Ees., rol. ir., p. 11. [Kusumapura was the city of the heroine's father.] 


quits her marble form and regains animation. She recounts 
the circumstances under which she was transformed into stone. 

Having thus fortunately recovered his beloved princess, the 
prince proceeds to his city, where they pass many years in 
uninterrupted happiness. 

This story, told in elegant language, and intermixed with 
many flowery descriptions in a poetical style, is the Vasa- 
vadattd of Subandhu. There is an allusion, however, in 
Bhavabh&tf s drama, 1 to another tale, of V&savadatt&'s having 
been promised by her father to the king Sanjaya, and giving 
herself in marriage to Udayana. I am unable to reconcile 
this contradiction otherwise than by admitting an identity of 
name and difference of story. But no other trace has been 
yet found 8 of the story to which Bhavabhuti has alluded. 

In the work above described, as in various compositions of 
the same kind, the occasional introduction of a stanza, or even 
several, either in the preface or in the body of the work, does 
not take them out of the class of prose* But other works 
exist, in which more frequent introduction of verse makes of 
these a class apart. It bears the name of Champu : and of 
this kind is the Nala-champd of Trivikrama before mentioned. 
This style of composition is not [136] without example in 
European literature. The " Yoyage de Bachaumont et de la 
Ghapelle," which is the most known, if not the first instance 
of it in French, has found imitators in that and in other 
languages. The Sanskrit inventor of it has been equally 
fortunate; and a numerous list may be collected of works 
expressly entitled Champu. 8 

The Indian dramas are also instances of the mixture of 
prose and verse; and, as already mentioned, they likewise 
intermixed a variety of dialects. Our own language exhibits 

1 Malatt Madhava. Act 2nd. [" Vaaavadatta gave herself to Udayaiia»dthough 
■he had been bestowed by her father on King Sanjaya."] 

2 [The version given in the Kathasariteagara does not agree with Bhavabhdti's 

3 As the Nrisinha-champu, Qanga-ohampa, Vrindavana-champti, etc. 


too many instances of the first to render it necessary to cite 
any example in explanation of the transition from verse to 
prose. In regard to mixture of languages, the Italian theatre 
presents instances qnite parallel in the comedies of Angelo 
Beolco snrnamed Buzanti : l with this difference, however, that 
the dramas of Buzanti and his imitators are rustic faroes, 
while the Indian dramatists intermingle various dialects in 
their serious compositions. 

Notwithstanding this defect, which may indeed be easily 
removed by reading the Pr&krit speeches in a Sanskrit ver- 
sion, the theatre of the Hindus is the most pleasing port of 
their polite literature, and the best suited to the European 
taste. 8 The reason probably is, that authors are restrained 
more within the bounds of poetic probability when composing 
for exhibition before an audience, than in writing for private 
perusal or even for public recital. 

The Sakuntalfr by K&lid&sa, which certainly is no un- 
favourable specimen of the Indian theatre, will sufficiently 
justify what has been here asserted. I shall conclude this 
essay with a short extract from Bhavabhuti's* unrivalled 
drama entitled M&lati-m&dhava; prefixing a concise argu- 
ment of the play, the fable of which is of pure invention. 

[137] * Bhurivasu, minister of the king of Padm&vati, and 
Devar&ta in the service of the king of Yidarbha, had agreed, 
when their children were yet infants, to cement a long sub- 
sisting friendship, by the intermarriage of M&lati, daughter of 
the first, with M&dhava, son of the latter* The king having 
indicated an intention to propose a match between Bhtirivasu's 
daughter and his own favourite Nandana, who was both old 
and ugly, the minister is apprehensive of giving offence to the 
king by refusing the match; and the two friends concert a 

1 Walker's Memoir on Italian Tragedy. 

* [See Prof. Wilson's Select Specimens of the Bind* Thmtre, with the introduc- 
tory treatise on their dramatic system.] 

* [Bharabhuti flourished at the court of YasoYarman, who reigned at Eanauj 
about a.d. 720.] 


plan with an old priestess, who has their confidence, to throw 
the young people in each other's way, and to connive at a 
stolen marriage. In pursuance of this scheme, M&dhava is 
sent to finish his studies at the city of Padm&vati, under the 
care of the old priestess K&mandaki. By her contrivance, 
and with the aid of M&lati's foster sister Lavangik&, the 
young people meet and become mutually enamoured. It is 
at this period of the story, immediately after their first inter- 
view, that the play opens. The first scene, which is between 
the old priestess and her female pupil Avalokiti, in a very 
natural manner introduces an intimation of the previous 
events, and prepares the appearance of other characters, and 
particularly a former pupil of the same priestess named Saud&- 
minf, who has now arrived at supernatural power by religious 
austerities ; a circumstance which her successor Avalokit& has 
learnt from Kap&lakundal&, the female pupil of a tremendous 
magician, Aghoraghanta, who frequents the temple of the 
dreadful goddess near the cemetery of the city. 

' The business of the play commences ; and M&dhava, his 
companion Makaranda, and servant Kalahansa, appear upon 
the scene. M&dhava relates the circumstances of the inter- 
view with M&lati, and acknowledges himself deeply smitten. 
His attendant produces a picture [138] which M&lati had 
drawn of M&dhava, and which had come into his hands from 
one of her female attendants. In return M&dhava delineates 
the likeness of M&lati on the same tablet, and writes under 
it an impassioned stanza. It is restored ; and being in the 
sequel brought back to Malati, their mutual passion, en- 
couraged by their respective confidants, is naturally increased. 
This incident furnishes matter for several scenes. Meantime, 
the king had made the long-expected demand; and the minister 
has returned an answer that "the king may dispose of his 
daughter as he pleases." The intelligence reaching the lovers 
throws them into despair. Another interview in a public 
garden takes place by the contrivance of Kamandaki. At 


this moment a cry of terror announces that a tremendous tiger 
j has issued from the temple of Siva : an instant after, Nan- 

dana's youthful sister, Madayantik&, is reported to be in 
imminent danger. Then M&dhava's companion, Makaranda, 
is seen rushing to her rescue. He has killed the tiger. He 
is himself wounded. This passes behind the scenes. Mada- 
yantik&, saved by the valour of Makaranda, appears on the 
stage. The gallant youth is brought in insensible. By the 
care of the women he revives : and Madayantik&, of course, 
falls in love with her deliverer. The preparations for M&latf s 
wedding with Nandana are announced. The women are called 
away. M&dhava in despair resolves to sell his living flesh 
for food to the ghosts and malignant spirits, as his only 
resource to purchase the accomplishment of his wish. He 
accordingly goes at night to the cemetery. Previous to his 
appearance there, Kap&lakundal&, in a short soliloquy, has 
hinted the magician's design of offering a human sacrifice at 
the shrine of the dreadful goddess, and selecting a beautiful 
j woman for the victim. M&dhava appears as a vendor of 

human flesh ; offering, but in vain, [139] to the ghosts and 
demons the flesh off his limbs as the purchase of the accom- 
plishment of his wish. He hears a cry of distress and thinks 
he recognizes the voice of M&lati. The scene opens, and 
she is discovered dressed as a victim, and the magician and 
sorceress preparing for the sacrifice. They proceed to their 
dreadful preparatives. M&dhava rushes forward to her rescue: 
she flies to his arms. Yoices are heard as of persons in search 
of M&lati. M&dhava, placing her in safety, encounters the 
magician. They quit the stage fighting. The event of the 
combat is announced by the sorceress, who vows vengeance 
against M&dhava for slaying the magician, her preceptor.' 

The fable of the play would have been perhaps more 
judiciously arranged if this very theatrical situation had been 
introduced nearer to the close of the drama. Bhavabhuti 
has placed it so early as the fifth act. The remaining five 
(for the play is in ten acts) have less interest. 


c Mdlati, who had been stolen by the magician, while asleep, 
being now restored to her friends, the preparations for her 
wedding- with Nandaoa are continued. Bv contrivance of the 
old priestess, who advised that she should put on her wedding 
dress at a particular temple, Makaranda assumes that dress, 
and is carried in procession, in place of Mdlati, to the house 
of Nandana. Disgusted with the masculine appearance of the 
pretended bride, and offended by the rude reception given to 
him, Nandana, to have no further communication with his 
bride, vows and consigns her to his sister's care. This, of 
course, produces an interview between the lovers, in which 
Makaranda discovers himself to his mistress, and she consents 
to accompany him to the place of Mdlati's concealment. The 
friends accordingly assemble at the [140] garden of the tem- 
ple: but the sorceress, Kapdlakundald, watches an opportunity 
when Mdlati is unprotected, and carries her off in a flying car. 
The distress of her lover and friends is well depicted : and, 
when reduced to despair, being hopeless of recovering her, 
they are happily relieved by the arrival of Sauddmini, the 
former pupil of the priestess. She has rescued Mdlati from 
the hands of the sorceress, and now restores her to her despair- 
ing lover. The play concludes with a double wedding.' 

From this sketch of the story it will be readily perceived, 
that the subject is not ill suited to the stage: and making 
allowance for the belief of the Hindus in magic and super- 
natural powers, attainable by worship of evil beings as well 
as of beneficent deities, the story would not even carry the 
appearance of improbability to an Indian audience. Setting 
aside this consideration, it is certainly conducted with art ; 
and notwithstanding some defects in the fable, the interest 
upon the whole is not ill preserved. The incidents are 
striking; the intrigue well managed. As to the style, it 
is of the highest order of Sanskrit composition; and the 
poetry, according to the Indian taste, is beautiful. 

I shall now close this essay with the promised extract from 


the play here described. It contains an example, among other 
kinds of metre, of the Dandaka or long stanza, and is selected 
more on this account than as a feir specimen of the drama. 
This disadvantage attends all the quotations of the present 
essay. To which another may be added: that of a prose 
translation, which never conveys a just notion of the original 

[141] Extract from Mdlatl-mddhava. Act 5. 

Mddhava continue* U wander in the cemetery, 

" Human flesh to be sold : unwounded, real flesh from the 
members of a man. Take it. Take it." 1 

'How rapidly the Pais&chas flee, quitting their terrific 
forms. Alas ! the weakness of these beings.' 

Me walks about, 

' The road of this cemetery is involved in darkness. Here 
is before me " the river that bounds it ; and tremendous is 
the roaring of the stream, breaking away the bank, while its 
waters are embarrassed among the fragments of skulls, and its 
shores resound horribly with the howling of shakals and the 
cry of owls screeching amidst the contiguous woods."* 

Behind the semes. 

* Ah! unpitying father, the person whom thou wouldst make 
the instrument of conciliating the king's mind, now perishes/ 

Madh., listening with anxiety,'] "I hear a sound [142] 

1 Anuflhtnbh. 

• S'&rdfila-Yikrf4ita. 


piercing as the eagle's cry, and penetrating my soul as a voice 
but too well known. My heart feels rent within me; my 
limbs fail ; I can scarcely stand. What means this P " 1 

"That piteous sound issued from the temple of Kar&ld. 
Is it not the resort of the wicked P a place for such deeds? 8 
Be it what it may, I will look/' 

He walks round. 
The scene opens; and discovers KapdlafomQald and Aghoraghanfa, engaged in 
worshipping the idol : and Mdlatt dressed as a victim, 

Mal.] *Ah unpitying father! the person whom thou 
wouldst make the instrument of conciliating the king's mind, 
now perishes. Ah fond mother! thou too art slain by the 
evil sport of fate. Ah venerable priestess ! who lived but for 
M&latf, whose every effort was for my prosperity, thou hast 
been taught by thy fondness a lasting [143] sorrow. Ah 
gentle Lavangik&I I have been shown to thee but as in a 
dream/ s 
Madh.] ' Surely it is she. Then I find her living/ 
Kapalakundala worshipping the idol Karala.] ' I bow to 
thee, divine Ch&munda.' 

1 Mandakranta. 

* Vaktra. 

3 The Prakrit original of this passage, though prose, is too beautiful to be 

* Ha tada nikkarupa ! eso dani varenda-chittarahobaaranan ja^o bibajjai. Ha 
amba si^ehamaa-hiae ! tumam pi hadasi debba-dubbilaaidena. Ha Maladimaa- 
jivide, mama kalla^a-sahanekka-suba-saala-bbabare, bhaavadi! chirassa janabidasi 
dukkham sipehepa. Ha piasahi Layangi'e ! sivi^a-avasara-metta-dansapa aham 
de aambutta.' 




"I revere thy sport, which delights the happy court of 
Siva, while the globe of the earth, sinking under the weight 
of thy stamping foot, depresses the shell of the tortoise and 
shakes one portion of the universe, whence the ocean retires 
within a deep abyss that rivals hell." 1 

" May thy vehement dance contribute to our success and 
satisfaction ; amidst the praise of attendant spirits, astonished 
by the loud laugh issuing from thy necklace of heads which 
are animated by the immortalizing liquid that drops from the 
moon in thy crest, fractured by the nails of the elephant's 
hide round thy waist, swinging to the violence of thy gestures: 
while mountains are overthrown by the jerk of thy arm, 
terrible for the flashes of empoisoned flame which issue from 
the expanded heads of hissing serpents closely entwined. The 
regions of space meantime are contracted, as within a circle 
marked by a flaming brand, by the roll [ 144] ing of thy head 
terrific for the wide flame of thy eye red as raging fire. The 
stars are scattered by the flag that waves at the extremity of 
the vast skeleton which thou bearest. And the three-eyed 
god exults in the close embrace of Gauri, frightened by the 
cries of ghosts and spirits triumphant." 9 

1 S'arddlaYikrfiJita. 


* The original stanza is in Dan^aka metre, of the species denominated Prachita 
and Sinharikranta. The verse contains eighteen feet (2 Tr. 16 0.) or fifty-four 
syllables, and the stanza comprises 216 syllables. 

vol. in. [essays n.] 




They both bow before the idol. 

Madh.] * Ah ! what neglect/ 

" The timid maid, clad as a victim in clothes and garlands 
stained with a sanguine dye, and exposed to the view [145] 
of these wicked and accursed magicians, like a fawn before 
wolves, is in the jaws of death; unhappy daughter of the 
happy Bhurivasu. Alas 1 that such should be the relentless 
course of fate/' 1 

Eapal.] " Now, pretty maid, think on him who was thy 
beloved. Cruel death hastens towards thee." * 

MalatL] ' Beloved M&dhava I remember me when I am 
gone. That person is not dead who is cherished in the 
memory of a lover/ 

Kapal.] 'Ah! enamoured of M&dhava she will become 
a faithful dove* However that be, no time should be lost/ 

Aghor. lifting the sword.] " Divine Ch&mu^d& 1 accept this 
victim vowed in prayer and now offered to thee/' ' 

WWMHP^ TOHHrt ^ftf ^€11^414 * jflt ^ W* I 

* S'krdAlavikriiJita. 

IT fvwwfwwrowv Jft*M 1*nfc mni : i 

* Praharahiid. 


^* *rt WMifa <ivn mn*i: i 


[146] Madh. rushing forward, raises Mdlati in his arms.] 
' Wicked magician ! thou art slain/ 

Kapal.] c Avaunt villain. Art thou not so P' 
Mal.] 4 Save me, prince ! ' She embraces Mddhava. 
Madh.] 4 Fear nothing. " Thy friend is before thee, who 
banishing terror ih the moment of death, has proved his 
affection by the efforts of despair. Gease thy trembling. 
This wicked wretch shall soon feel the retribution of his 
crime on his own head." M 
Aghob.] ' Ah ! who is he that dares to interrupt us P ' 
Kapal.] 4 Venerable Sir ! he is her lover ; he is M&dhava, 
son of K&mandakf s friend, and a vendor of human flesh/ 
Madh. in tears.] ' How is this P auspicious maid ! ' 
Mal. sighing. 1 c I know not, Prince ! I was sleeping on the 
terrace. I awoke here. But how came you in this place! ' 

Madh. blushing.'] " Urged by tb,e eager wish that I may 
be blessed with thy hand, I came to this abode of death to sell 
myself to the ghosts. I heard thy weeping. I came hither/' 8 
[147] Mal.] 'Alas! for my sake wert thou wandering re- 
gardless of thyself ! ' 

Madh.] * Indeed, it is an opportune chance/ 
" Having happily saved my beloved from the sword of this 
murderer, like the moon's orb from the mouth of devouring 

* Hariri. 

* Vasantatilaka. 


R&hu, how is my mind distracted with doubt, melted with 
pity, agitated with wonder, inflamed with anger, and bursting 
with joy." l 

Aghor.] ' Ah ! thon Br&hman boy ! u Like a stag drawn 
by pity for his doe, whom a tiger has seized, thou seekest thy 
own destruction, approaching me engaged in the worship of 
this place of human sacrifice. Wretch! I [148] will first 
gratify the great mother of beings with thy blood flowing from 

a headless trunk." ' * 

Madh.] * Thou worst of sinful wretches ! " How couldst 
thou attempt to deprive the triple world of its rarest gem, and 
the universe of its greatest excellence, to bereave the people of 
light, to drive the kindred to desperation, to humble love, to 
make vision vain, and render the world a miserable waste!" 8 

4 Ah wicked wretch ! " Hast thou dared to lift a weapon 
against that tender form, which even shrunk from the blow of 
light blossoms thrown in merry mood by playful damsels. 

i S'fadtikYikrijita. 

wnfir^ yt <ivn«n fa^fatf Rumm, 

> S'&rdtiavikiAjKta. 
* S'ikharitf. 

vraJWhT^ *wft twrj *rcrflnT: i 


This arm shall light on thy head like the sudden club of 
Yama." ' * 

Aghor.] ' Strike, villain f Art thou not such P ' 

Mal. to Madh.] 4 Be pacified, dear M&dhava! The [149] 
cruel man is desperate. Abstain from this needless hazard/ 

Kapal. to Aghor. ] ( Venerable Sir, be on your guard. 
Kill the wretch. 9 

Madh. and Aghor., addressing the women.'] " Take courage. 
The wretch is slain. Was it ever seen that the lion, whose 
sharp fangs are fitted to lacerate the front of the elephant, 
was foiled in fight with deer I" 9 

A H0M* behind the uxnss. They listen. 

'Ho! ye guards who seek M41ati. The venerable and 
unerring Kamandaki encourages Bhdrivasu and instructs you 
to beset the temple of Kar&l&. She says this strange and 
horrid deed can proceed from none but Aghoragha^ta ; nor can 
aught else, but a sacrifice to Kar&li, be conjectured.' 

Kapal.] * We are surrounded.' 

Aghor.] ( Now is the moment which calls for courage.' 

Mal.] ' Oh father ! Oh venerable mother t ' 

Madh.] A Tis resolved. I will place M&lati in safety with 
her friends, and slay this wicked sorcerer.' 

1 A yery uncommon metre named Antatha or Narkutaka. 
* Vasantatilaka. 



Mddh. cenduet* Mdltti to the other tide, and return* toward* Affheragkanfa. 

Aghor. 1 ] 4 Ah wretch ! " My sword shall even now cut 
thee to pieces, ringing against the joints of thy bones, [150] 
passing with instantaneous rapidity through thy tough muscles, 
and playing unresisted in thy flesh like moist clay," ' * 

They fight. The *eene eloee*. 

1 [The Calcutta fed. gives this speech to both combatants simultaneously.] 
> Slkhariol. 






[151] Feet used in Sanskrit Prosody. 


if. Molobsus. M. 

Y. «— — — Baccbiub. B. 

1L — >— — Crbticus or Akphxxacrr. 0. 

8. w w — Anafjbstvs. A. 

I*. • ^ Antibaoohius, Palimbacchicb, or Hypobacchiub. H. 

J, *-* — «-* Amphibrachys or Scouutf. Sc 
Bh. — w w Dacttlus. D. 
2f. w w w Tbibrachyb. Tr. 


X* ^ Brbvxb. Br. (7. — Lonous, L. 

Ifotf twtfrf in Prdkrit Prosody. 

1 k. One Mdtrb, or JToW. £ora .- Brbyib >-^ Br. 

2 k. Two MdtrdM or Ealds. 
Mdra: Longub — L. 

Supru/a : Pyrrbichius or Prriaxcbub. *~* w p. 
S k. Three Mdtrds or ZaAfe. 

Tdla : Trochjeus — ~ T. 

Dhwaja : Iambus w — I. 

T&nfava ; Tribrachtb ^ *-* w- Tr. 
JETaya ; 4 k. Jfcfcrdj or KaUU. 

Karna : Sponixkttb S. 

Fayodkara : Scoliub ^ — ^ So. 

Scuta : Ajf AP.BSTU8 —' ^ — A. 

Charana : Dacttlus — w- w D. 

F*jpro : PR0CBLBX78KATICUS w w w w Ph. 
[162] Indrdmnd: 5 k. Five ififtrcfr or JTaM*. 

Crbtious C, BACcnrus B., Pjeon Pjb., etc. 
S«r#a : 6 k. Six Mdtrdt or JEa&fe. 

Holosbus M., etc. 




Metre of the Vedas; regulated by the number of syllables. 
Seven classes subdivided into eight orders. 

.... 24 


Uthmh. tuth. 
28 82 

2 3 
14 13 
12 16 

7 8 
14 16 
21 24 
42 48 



tubh. JagmtL 

44 48 


.... 1 

6 7 

3 Prajapatya.. 

... 15 


.... 6 

.... 12 

10 9 
28 32 

11 12 
22 24 


,. 18 
.... 36 

38 86 

66 72 

Distribution of the Syllables in Triplets, Tetraslichs, etc. 


1. Tripad 8x3=24 

2. Chatushpad 6x4=24 

8. Padanichrit » 7x3=21 

4. Atipadanichrit 6+8+7=21 

5. Nagf 9+9+6=24 

6. Varahi 6+9+9=24 

7. Vardhamana 6+7+8=21 

8. Pratiahtha 8+7+6=21 

9. Dwipadviraj 12+8=20 

10. Tripadviraj .11x3=33 


1. Tripad (12+8x2). 

1. Kahibh 8+12+8=28 

2. Pura Uikjih 12+8+8 = 28 

3. Faroshnih 8+84-12=28 

2. Chatushpad 7x4=28 


1. Chatushpad 8x4=32 

2. Tripad (8+12x2), via. 12+8+12, or 
12+12+8, or 8+12+12=32. 


1. Chatushpad 9x4 = 36 

2 8x24-10x2=86 

3 8x3+12 =36 

1. Fathyd 8+8+12+8=36 

1 [I hare here and elsewhere corrected 

2. Nyanhutdrini (Skandhogrhd* or 

Urovrihati), 8+12+8+8 = 36. 

3. UparUh(ddvrihati t 8x3+12=36. 

4. Purastddvrihati, 12 f 8 x 3 = 36. 
4. Mahavrihati (Satovrihati), 12x3 


[153] V. PANKTI. 

1. Chatushpad (12x2+8x2). 

1. Satafat 12+8+12+8=40 

or 8+12+8+12=40 

2. Astdra-p 8+84-12-1-12=40 

3. F*a*tdra-p. ... 12+12+8+8=40 

4. Vi»tdr*-p. ... 8+12+12+8=40 

5. Sanstdra-p. ... 12+8+8+12=40 

2. 1. Aktharapankti 5x4=20 

2. Alpaiahpankti 5x2 = 10 

3. Padapankti 5x5=25 

4 4+6+5x3=25 

3. Pathya 8x5=40 

4. Jagati 8x6=48 


1. Jyotishmati 11+8x4=43 

2. Jagati ... 12+8x4=44 

Purastdtfyotishmati U (12) 


Madhyd 8+8+11 (12) +8+8. 

Cr/wrwAfdrf...8+8+84.8+ll (12). 

the old nivrit-] * [— grlvi f] 



Deficient and exuberant Metre. 

1. S'ankumati=5+ax8, ex. (Gayatri) 5+6x3 =23. 

2. gafcudmatf=6+«x3. 

3. RpiHkamBdhya«(Trip&d)«=many + f5Bw4-many t ex. 8+4 + 8. 

4. Yavamadhya = (Tripad) =fow + many + few, ex. 8 + 10 + 8. 

5. Nichrit=a — 1, ex. (Gayatri) 24 — 1=23. 

6. Bhurij =a + 1, ex. (Gayatri) 24 + 1 =25. 

7. Viraj=a— 2, ex. (Gayatri) 8+8 + 6=22. 

8. Swaraj =a + 2, ex. (Gayatri) 8+8 + 10 =26.* 

I. — Oanarritta of Sanskrit Prosody, and Mdtrdvritta o/Prdkrit 

Prosody ; regulated by quantity. 

1. Aryd or Qdthd, Pr. Odhd, 

30 +27=57 k. 
Odd verse: 30 k.«7Jft. (6th = 8c. or 

Evenyerae: 27k.=7Jft. (6th=Ba.). 
Each Terse ends in L. 

Pause in 1st Terse before 7th ft. if 
Pb. But if 6th ft. be Pb,, then pause 
after 1st syllable. 

Pause in 2nd Terse before 5th ft. if Pb. 

[154] 16 Species: Pathyd : Pause 
after 3rd ft.(3+4|=7J ft andl2+18+ 
12+15=57 k.). Vipuid: Pause placed 
otherwise. Hence Adwipula, Antyavi- 
puld and Ubhayavipuld, with 1st Terse, 
2nd, or both, irregularly divided by the 
pause. Chapald 1st f. S. or A. 2nd So. 
3rd. S. 4th 8c. 5th S. or D. 6th Sc. or 
Pb. (in the short verse Br.), 7th S. D. 
A. or Pb. Hence Mukhachapald, 
Jaghanyachapald and Mahdchapald, 
with 1st, 2nd or both verses so con- 
structed. Therefore Aryd + 3 Chapa- 
ld* x Pathyd+Z Vipu!ds = 16 species.* 

Variations : Aryd, 1st Terse 10,800. 
2nd verse 6,400. Chapald 1st Terse 32, 
2nd verse 16. 

In Prdkrit prosody, 27 species: from 
27 L. + 3 Bb.=30 sylLto 1 L.and 56 

Specific varieties. Kulind contain- 
ing 1 Sc Kulathd, 2 Sc. Veiya\ many 
Sc. Randd, no Sc Gurvinf, Sc 1st, 3rd, 
6th or 7th ft. But this is against rule : 
which excludes amphibrachys from the 
odd feet. 

2. Udgiti or Vigdthd, Pr. Viadhd. 

27 + 30=67 k. vie. 12 + 15 + 12 + 

3. TTpagiti, Pr. Odhu. 27 + 27 =54 
k. Tia. 12 + 15 + 12 + 16. 

4. Glti or Uda&thd, Pr. TJggdhd. 
30 +30=60 k.Tia. 12 + 18+12+ 18. 

5. Arydglti or Khandhaka, Pr. 
Skandha. 32 + 32=64 k. 

8 ft. complete. 3+6=8 ft. and 
12 + 20+12 + 20=64 k. 

Species 16 {Pathyd, etc), variations 
of each verse 10,800. 

In Prdkrit prosody, 28 species from 

28 L. and 8 Br. to 1 L. and 62 Br. 

6. Chandrikd, Sanglti or Qdthini, 
Pr. GdhinL 30 + 32=62 k. viz. 12 
+ 18 + 12+20. 

1 If there be room to doubt whether the metre be reduced from the next above, 
or raised from the next below, the first Terse determines the question ; for it is 
referred to the class to which the first Terse or pdda belongs. If this do not 
suffice, the metre is referred to that class, which is sacred to the deity, to whom 
the prayer is addressed. Should this also be insufficient, other rules of selection 
have been provided. Sometimes the metre is eked out by substituting iya or uva 
for correspondent vowels. This, in particular, appears to be practised in the 
Sdmwtda. » [Cf. Ind. Stud. viii. p. 297.] 



7. Suglti, or Parigiti, Pr. tfmAin*. 
32 + 30=62 k. vi*. 12 + 20 + 12 + 


6. San^t, 32 + 29=61 k. 
A'rya (7 J ft) + L. in both verses. 

7. £tyttt,32 + 27=59k. 
+L. in first verse only. 

8. JVo?tti, 30 + 29=59 k. 
+L. in second verse only. 

9. ^»i^ttt,27 + 32=59k. 
Reverse of BngitL 

10. Manjugiti, 2$ + 30 =59 k. 
Reverse of Pragiti. 

11. Fyfc*,29 + 29=58k. 
TJpaglti + L. in both verses. 

12. Chdrugiti, 29 + 32=61 k. 
Beyene of Sangitu 

18. Vallari, 32 + 80= 62 k. 
A'rjagiti — L. in last verse. 

14. Zalitd, 80 + 32 =62 k. 
— L. in first verse. 

15. iVomo^, 29 +27= 56 1l 
TJpagiti + L. in first verse. 

16. Chandrikd, 27 + 29=56 k. 
+ L. in last verse. 

All these kinds admit 16 species as 
above : vii. Pathyd, etc. 

[155] II. — Mdtrdtritta or Mdtrdchhandas, of Sanskrit 


1. VaitjLliya, 56 to 68 k. 

1. Vaitdliya, 14+16 + 14 + 16 

End in C. + I. 
Short syllables by pairs (even 
verses not to begin with 2 Tb.) 

2. A'pat&likd, End in D. and 8. 

3. Aupachhandatiha, 16 + 18 + 
16 + 18 =68 k. End in C. & B. 

Each kind admits 8 varieties of the 
short verse and 13 of the long ; 
from 3 long sylL to 6 short be- 
ginning the one, and from 4 
long syll. to 1 long and 6 short 
in the other. 

Also the following species under 
each kind. 

1. Dakehipdntikd, begin with I. 
Comprising 2 varieties of the 
odd verses. 

I. I. (or Ttu) ; and 4 of the 
even verses. I. B. (or PiB. 2nd 
or 4th or 5 Be.) 

2. Udlchya-vrittii odd verses be- 
gin with I. 

3. Prdehyo-vfittii even verses, C. 
or P^. 4. 

4. Pravrittaka, the two preced- 
ing combined. 

5. Apardntikd, 16 x 4 = 64 k. 

6. Chdruhdsinl, 14 x 4 = 56 k. 

2. MAtkXsamaka, 16 (4x4)x4=64 k. 

EndS. or A. Begin S. A. D. or Pr. 

1. Mdtrdsamaka, 2nd ft. S. A. or 
D. 3rd ft. A. 

2. VMoka, 2nd Sc. or Pb. 3rd S. 
or D. 

3. Vdnavdsikd, 2nd S. A. or D. 
3rd Sc or Pa. 

4. Chitrd, 2nd Sc. or Pb. 3rd A. 
Sc. or Pe. 

5. Upaehitrd, 2nd S. A. or D. 3rd 
S. or D. 

6. Pdddhtiaka, the above inter- 

The 1st species admits 24 varieties ; 
the 2nd, 32 ; and the 3 next, 48 
each. The variations of the 
last species very numerous. 

3. GfiTABTX or Achaladhriti, 16x4. 

All short syllables. 

4. DwekhandikI l ; or Couplet. 

1. tfiAMorCMtfa,32BB.+16L. 
Two species : Jyotu t 1st verse 32 

Br. 2nd 16 L. 
Saumyd or AnangdhriQd 1st verse 

16 L. 2nd 32 Bu. 
Also 1. S'ikhd 30 + 32=62 k. 

1st Verse 28 Br. + L. 2nd 30 

Bb. + L. 

1 [In As. Res. dwikha^kaj] 



2. Khaifa 82 + 80=62 k. 

1st 80 Br. + L. 2nd 28 Br. 

+ L. 
S. Chidikd or Atiruchird 29+29 

=58k. 27 Bb.+L. 

A1m> 8. CMUhd 29 + 81 =60 k. 
1st Verse 27 Br. + L. 2nd 29 Bb. 
+ L. 

[156] III. — Mdtrdvritta of Prdkrit Prosody continued from 

Table I. 

^Dwipatha, Pr.2toM, 18 + 11 + 
13 + 11 =48 k. 
8 ft, til. odd Terse 6 + 4 + 8 ; eten 

Terse 6 + 4 + L 
23 species from 28 L. + 2 Br. to 48 Br. 

9. TJtkachha, Pr. Ukhtchhd, 11x6 
=66 k. 

6 Terses, 8 ft. each, 4 + 4 + 3. 

8 species, from 66 Br. to 28 L. + 10 Br. 

10. fiola or Lola, 24 x 4 = 96 k. 

Pause 11 + 13. Usually end in L. 

12 species, from 12 L. to 24 Ba- 
ll. Gandha, Pr. Qmndhdna, 17 + 18 

+ 17 + 18=70 Syll. 

12. Chatushpada or Chatoshpadika, 
Pr. Chdupaia, Chdupda, 30 x 4 x 4 = 
480 k. 

16 Terses: 7} ft. 4x7 + L. 

13. Ghaftaand Ghaftananda, 31 x 2 
=62 k.lO + 8 + 13=4x7 + 3BR, 
or 11 + 7 + 13=6 + 3x3 + 5 + 4 
+ 3 + 2+2BR. 

14. Shafpada or Shatpadika, Pr. 
Chhappdd, 96 + 56 = 152 k. 

Kayya 24(11 + 13 =6 + 4x4 + 2 
Br.) x 4=96, Ullala 28 (15 + 18) x 2 
=56. Varieties of the Tetrastich 45, 
from 96 Br. to 44 L. + 8 Br. Varie- 
ties of the whole stanza 71, from 70 L. 
+ 12 Br. to 152 Br. 

15. Prajjatika, Pr. FqjjaTtd, 18 x 4 
=64 k. 4 ft. End in So. 

16. Atiliha Achilla, Pr. Aiild, 16x4 
=64 k. No Sc End in P. 

17. Padaknlaka, Pr. Kulapda, 16x4 
=64k.6 + 4x2 + 2 L. 

1 8. Ra44hd stanza of nine = 116 k.viz. 
1st = 15 k. = 4ft. Tiz. 3+4+4+4. 

End in Sc. or Pr. 
2nd =12 k. =4 ft. End in Pr, 

3rd=15k. End in D. 
4th=llk. =8 ft. End in Tr. 
6th = 15 k. End in D. 
6th to 9th = Doha as before. 
Five species. 

19. Padmavati, Pr. Fdumd, 32 x 4 
=128 k. 8 ft. noSc. 

20. Knndalika, Pr. KutrfaTid, stanza 
of eight= 142 k. 

Doha + Bola or Karya. 

21. Gaganangana, 25x4=100 k. 20 
sylL Tiz. 5 L. and 15 Br. End in I. 

22. Dwipadl or Dwipada, 28x2=56 
k. 6| ft. Tiz. 6 + 4 + 5+L. 

23. Khanja, 41x2=82 k. 
10ft. Tiz. 9PR. + E. 

24. S'ikha, 28x2=66 k. 

7 ft. Tiz. 6 Pr. + Sc. Bee Sanskrit 

25. Mala, 45x2=90 k. 
lift. Tiz. 4x9 + C + S. 
Also 26. Mala 45 + 27 « 72 k. 

1st Terse as above, 2nd Terse A'rpd, 

26. Chndikala, Pr. CAWiald, 29x2 
=58 k. Half the Doha + 5. 

27. Sanrashtra, Pr. Soratfha, 11 + 
13 + 11 + 18=48 k. 

Reverse of the Doha. 

28. Hakali, 14x4=56 k. 

*} ft. Tiz. 4x3 + L. (syll. 11 or 10). ft. 
D. Pr. or A. sometimes S. Not end in 
P. S. 

29. Madhubhara, 8 x 4 = 32 k. 2 ft. 
End in Sc. 

80. Abhira, 11x4=44 k. 
7+ Sc. or D. + 1. + Sc. or Sc. + Tr. 
+ Sc 

[157] 31. Darfakala, 32x4= 128 k. 
4x4 + 6 + 2 + 8 or 10 + 8 + 14. 
End in L. 



32. Dipaka, 10x4 = 40 k. 
4 + 5 + Br. usually end in Sc. 

83. Sinhavaloka, Pr. Sinhdlao, 16x4 
=64 k. 
4 ft. A. or Pa. but end in A. 

34. Plavangama, Pr. Panmgamdy 
21x4=84 k. 

6x3 + 1. Begin with L. 

35. Lflavati, 24 or less x 4 = 96 or 
less, 6 ft. or less : not end in A. 

36. Harigita, 28x4-112 k. 
5-|-6 + 5x3+L. Should begin with 
Pr. and end in 8. 

37. Tribhangi, 32 x 4 = 128 k. 8 ft. 
No Se. End in L. 

88. Dunnila or Dunnilika, 32 x 4 
-128 k. 

10 + 8+14. ft. 8. 

89. Hfra or Hiraka, 23x4=92 k. 

4 ft. viz. 6 x 3 +5. ft. 6 Br. or 1 L. 
with 4 Br, End in L. 

40. Jaladhara or Jalaharaua, 32 x 4 
=128 k. 

Pauses 10+8 + 6 + 8. ft. 8. Gene- 
rally Pr, End in A. 

41. Madanagriha or Madanahara, 
40x4 = 160 k. 

10 + 8 + 14 + 8=40. 

42. Maharashtra, Pr. MarahaMa, 
29x4=116 k. 

10 + 8 + 11 or 6 + 4 x 6 + L. + 
Also the following kinds : 

43. Buchira, 30x4=120 k. 7} ft. 
end in L. 

44. Kalika, 14x4=56 k. 
Pauses 8 + 6. 

45. Vaaana, 20x4*80 k. 

4 ft. End in C. Pause before the last 

46. Chaurola,16+14 + 16 + 14 = 
60 k. ft. A. or Ps, 

47. Jhailana, 37x4=148 k. 
7Jft. 5x7+ L. Pauses 10 + 10 + 
10 + 7. 

48. Asha^ha, 12 + 7 + 12+7- 
38 k. 

49. Malavi, 16 + 12 + 16 + 12 = 
66 k. 

Long Terse 4 ft., short verse end in L. 

60. Matta, 20x4=80 k. 

5 ft. no Sc. 

61. Basamuia, 24x4=96 k. 

52. Avalambaka, 13x4=52. 
3 ft. 4x2 + 6. End in L. 1 

IV. — Metre regulated by number of syllables. 

Vaitra, 8x4=32 syll 
2 ft. between 2 syll. The species 
vary in the 2nd ft. or 3rd place. 

1. Simple Vaktra. 

L. or Br, + M. etc (except Tr. and 
A. and, in the even verse, G.) + B. + 
L. or Br, Therefore 1st, 4th and 
8th syll. either long or short. 6th 
short. 6th and 7th long. Either 
2nd or 3rd long. 
Variations of the 1st verse, 24 ; of the 
2nd* 20. 

2. Fathyd. 

1st rerse as above ; 2nd with Sc. for 
2nd ft. Hence 7th syll. short. 
[168] 3. Viparita-pafhyd. 

1 [The exact spelling of several 

The preceding transposed. 

4. Chapald. 

1st Terse with Ta, for 2nd ft. There- 
fore 6th and 7th syll. short. 

5. Vipuld. 

2nd Terse (some say 1st, others all) 
with 7th syll. short. Therefore 2nd 
ft. D. Sc. a. or Tr. 
6 or 7 species: Bha-viptdd, 1st Terse, 
(some say either) with D. for 2nd ft. 
Ra-vipuld, with C. for 2nd ft. No- 
vipuld, 2nd ft. Tr. Ta-vipuld, 2nd 
ft. H. Ma-viptdd, 2nd ft. M. To- 
vipuld, 8 ft. B. Ja-vipuld, 2nd ft. Sc 
No instance occurs with an anapsost for 
the 2nd ft. or 3rd place, 
of the above names is uncertain.] 



V. — Aksharachhandas or Varnavritta. Metre regulated by 

number and quantity. 

Regular or uniform metre ; the stanza being composed of equal and similar verses. 
From one to five syllables in the verse, or from four to twenty in the stanza. 

I. Ukta or Uktha, 1x4=4. 
1. S'ri, g. =L. 2 Mahi, /. =Bb. 

II. Atyttxt£, 2 x 4 a 8. 

1. Stri, or Kama, 2y. = S. 2. Bati 
or Mahi, /. y.=I. 3. Sara, g. J.=T. 
4. Madhu, Pr. Mahu, 2 I. =P. 

III. MadhtX, 3x4 = 12. 

1. Narf, or Tali, m. =M. 2. S'arfi, 
Pr. Sasi, y.=B. 8. Priya, Pr. Fid; 
or Mrigl, r.=0. 4. Bamani or Ba- 
numa, «. el 5. Panchala, or Panchala, 
*.=H. 6. Mrigendra, Pr. Matnda, j. 
=80. 7. Maudara, M.=D. 8. Kamali, 
or Kamala, it. =Tiu 

IV. PratmhthX, 4 x 4 = 16. 

1. Kanya, or Tir??, Pr. JVsnrf, in. ^. 
=2 S. 2. Ghari, or Hank*, r. /.=2 
T. 8. Nagajika, Lagalika, Nagani, or 
Naganika, Pr. Nagdnid or Nagdnl,j. g. 
=2 1. 4. $r.=P. I. 

V. SupratishthX, 6 x 4 = 20. 

1. Pankti, Aksharapankti, or Hansa, 
bh. 2 ^. =D. 8. 2. Sammoha, m. 2 ^. 
=M. S. 8. Haritabandha, or Harf, 2 
g. I. 2 y. or t. 2g. = 8. B. 4. Priya, 2 
/. r.=A. I. 6. Yamaka, Pr. Jamaka, 
ft. 2 J.=P. Tb. 

[159] JFtawt six to twenty syllables in the Verse. 

I. GA'YATBr, 6x4 = 24. 

1. Tanumadhya, <y.=SPS. 2. 
VidynUekha, or S'esha, Pr. Seed, 2 m 
=3 8. 3. S'adivadaDa, or Chauransa, 
ft y=2 P S. 4. Varamati, t «=8 P I. 
5. Vanita, or Tilaka, Pr. Dilld, 2 *= 
2 A. 6. Yodha, or Dwiyodhf, Pr. 
FyoA*, 2 r=T S I. 7. Chaturansa, 
Pr. Chauvansd, »y=2PS. 8. Man- 
thana, or Kamavatara, (half of the 
8dranga) % 2 * = S I T. 9. S'ankhanari, 
or Somarajf, (half of the Bhujangapra- 
ydta), 2 y =1 T 8. 10. Malatf, Suma- 
lati, Yasanta, or Kaminikanta, 2 j=* 
IPT. 11. Damanaka, 2«=3 P. 

II. USHNIH, 7x4=28. 

1. Kuraaralalita, (2 + 5) j s g =1 + 
Ta. S. 2. Madalekha, m s g =8 D 8. 
8. Hansamala, « r y =A T S. 4. Ma- 
dhumati, 2 ft ^ = 2 P A. 6. Sumfaika, 
r ^ 7=2 T C. 1 6. Suvaaa, n j J=2 
P D. 7. Karahancha, » * J=2 P 8c. 
8. S'irsha, Pr. Sied, 2 my =2 8 M. 

1 [r/f 


1. Chitrapada, 2 bh. 2 g=2 D S. 
2. Yidyunraala, Vr.Bijjiimdld, (4 + 4 J) 
2 m 2 ^=2 8 + 2 S. 3. Ma^avaka, or 
Ma^avakakrifla, (4 + 4f) bh. t I y= 
T I + T I. 4. Hansaruta, m n 2 y = 
8 D B. 6. Pram&pika, Kagaswaru- 
pi^f, or Matallika, j r I g=4 I. 6. 
Samanika, or Mallika, r j g l=i T. 
7. Vitana,./*2^=2ITS. 8. Tunga, 
2 ft 2 ^=3 P 8. 9. Kamala, 2lnr= 
2 P 2 I. 10. HansapadC, 2 g m #= 
2 S T I. 11. Matangi, m 2 / f» = 
8 T I S. 12. Bambha, ft / g m=2 P 
2 8. 

IV. VBIHATr, 9 x 4=36. 
1. Halamukhi, (3 + 6),r«*=C + 2 
P I. 2. BhiqagaVtf usrita, (7 + 2), 2 
ft m=2PA + 3. 3. Bhadrikfc, r n r 
= 2 T A I. 4. Mahalakshmi, 3 r = 
T 8 B I. 5. S&rangi, or Sarngf, nye 
=2 P 8 A. 6. Pavitra, Pr. Payittd, 
m bh. «=2 SPA. 7. Kamala, 2 ns 

.2 T c. n 



bSFJL 8. Bimba, n $ y=P. Ttu 
T 8. 9. Toman, $ 2 j=X I P T. 
10. Bfipamali, r m 1 »S 8 X. 11. 
Magimadhya or MaQibandha, bh. r •« 
D2TL 12. Bhvjangaaangata, »;> 

V. PANKTI, 10x4 «40. 
8'uddhaviraj, m « j y»S T 8 I. 
2. Pagara, (6 + 5) m #t jr y=S D + 
A 8 or «»/;-& D + AI. 8. Ha- 
y&raflariQi, rj r;=4T8. 4. Matta, 
(4 + 6), mW.# ?«2S + 2P8. 5. 
Upaithita, (2 + 8) 1 2/^=8 + 2 A I. 
6. Rukmayatt or ChampakamalR (5 + 
5})M.mi;=D8 + DS. 7. Mano- 
rama, n r j g =P 4 I. 8. Sanyukta, 
Pr. Sanjutd,9 2/ g=V 2T2 I. 9. 
Baravati, 3M.^-2DT I. 10. Su- 
ahama, < y bh. y*S ASA. 11. Am- 
ritamatS, or Amritagati, n j n y=P A 
PA. 12. Han#i,(4+6),mM.m?= 
2 8 Te. 8.* 18. Charomukhi, nybh.g 
■P A 8 A. 14. Chandramukbi, t n 

[160] VI.TEISHTtTBH,llx4=44. 
1. Indravajra, 2f./2^=8lDTS. 
2. Up«ndravajra,y O' 2 y =2 I D T S. 
8. Upajati, or Alchyanaki, (14 species). 
The two foregoing intermixed, 4. Do- 
dhaka, Bandhu or Nflaewartipa, 8 bh. 
2y-3D& 5. S'alini,(4 + 7t),»»2 
t 2 y«2 S+O T 8. 6. Vatormi, (4 
+ 7f), mM.*2 j=2S + AT8. 7. 
Bkramaravilasita, (4 + 7t), mbh.nlg 
«2 8 + 2 P A. 8. Bathoddhata, r n 
r Iff =2 T A 2 I. 9. Swagata, r n bh. 
2i=2TAPS. 10. Vrinta or Vritta, 
(4 + 7t), 2 n $ 2 j=3 PAS. 11. 
8'yeoika, or 8'reiika, rjrlg***T C. 
12. Sumukhi, (5 + 6J), » 2> / y =P A 
+2 A. 13. Bhadrika, 2 » r /y =2 P 
A 2 I. 14. Mauktikamala, 8'ri, Aira- 
kula or Kndmaladantl, (5 + 6), bh. t n 
% ; B D 8 + 2 P 8. 15. Upasthita, 
j • t 2 ^ =1 T*. 8 T 8. 16. Upa- 
chitra or VUeshika, 3 e I *=3 A I. 
l f»*'] »[>SAMP] 

17, Kupunuhajanita, 2 n r 2 ?»2 P A 
I 8. 18. Anavarita, n y bh. 2 ;b2 
P 8 D 8. 19. Motanaka, t 2jlg=8 
3 A. 20. Malattmala, 8 m 2 y-4 8 
M. 21. Damanaka, rn Jf 8 «4P A. 
22. Madandha, m * >2y=8 2 T 8. 

VII. JAGATr, 12x4=48. 
1. Vaufestha or VaM'asthavila, / < 
/r«=2lT3I. 2. Indravanrfa, 2 f/r 
=8 I T 3 1. 3. Upajati, the two fore- 
going intermixed. 4. Totaka, 4 #=4 
A. 6. Drutayilambita, n 2 4A. r^P I 
2 A I. 6. S'ripnta or Puta, (8 + 4), 2 
*imy«3PS + TS. 7. Jaloddhata- 
gati,(6 + 6) f y#yt=IPI+IPI. 

8. Tata or Lalita, 2nm r=3 P 2 8 I. 

9. KuramaYichitra, (6 + 6), n y n y a 
2 P 8 + 2 PS. 10. Chanchalakshika, 
PramnditaTadana, Mandakini, Gauri 
or Prabha, (7 + 5), 2 n 2 r=2 P A + 
B I. 11. Bhujangaprayata, 4y=IT 
SITS. 12. Sragvitf or Lakshmi- 
dhara, 4 r=T 8 I T S I. 13. Pra- 
mitakahara, * j 2 t =* A 8c. 2 A. 14. 
Kantotpija or Jaladharamala, (4 + 8), 
mbh. *m=28 + 2 Y 28 or bh.mtm 
=D3D2 8* 15. VaifiTwadeTl, (5 + 7), 
2 m 2y=MS + TSB. 16. Nara- 
malini, (8 + 4), nj bh. y =2 P 2 T + 
PS. 17.ChandraTartma 7 (4 + 8J),r» 
M.#=2T+PDA. 18. PriyamTada, 
A M. jr =P I P 3 I. 19. MaQimala, 
(6 + 6),^^y=8PS + 8P8. 20. 
Lalita, t bh.jr=B I P 3 I. 21. Ujj- 
wall, 2 n bh. r=3PT2I. 22. Ma- 
lati or Yaratanu, (5 + 7), » 2/ r =P A 
+ A 2 I. 23. Tamarasa or Lalitapada, 
n2>y = 2P2DS. 24. Lalana, 
(5 + 7)&A.m2<aDS + DTIorM. 
U#=D8 + 2PA. 25. DruUpada, 
n bh. n y=? ISPS. 26. Tidya- 
dhara,(4 + 8), 4m=2S + 4 8. 27. 
Saranga, 4 ^=8 I T 8 I T. 28. 
Mauktikadama, 4 j=l P T I P T. 
29. Modaka, 4 bh. = 4 D. 30. Ta- 
ralanayani, 4 »=6 P. 

•[n/^/] *[DSD2SP] 




VIII. ATIJAGATT, 13 x 4=52, 
1. Praharahiai, (3+10) mmjrgmU 
+2 P 2 T S. 2. Bo[161]chira, or Atiru- 
chirfc 9 (4 + 9)jM.vV-2l + 2PTG. 
3. Mattamayora, or Maya, (4 + 9) m * 
yjjr=2 8 + T I D8. 4. Gauri,2f» 
2rj=3 P T 8 B. 6. Manjubhaahinl, 
Prabodhita, Sunandiiti, or Kanaka- 
prabha $ j t j g**A I + P 8 I. 6. 
Chandrika, Bahama, Utpalini, or Ku- 
tilagati, (7 + 6)2»2<57-2PA + TS 

L 7. Kalahanaa, Chitravati, or Sin- 
hanada,*./ 2 «y=P2 TPDS. 8. 
ChaneharfkavaU, y m 2 r gml 2 S T 
8. 9. Chandralekha, (6 + l)ntryg 
-2PI + 2TM. 10.Vidyut,(6 + 7) 
»*2^=2PI + 8IC. ll.Mrigen* 
dramukha, «2>r y «P A P 2 T 8. 
12. Taraka, 4 * y = 8 A P 8. 18. 
Kalakanda, or Kanda 4 y J«B ITS 
I T. 14. PankajaTali, or Pankavali, 
bh.*2J i«D2P2D. 15. Cha*& 
2»2*;=4PDS. 16. Prabaayatt, 
(4+9) t bh. tjgmB 1 + 2 P T 0. 

IX. S'AKKARr, 14x4=56. 

1. Ajambadha, (5+9) m tn$ 2j« 
M 8 + 2 PA 8. 2. Aparajita,(7 + 7) 
2» r« /y=2PA + I A I or #*rt Ig 
-=P T A I A I. 3. Praharavakalita, 
or Ealika, (7 + 7 ) 2 n M. #• / y = 2 P 
A+2PA. 4. Vaaantatilaka, Sinhoii- 
nata, TJddhanhial, Madhumadhavl, or 
S'obharatt, tbh. %j 2 /->8 I P I P T 
8. 5. Lola, or Alola, (7 + 7) m • m 
bh. 2 j =8 D S + S D 8. 6. Indn- 
vadana, or Varaaundari, bh.j $n%g** 
TPTPTP8. 7.Nadi,(7 + 7)2* 
0'2^=2PA + DT8. 8. Lakahmf, 
mKMJ^SDSTDS. 9.8a- 
paTifra,(8 + 6)4»2f=4P+2PS. 
1 0. Madhyakahama, (4 + 10) or Kabila, 
(4+6 + 4) m*A.«y2f=2S + 8P 
+ 2 8. 11. Pramada,fij4A.y^«2P 
2TPTI. 12. Manjari,(5+9)#j# 
y^=P2TPT8I. 13. Kumarf, 
(8 + 6) * jbh.jl gm2 P 2 T P T 8. 
14. Sukeaara, nrnr lg**V 2 I P 8 1. 

*[AI+4PS?] »[8PS 

15. Vaaantf, m t n m 2 g=*2 8 D A 2 
8. 16. Nandfnrakhi, (7 +7) 2 « 2 t 
2 g * 3 P 8 IT 8. 17. Chakra, or 
Chakrapata,6A.3it*i«T5PI. 18. 
LUopavati, (4 + 10)4 m 2y«2S + 5 
8. 19. Xatagati, 4 » 2 y-6 P+S. 
20. Kopavati, M. m # M y=D 8 D 8 

X ATIS'AKKABT, 15x4=60. 

1. Chandravartt, (7 + 8J) 4 n #-=2 
PTb,+PTb.A. 2. If ala, or Sraj, 
(6 + 9)4iia«=2TB. + 2TB.A. 8. 
Maaigovaaikara, (8 + 7) 4» t«4 P+ 
2 P A. 4. Majiai, or Nandimakhi, ($ 
+ 7) 2nm2y«3P 8 + OTS. 5. 
Chandralekha, (7 + 8) mr m 2 y-2 8 
B + S ITS. 6. Kamakriga, Lila- 
khela, or Sarangika and Sarangaka, 5 
m«6 S M. 7. Prabhadraka, or So* 
bhadraka and Sukeaara, (7 + 8) nj bh. 
;>«2PC + P8L 8.Bla,(5+lO) 
•j 2 n y =A I +4 1 T. 1 9. Upamatini, 
(8 + 7) 2 m < *A. r=3 P T + S A L» 
10. Vipinatilaka, » « * 2 r-2 P I Tb. 
T 8 I. 11. Chitra, 3 m 2 y=3 SMI 
T S. 12. Tuvaka, or Chamara, (8 L 
7B«,=23k.)=6TO. 13. Bhramara- 
Tali t 6«»5A. 14. ManahaiiBa,'[162]# 
2/M.r=AIP2T2l. 15. S'arabha, 
or SWikala, 4 »+#«6 P A. 16. 
Nialpala,W.y t * r«D IPIP2I. 

17. Utaara, r i» 2 bh. r=2 T 8 A I. 

18. Hanaa, (8 + 7) » 2j r y«2 P D 3 

XI. A8HTI, 16x4=64. 
I. RishabhagajaTilaaita, or Gajattu 
rangarilaeita, (7 +9) bh. r 8 ngmto % 
T + 8PA. 2.Yks>ini, *jbh.Jrg = 
2P2TP2T8. 8. Chitra, Chitra- 
eanga, Atiauadara or Chanohalfc (double 
Samdnikd) rj'rjr /=8 T. 4. Pan- 
ohachamara, Naraoha, or Naracha, 
(double Pr*md*ik&)J rjrjg=SI. 
5. DMralaUta,M.riirfliy«D2TP 
2 T A. 6. Khagati, Ntla, Lila, or 
Aa'wagati, 5M. ^-4DTI. 7. Cha- 
+ IAIP] • [HanohaiuaP] 




kita(8 + 8)M.«fwt«y=DAS + 8 
DA. 8. Madanalalita, (4 + 6 + 6) m 
M.*mfiy=2S + 2PI + SPI. 9. 
Pravaralalita, y m n «r y=I 2 S 2 P I 
T S. 10. QuruQamta, n j bh. j t ?= 
2 P 2 T P T S I. 11. 8'ailadikhft, (16 
or 5+6+6) bh. r n 2M.^D 2 T 8 A 
or DT+T P T + I A. 12. Varayu- 
yatt, bh r y 2 » y=D 2 T S 2 P A. 
18. Brahmarupaka (doable Vidytm- 
tndld) 6 m y=8 8. 14. Achaladhriti, 
or QHydryb, 5 n J=8 P. 16. Pinani- 
tamba, (4 + 5 + 7) m < y m * y =2 8 
+ D S + S D S. 16. Yanvanamatta, 
(5 + ll)&A.8m«y=D8 + 8SDS. 

XII. ATYASHTI, 17x4=68. 
1. S'ikharini(6 + ll)ym»«4A./y 
-I2 8 + 2PIDI. 2. Prithwi, (8 
8. Vansapatrapatita, or Vanrfapatra, 
(10 + 7) bh.rnbh. nlg=J> 2 T A + 
2PA. 4. Harini,(6 + 4 + 7or4 + 6 
+ 7)n«ror*/y=2PI + 2S + IA 
I. 5.Mandalaran1;a,(4 + 6 + 7)wM. 
*2*2y=2 S + 2PI + C T S. 6. 
Narkn^aka, or Nardajaka (7 + 10), or 
ATitatha (I7f), nj bh. 2j /y =Tn. 2 1 
+ Tb. T I A. 7. Kokilaka, (7 + 6 + 
4jor8+5 + 4t)=TR.2l+PIP + 
TI. 8.Hari,(6 + 4+7)2»mnl 
^ =8 p + 2 S + I A I. 9. Kanta, or 
Kranta, (4 + 6 + 7) y bh. nr a Jy = I 
S + 2 P I + 1 A I. 10. Chitralekha, 
or Atuayani, (10 + 7) 2 aj bh. jig** 
2 A 2 I + Ta. T S. 11. Maladhara, 
or Vanamaladhara, na j a y I y=2 P 
2ITE.TSI. 12. Harinf,(4 + 6 + 
7)mbh.n myl y=2 S + 2 P I + S 

XIII. DHRITI, 18x4=72. 
1. KusumitalatavelHta, (5 + 6 + 7) 
i»*n3y=MS + 2PI + CTS. 2. 
Mahamalika, Naracha, Lata, Vana- 
xnala, (10 + 8f) 2 n 4 r=3 P T S + 
I T S I. 3. Sudha, (6 + 6 + 6) y m 
n a t « = I2S + 2 P I + S PI. 4. 
Harinapluta, (8 + 5 + 5) m * 2 j bh. r 
' i [This should belTSITSI 

=ST2I+AI + AI. ©\Arfwagati, 

6 bh. a = 5 D A. 6. Chitoalekha, (4 + 

7 + 7)m2»2/m=ST+PTR.8 + 
I T M. 7. Bhramarapada, bh.r 3 m 
m=D2T8PA8. 8. S'arddlalalita, 
(12+6)m«y«<«=8D2TA + SP 
I. 9. S'ardftla, (12 + 6) ma j arm 
=8 D 2 T A+T 2 S. 10. Kesara, 
(4 + 7 + 7)m*A.*y2r=2S + 2PA 
+ 81 C. 11. Nandana,(ll + 7) nj 
*A../2r=2PTDI + 2lC. [168] 12. 
Chitrarfala, Chitralekha, (4 + 7 + 7) m 
M.»3y=2S+2PA + CTS. 13. 
Chala, (4 + 7 + 7) m bh. njbh. r =2 S 
+ 2PA + IAI. 14. Vibudhapriya, 
(8 + 10f) r«2y*A.r-=2T2l + P2 
T 2 I. 15. Manjira, 2 m bh. m a m = 
3 8 D S D 2 S. 16. Krigaohandra, 6 
y=I T P I T P I T P. 1 17. Char- 
chart, r a 2j bh. r=T D I D 2 T 2 I. 

XIV. ATIDHRITT, 19x4=76. 

1. S'ardalairikrftfta, or S'ardala, 


I 0. 2. Meghavisphfajita, or Vismita, 

(6 + 6 + 7) y m»« 2 ry =12 8 + 2 P 

I + C T S. 2. Panchachamara, 2 » + 

alternate g J= Tb. P 7 I. 4. Pushpa- 

dama, (5 + 7 + 7) m t n a 2 r y=M S 

+ 2PA+CTS. 5. Bimba,(5 + 7 

+ 7)mt«*2*y=MS + 2PA + HS 

I. 6.Chhaya,(6 + 6 + 7orl2+7)y 

mnabh. <y=I 2 S+2 P I + D S I. 

7. Makarandika, (6 + 6 + 7) y » n a 2 

< /y=I2S + 2PI+I AI. 8. Samu- 

dratata,(8 + 4 + 7)y*y#«*A.y=IP 

2I + PI + SIA. 9. Surasa, (7 + 7 

+ 6)mr*A.»y»y=MTS + 2PA 

+ D I. 10. Manimanjarf, y bh.ny2j 

y=I S 2 P A 2 T 2 I. 11. Chandra- 

mala, or Chandra, (10 + 9) 3 n j 2 n I 

=5 P + D 3 P. 12. Dharalanka, or 

Dhavala, 6 n y = 8 P A. 13. Sambhu,* 

(7+6 + 6)«*y*A.2i»y=ASA8A 

3 8. 

XV. KRITI, 20x4=80. 
1. Suvadana, (7 + 7 + 6) mrbh.n 
y bh. I y=2 SB + 2PA + SPI. 
T S.] a [S'ambhu ?] 



2. Vritta, or Ganfaka, r j rj rjg I 
=10 T. 3. 8'obha, (6 + 7 + 7)y« 
2«2*2£-I2S + 2PA + TSB. 
4. Gitika, or Glta, # 2jbh.r$lg=k 


XYI. PRAKRITI, 21x4-84. 
1. Sragdhara, (7 + 7 + 7) m r bK 
n 3 y=2 SB+2PA + TSB. 2. 
Salilanidhi, Saraai, Siddhaka, S'arfiya- 
dana, or Dhritata, n j bh. 3 j r=2 P 
TD 1 + 2 A 2 I. 3. Narendra, bh. r 

XVII. A'KRITI, 22x4=88. 
1. Bhadraka, (10 + 12) bh.r nrn 
rng=T) 2T A + I T*. 2 T A. 2. 
Madira, or Lalita, 7 bh. ^»6 DTI. 

3. Hanaf, (8 + 14) 2 m 2 y 4 * 2 f=4 
8 + 6PS. 

XVIII. VIKRITI, 23x4=92. 
1. Aa'walalita, or Adritanaya, (11 + 
12) * j bh. jbh.jbh.l g=2WDl 
+ I T*. T D I. 2. Mattakrtya, or 
Vijivahana, (8 + 15) 2 m tin I y = 
4S + 6PA. 3. Sundari, (7 + 6 + 

1 0) 2 * M. #*2./=APS + 2P8 + 
2D. 1 4. Malatf, or Madamatta, 7 bh. 
2 g**l D 8. 6. Chitrapada, 7 bh. I g 
=7DI. 6.Maffika,7.//?-IPTI 
P T I P T I A. 

XIX. SANKJjtlTI, 24x4=96. 
1. Tanwi, (5 + 7 + 12 or 12+12). 
M. *»«2M.*y=D8+2PA + 2 
D 2 P 8. 2. Durmila, 8 # =8 A. 3. 
Kirita, 8 bh. -8 D. 4. Janakf, 8 r= 
dharika, 7,/y-IFTIfrTIPTI 

[164] XX. ATIKRITI, 25x4=100. 
1. Kraunchapada, (5 + 5 + 8+7) 
**.*»# *A.4»?=DS + DS + 
4 P + 2 P A. 2. S'ambhu, 8 m g = 
11 8 M. 

XXI. UTKRITI, 26x4=104. 
1. Bhujangavijrimbhita, (8 + 11 + 
7) 2 m t 8 » r « / ^=4 8 + 4 P A + 
IAI. 2. Apavaha, (9 + 6 + 6 + 5) 
m6n«2^=SD2P + 3P+3P + 
A. 8. 3. Gauri, 8 m 2 ? = 18 8. 

From 27 to 999 syllables in the verse. 

DA^DARA,27x4 = 108to999x4=3996. 

1. Chano>Yriah$iprayata, 2 n 7 r=2 
Tb. 7 C. 

2. Prachita, 2 » 8 etc. r. 

825 species from 9 to 333 feet, vii. 
2nd Arna, 2»8r. 3rd Arnava, 2 » 
9 r. 4th Vyala, 2 n 10 r. 6th Ji- 
mtita, 2 » 11 r etc. 

Or3.Pracbita,2n7etc.y=2Ta. 7etc.B. 

4. Mattamatangalilakara, 9 etc. r—9 
etc. 0. 

5. Sinhavikranta, 2 n 10 etc. r. 

6. Euflumaatayaka, 9 etc. «=9 etc. A. 

7. Anangarfekhara, I gig etc. = 15 etc. I. 

8. Arfokamanjari, rj etc. = 16 etc. T. 
Also SiLtJRA, 2 ^ 8 » #=S 12 P A. 

VI. — Half equal Metre; the stanza being composed of equal and 
similar couplets; but the couplets, of dissimilar verses. 

1. VpichitriL, (Upajati+Tdmarasa) 2. Drutamadhya, (Dodhaka + Td- 
lst Tene 3 * I g =3 A I. 2nd 3 bh. mora**). 1st 3 bh. 2 ?=3 D 8. 2nd 
2^=3 D 8. ft 2/ y=2 P 2 D 8. 

1 [There seems some error here.] 





8. Vegavati, (UpackUra — penult 
Br. in 1st verse). 1st 3*^=2 A PS. 
2nd3M. 2y=3DS. 

4. Bhadraviraj (species of Aupa- 
chhandasika), 1st tjr y = 8 P 2 T S. 
2ndm#y2^=S D2T S. 

5. Ketumatf, 1st »j a g = A I Tr. S. 
2nd bh. r n 2 £=T. 2 I Tr. S. 

6. A'khy&naki ( Upqjdti viz. alternate 
Indravajra and Upendravajra ; some 
say one Terse Indravajra, three I7p«n- 
dravajra), 1st (and 3rd) 2 tj 2 $r=S 
I D T 8. 2nd (and 4th, some say 3rd) 
jtj+2g = 2IDT8. 

7. Viparitakhyanaki (the converse of 
the preceding), 1st.; 0'2;=2IDTS. 

8. Harinapluta {Drutavilambita — 
one syllable), 1st 3 s lg~ 3 A I. 2nd n 

9. Aparavaktra (species of Vaitdliga 
or Bhadriht + MdlatC), 1st 2 n r I g 
= 2 PA 21. 2ndn2>r = P2 A2L 

10. Pushpit&gra (species of [165] 
Aupachhandatika), 1st 2 n r y=3 P 
2TS. 2ndn2yr^=2PD2TS. 

11. Yavamati, 1st rjrj =6 T. 2nd 
jrjrg—b I B. 

12. S'ikha, 1st 28 I g=1 Tr. I. 
2nd30/^=7Ta.PI. 1 

13. Khanja, 1st 30 / g=1 Tr. P. 
2nd28/^=7TR. I.* 

14. Lalita, 1st r e I g=2 T 2 I. 
2nd«»y^=ATn. 21. 

16. Kaamudi (Bhadrikd + tfA<r»- 
chaldkthikd), 1st 2 « r / y=Tr. P 
3 1. 2ad2n2r=3PTS I. 

16. Manjusanrahha (Mdlati + J6m- 
jubhdshint), 1st * 2 y r = 2 P T 3 I. 

VII. — Unequal Metre; the stanzas being composed of dissimilar 


1. Udgata, 1st verse tj * J=A I Tb, 
T. 2nd n ejg=T&. A 2 I. 3rd M. « 
;/^=TTe.2A. 4th*y«y^«AI 


2 varieties: viz. Saurabhaka, 3rd verse, 
r nbh.g=TI)2 A. 8 Xo/tto, 3rd verse 
2«2#=2Tr. 2 A. 

2. TJpasthitaprachupita, 1st verse m 
t> *A. 2 ^=S D 2 T D S. 2nd « «./ r 
y = A2P2TS. 3rd 2 »« = 3PA. 
4th 3 n j y=5 P D S. 2 varieties: 
viz. Vardhamdna, 3rd verse 2m2ni 
= 3 P A 3 P A ; Puddhaviralriehabha, 

3rd verse fj r=S A 2 I. 

3. Padachatururdhwa, increasing in 
arithmetical progression from 8 to 20 
syll. viz. 1st verse 8 ; 2nd 12 ; 3rd 16 ; 
4th 20. 

6 species : viz, Apfda, End in S. Rest 
Br. Fratydpida, Begin with S. or begin 
and end with S. Manjari, or Kalikd y 
1st and 2nd verses transposed 12 + 8 
+ 16 + 20. Lavali, 1st and 3rd 
transposed 16 + 12 + 8 + 20. Am- 
rttadhdrdy 1st and 4th transposed 20 
+ 12 + 16 + 8. 

VIII. — Supplement, under the denomination of Gdthd. 

1. Stanzas comprising four unequal 
verses, constituting a metre not de- 
scribed by writers on prosody. 

2. Stanzas comprising more or fewer on prosody, 
verses than four; viz. three, five, six, etc. 

3. Any metre not specified by Pin- 

4. Metre not specified by any writer 

» [= 9 Tr. I, and 9 Tr. P IP] » [= 9 Tb. P I. and 9 Tb. I.] 

8 [TDIAP] 




Published at Calcutta, 1804. 4 to. 

[163} To promote and facilitate the study of the ancient 
and learned language of India, in the College of Fort William, 
it has been judged requisite to print a few short and' easy com- 
positions in the original Sanskrit. The first work chosen for 
this purpose, and inserted in the present volume, under its title 
of Hitopadesa, or ' Salutary Instruction/ had been translated 
by Mr. Wilkins, and by the late Sir William Jones, as the 
text of a very ancient collection of apologues, familiarly known, 
in the numerous versions of it, under the name of ; Fables of 
Pilpay/ 1 The great advantage, which may be derived by 
students, from consulting correct translations, at their first 
acquaintance with Sanskrit literature, has indicated this work 
as the fittest for selection ; although it be not strictly the 
original text, from which those beautiful and celebrated 
apologues were transferred into the languages of Persia, and 
of the West. 

In the concluding line of the poetical preface to the 
Hitopadesa, it is expressly declared to have been drawn 
from the Panchatantra and other writings. 1 The boolk, thus 
mentioned as the chief source, from, which that collection of 

1 [For a fall account of the Panchatantra and the literature connected with it 
see Prof. Benfey's Introduction to his translation, Leipzig, 1869. Cf. also the 
analytical account of the Panchatantra, in. Bwf. Wilson's Eu*y*i vol. iv., pp. 
1-80, with pp. 139-144. A large part of the apologues appears to he of Buddhist 


fables was taken, is divided into five chapters, as its name . 
imports : it consists, like the Hitopadesa, of apologues, recited 
by a learned Br&hman named Vishnu-sarman, for the instruc- 
tion of his pupils, the sons of an Indian [167] monarch ; but 
it contains a greater variety of fables, and a more copious 
dialogue, than the work, which has been chiefly compiled from 
it ; and, on comparison with the Persian translations now 
extant, it is found to agree with them more nearly, than that 
compilation, both in the order and the manner in which the 
tales are related. 

To compare them, it has been first necessary to exclude all 
the additions, which have been made by translators. These 
have been explained by Abu'lfazl, with the history of the 
publication itself, in the preface to his own version, entitled 
'Iyari-danish ; and by Husain Wa'iz, in the introduction to. 
the Anwari Suhaili. 

They recite from Abu'lmala's 1 preface to his translation of 
the Kalilah wa Dimnah, that Barzuyah, an eminent and 
learned physician, being purposely sent into Hindustan by 
Nushirvan, king of Persia, brought a transcript of this with 
other books, which were preserved among the best guarded 
treasures of the kings of India : and it was immediately trans- 
lated into Pahlavi, for the gratification of the Persian monarch, 
nnder the superintendence of his minister Buzurchumihr. 

From this version in Pahlavi, by Buzurchumihr, or by 
Barzuyah (and which is said to have borne the title of 
Humayun-namah, Jawidan-khirad, and testament of Hu- 
shank), the book was translated into the Arabic language by 
Imam Abu'lhasan 'Abdullah Benul Mukaffa , in obedience to 
the commands of Abu'lja'far Mansur, second khalif of the 
house of 'Abbas. From Arabic, it was restored into Persian, 
by direction of Abul Hasan Nasru'ddin Ahmad, a prince of 
the race of Saman ; and was clothed in verse by the poet 
Rudaki, for Sultan Mahmud Sabaktagin. It was again 

» [AbCi'l Ma'ill P] 


translated into prose, from the Arabic of 'Abdu'llah, by desire 
of Abu'linuzafFar Bahr&m Sh&h, 1 son of Sult&n Mas'ud, a 
de[168]scendant of Snlt&n Mahmud of Ghaznin; and this 
version, the author of which was Abdlm&la Nasrullah, is the 
same which has been since current under the title of Kalilah 
wa Dimnah. It underwent a revision, and received the em- 
bellishment of flowery language from Husain W&'iz K&shafi* 
at the suggestion of Amir Shaikh Ahmad, surnamed Suhaili, 
a chieftain commanding under Sult&n Husain Mirzd, of the 
house of Taimur ; and this highly polished version is named 
from the author's patron Anw&ri Suhaili. It was lastly 
revised, and put into plainer, bnt elegant language, by 
Abu'lfazL, in obedience to the orders of the Emperor Akbar. 

This amended translation comprises sixteen chapters ; ten 
of which, as Abu'lfazl in his preface, were taken from 
the Hindi original entitled Xaratak and Damanak ; and six 
were added by Buzurchumihr, namely, the four last, contain- 
ing stories recited by the Br&hnian Bidp&i, in answer to the 
questions of the King D&bishlim ; and the two first, consisting 
of a preface by Buzurchumihr, with an introduction by 
Barzuyah. Both these introductory chapters had been omitted 
by Husain W&'iz, as foreign to the original work : but he 
substituted a different beginning, and made other addition* 
some of which are indicated by him, and the rest are pointed 
out by Abu'lfazl ; who has nevertheless retained them, as 
appendages not devoid of use, and therefore admissible in a 
composition intended solely to convey moral instruction. The 
whole of the dramatic part, including all the dialogue between 
D&bishlim, king of India, and Bidp&i or Pilp&i, a Br&hman of 
Sarandip, as well as the finding of Hushank's legacy (from 
both which the work itself has derived two of the names, by 
which it has been most frequently distinguished), appears to have 
been added by the translators, although the appellations of the 
king, and of [169] the philosopher, are stated to be of Indian 

1 [Farishta calls him Mu'izz-ud-dia Bahrain Shah.] 


origin. 1 For Abu'lfazl has inserted the story at the close of 
the secotid chapter ; after expressly declaring, in one place, 
that the substance of the work begins with the third ; and in 
another, that the two first were added by the author of the 
Pahlavi translation. 

Setting apart then the dramatic introduction, in which the 
Persian differs from both the Panchatantra and the Hitopadesa, 
and beginning the comparison from the third chapter of the 
Kalilah wa Dimnah, it is found, that the fable of the ox * and 
lion, with all the subsequent dialogue between the shakals 
Karataka and Damanaka, constituting the first chapter of the 
Panchatantra, corresponds with the Persian imitation ; except- 
ing, however, a few transpositions, and the omission of some 
apologues, as well as the insertion of others. 

Thus the fable of c The Ape and the Carpenter's Wedge/ 
which is first in both works, is immediately followed, in the 
Panchatantra, by that of 'The Shakal and the Drum'; but 
the Persian translators have here introduced a different 
apologue. They have placed the story of c The Thief and the 
Mendicant/ with others included in it, immediately after 
[170] that of ' The Fox and the Drum' ; but the Panchatantra 
interposes another tale, the omission of which, however, in- 
duces no imputation on the good taste of the translators. 
They have next substituted two fables (' The Sparrow, the 
Hawk, and the Sea, 1 and * The Reformed Tyrant/) for a 
story of a wheelwright's marriage with a king's daughter. 

The next three fables are alike in the Sanskrit and Persian ; 

1 Husain W&'iz and Abu'lfazl explain Bidp&i, as equivalent to the Persian term 
Hakim-mihrbdn ; and, acoording to the ingenious conjecture of Sir William 
Jones,'that appellation is corrupted from the Sanskrit Vaidya-priya. The name 
of Dabishlfm, interpreted Pdd$hdh-buzurg, or great King, has not so striking a 
resemblance to any Sanskrit term of the same signification. Pilpdi appears to be 
Persian ; and in some copies of the Anwari Suhaili (for the passage is wanting in 
others), it is mentioned to hare been translated from the Hindf Hastipdt ; which, 
in Sanskrit, bears the same meaning, viz. elephant's foot. 

* The Persian name, Shanzabah (for so the word should be read, and not, as 
written in many copies, Shutarbah), is evidently formed on the Sanskrit name for 
this ox, Sanjivaka. 


but two, which follow (viz. ' The Louse and the Bug,' and 
' The Blue Shakal,') are omitted by the translators ; who have 
evinced their judgment in the rejection of the first. 

The fable of < The Three Fish ' is placed next by the Per- 
sian authors, and is followed by five others, which do not 
occur in the Panchatantra. These are succeeded by three 
more, which are placed by the Sanskrit author immediately 
after the fable of ' The Blue Shakal,' and before that of ' The 
Three Fish/ 

Here the Panchatantra introduces a story of an elephant, 
whose death was procured though the means of a gad-fly, by 
birds whom he had aggrieved. But it has been omitted in 
the Persian, and so has the next fable, of ' The Lion and the 

The remaining apologues, belonging to the first chapter, are 
alike in both works ; excepting that of ' The Gardener, the Bear, 
and the Fly,' which is inserted last but one, in the Persian 
translation ; but which does not occur in the Panchatantra. 

Many of these fables are also found in the Hitopadesa, but 
arranged in quite a different order, being interspersed with 
others, through the three last chapters of that compilation. 

Without further particularizing the variations of the Per- 
sian from the Sanskrit, it may be sufficient to say, that the 
five chapters of the Panchatantra agree, in the subject, and in 
the general arrangement of the fables, with the third, fifth, 
sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth chapters of the ( Iy&ri-[171] 
d&nish ; and that more than half of the fables, contained in 
that part of the Persian work, which purports to have been 
derived from the Indian text, corresponds exactly to similar 
apologues in the Sanskrit. In most instances of omission, a 
reason may be easily conjectured for the rejection of the 
original stories : and those, which have been substituted for 
them, as well as the few contained in the remaining chapters, 
which are not avowedly additional, may have been taken by 
the first translator, either from other Indian works, (for 


Barzuyah is stated to hare brought more than one book from 
Hindustan,) or, though not acknowledged by him, may have 
been drawn from different sources. It probably was more his 
design to present to the King of Persia a pleasing collection of 
apologues, than a strictly Jaithful translation of a single 
Indian work. 

This collection of fables lias been translated more frequently, 
and into a greater variety of languages, than any other com- 
position not sacred ; and, although the earliest paraphrase, in 
Pablavi, be now lost, its Arabic version is extant, or lately 
was so ; l and may be easily verified through the translations 
made into more than one language, upon the Arabic text. 

It is unnecessary to speak of another Arabic version, said to 
have been taken from the original text of a pretended king 
of India named Isara, three hundred years before the time of 
Alexander ; or to mention that made from the testament of 
Hushank (entitled J&wid&n-khirad), by Hasan, son of Suhail, 
Minister of al M&mun, the seventh khaltf of the 'Abbasi 
dynasty. For both these pretended versions are probably the 
same with 'Abdullah's, but erroneously ascribed to other 

From his Arabic text, a Greek translation, entitled Ste- 
phanites and Ichnelates, was completed, seven hundred years 
ago, by Simeo Sethus, for the Emperor Alexius [172] Comnenus. 
One in Syriac, under the title of Calaileg and Damnag, is pro- 
bably taken from the Arabic, though purporting to be derived 
immediately from the Indian text. 8 The Turkish versions 
(for there are more than one) have been derived mediately or 
immediately from the Arabic ; and several Latin and Italian 
translations have been drawn from the Greek of Sethus ; not 
to mention another Latin one from the Hebrew, nor the 

1 [This was edited by De Sacy in 1816. Its title is the Kalilah wa Ditnnah of 
'Abdullah ben ul Mukaffa'.] 

9 [A MS. of this translation from the Pablavi was found in 1870 by Dr. Socin 
in the episcopal library at Maridin.] 



German and Spanish versions from the Latin and the Italian. 
All these, as well as the French translations of Gaulmin, David 
Said, Galland and Cardbnne, from the Persian Kalilah wa 
Dimnah, and from the Turkish Hum&ylin-n&mah and 
Anw&ri Suhaili, as also the English version from the French, 
appear to have been compared with considerable attention by 
various persons : but, excepting two unfaithful imitations in 
Latin and Italian, the general correspondence of the rest seems 
to be acknowledged. 1 

We may conclude, therefore, that the Persian Ealilah wa 
Dimnah, and r Iy&ri-d&nish, exhibit a sufficiently exact repre- 
sentation of the Arabic translation from the Pahlavi ; and 
that, after rejecting avowed additions, we ought to find there 
a near resemblance to the Indian original. From a careful 
collation of both Sanskrit works with the genuine parts of the 
Persian translation, it is evident, as has been already shown, 
that the Panchatantra corresponds best with them : and there 
can be little hesitation in pronouncing this to be the original 
text of the work, which' was procured from India by Nushirv&n 
more than twelve hundred years ago. 

[173] This fact is not without importance in the general 
history of Indian literature ; since it may serve to establish 
the greater antiquity of authors who are quoted in the Pancha- 
tantra ; and amongst others, that of the celebrated astrologer 
Yar&ha Mihira, who is cited by name in one passage of the 
first chapter. 8 

The Hitopadesa, containing nearly the same fables told 
more concisely and in a different order, has been translated 

1 See Bibliotheca Graca of Fabricius. vol. vi. p. 460, and vol. z. p. 324 ; 
Bibliotheque Orientale of D'Herbelot, pp. 118, 206, 245, 399, and 456; Works 
of Sir W. Jones, rol. yi. p. 4; and As. Res. toI. i. p. 429 ; also Wiikins's Heeto- 
pades, preface, p. ziii. 

1 [The various MSS., however, so continually differ, by the alterations and 
additions of successive transcribers, that we can feel no confidence in the minuter 
details of our present text. The MSS. of the Arabic version differ in the same 
way, see Benfey, pp. 5-8.] 


into Persian, in. comparatively recent times, by Maulavi 
Taju'ddin, who entitled it Mufarrihu'lkulub ; and who does 
not appear, from his preface, to have been aware, that the 
work, translated by him, was any way connected with the 
Kalilah wa Dimnah. 

This, as well as the Hindi version of it, by Mir Bah&dur 
f Ali, which has been printed for the use of the College of Fort 
William, and which is entitled Akhteki Hindi, may afford 
some help to a student, reading the Hitopadesa, for his first 
exercise in the Sanskrit language. He will find still more 
effectual assistance in the English translations by Sir William 
Jones and Mr. Wilkins : and, for this advantage, no less than 
for its easy style, the Hitopadesa has the first place in the 
present collection of Sanskrit works. 

The second place in it has been allotted to a short story in 
verse, which is abridged from a celebrated poem of Dandf s. 
This distinguished poet, famous above all other Indian bards 
for the sweetness of his language, and therefore ranked by 
E£lid£sa himself (if tradition may be credited) next to the 
fathers of Indian poetry, Y&lmiki and Yy&sa, composed a 
pleasing story in harmonious verse/ under the title of Dasa- 
kum&ra-charita, or ' Adventures of the Ten Youths/ It is 
divided into two parts : the first comprising five chapters, and 
ending with the marriage of the principal hero ; the other con- 
taining, through eight [174] more chapters, the adventures of 
the same prince and his nine companions. 8 The first part has 
been abridged by more than one author ; among others, by 
Yin&yaka in about two hundred couplets, collected into three 
sections ; and by Apyayya, in as many sections, and nearly the 
same number of couplets. This abridgment, being composed 
in easy, correct, and smooth language, is preferable to the 
other, and has been selected for its merits in those respects ; 

1 Cf. p. [134]. 

3 [For fuller details see Professor Wilson's Introduction to his edition, and his 
Analysis, Essays, iy., pp. 160-289.] 


though the story be told with too great conciseness to preserve 
much interest. 

Concerning the author of this epitome, or argument, of 
Da^Ldfs poem, no information has been yet obtained. He 
calls himself a counsellor and minister, and was probably in 
the service of some Hindu Rajd. 1 

The present volume ends with three &atakas or centuries 
of verses by Bhartrihari. They were recommended for 
selection, partly by their prevailing moral tendency, though 
some passages be far from unexceptionable ; and partly as a 
fit specimen of polished Sanskrit verse. The poetical beauties, 
which are most admired by the Hindu learned, and which are 
inculcated by their writers on rhetoric, are scattered in these 
couplets of Bhartrihari, with a more sparing hand than in 
most of the laboured performances of Indian poets : and, from 
this cause, his poetry is less obscure than theirs. 

These Satakas are ascribed by the unanimous consent of 
the learned, to Bhartrihari, the brother of Vikram&ditya. He 
is also the reputed author of a grammatical treatise. It is 
possible, perhaps it might be said probable, that these may 
have been composed by a different person in his name. But it 
is clear from the first couplet of the Niti-sataka, that they 
have been written either in the real, or in the assumed 
character of Bhartri[175]hari, since that couplet alludes to 
a circumstance conspicuous in the traditional story of his life. 

The authentic history of Bhartrihari is too intimately 
blended with that of ancient India, and involves questions of 
too great intricacy, to be stated, or discussed, in this preface. 
It remains only to say a few words respecting the present 
edition of the three works which have been here mentioned. 

The editor, Mr. Carey, undertook the publication, on a 

1 [Dau^in h&* usually been placed in the reign of Bhoja of Dh&ra or soon 
afterwards ; bat Prof. Weber, Ind. Streifen^ i. 312, thinks that his style shows 
that he must have preceded B&na, and consequently he may hare lived in the 6th 
century. He also often speaks of Buddhists, and mentions the Mubammadans 
{Yavancut) as traders, not conquerors.] 


suggestion from the Council of the College of Fort William, 
and under the patronage of Government. He has, at the 
same time, risked a larger edition than was required for the 
College, in the expectation of encouragement from the public. 

In printing the Hitopadesa, six manuscript copies were col- 
lated. They were found to differ much, in the quotation of 
whole passages, as well as in the reading of single words. 
Either the reading most suitable to the context, or that which 
was found in the greatest number of copies, has been selected, 
according as circumstances have dictated the propriety of 
following one rule or the other. 

The abridgment of the Dasa Kum&ra has been printed 
from a single copy: and the Satakas of Bhartrihari, from 
three manuscripts ; every one of which was incomplete : but 
the deficiencies did not occur in the same places. 

With the last £ataka, the style of which is, in general, 
less clear than that of the preceding, the scholia have been 
printed. They will serve to make the reader acquainted 
with the manner of Sanskrit commentators: and owing to 
the peculiar difficulties of the language, the student will 
find it long necessary, and always useful, to consult the 
commentaries, while perusing Sanskrit compositions. To 
[176] lessen one of those difficulties, which arises from the 
frequent permutation of letters at the beginning and close of 
words, the editor has marked, by a dot under the syllable, 
places where the elision of a letter is found, or any other per- 
mutation, that is not obvious. 

In this first attempt to employ the press in multiplying 
copies of Sanskrit books with the Devan&gari character, it will 
be no matter of surprise, nor any cause of imputation on the 
editor's diligence, that the table of corrections should be large. 
The whole volume has been been carefully examined by several 
Pandits ; and there is reason to believe, that no error of con- 
sequence can have escaped their notice. 

Calcutta, 17 th September, 1804. 




[From the Asiatic Researches, vol. v. pp. 53-67. 

Calcutta, 1738. 4 to.] 

[177] The permanent separation of classes, with hereditary 
professions assigned to each, is among the most remarkable 
institutions of India ; and, though now less rigidly maintained 
than heretofore, must still engage attention. On the" subject 
of the milled classes, Sanskrit authorities, in some instances, 
disagree : classes mentioned by one, are omitted by another ; 
and texts differ on the professions assigned to some tribes. A 
comparison of several authorities, with a few observations on 
the subdivisions of classes, may tend to elucidate this subject, 
in which there is some intricacy. 

One of the authorities I shall use is the J&tim&l&, or Gar- 
land of Classes; an extract from the Rudra-y&mala-tantra* 
which in some instances corresponds better with usage, and 
received opinions, than the ordinances of Manu, and the great 
Dharma-pur&ga. 8 On more important points its authority 
could not be compared with the Dharmas&stra ; but, on the 
subject of classes, it may be admitted ; for the Tantras form a 

1 [For further detail* on the subject of the divisions of casts in the North-west 
of India, see Sir H. M. Elliot's Races of the N. W. Provinces, toL i.] 

* The texts are cited in the VivadarnaYa-setu, from the Vrihad-dharma-pu- 
rfrna. This name I therefore retain ; although I cannot learn that soch a purdna 
exists, or to what treatise the quotation refers under that name. See toL i. p. 
[103] of the present work. 


branch of literature highly esteemed, though at present much 
neglected. 1 Their fabulous origin derives [178] them from 
revelations of &iva to P&rvatl, confirmed by Vishnu, and 
therefore called Agama, from the initials of three words in a 
verse of the Todala-tantra. 

" Coming from the mouth of Siva, heard by the mountain- 
born goddess, admitted by the son of Vasudeva, it is thence 
called Xgama." 

Thirty-six are mentioned for the number of mixed classes ; 
but, according to some opinions, that number includes the 
fourth original tribe, or all the original tribes, according to 
other authorities : yet the text quoted from the great Dharma- 
pur&na, in the digest of which a version was translated by 
Mr. Halhed, names thirty-nine mixed classes ; and the J&ti- 
m&l& gives distinct names for a greater number. 

On the four original tribes it may suffice, in this place, 
to quote the J&tim&l&, where the distinction of Brahmanas, 
according to the ten countries to which their ancestors be- 
longed, is noticed : that distinction is still maintained. 

" In the first creation by Brahmd, Br&hma^as proceeded, 
with the Veda, from the mouth of Brahm&. From his arms 
Kshatriyas sprung ; so from his thigh, Vaisyas : from his foot 
Sudras were produced : all with their females. 

"The Lord of creation viewing them said, 'What shall be 
your occupations P ' They replied, 'We are not our own 
masters, O God ! command us what to undertake.' 

" Viewing and comparing their labours, he made the first 
tribe superior over the rest. As the first had great inclination 
for the divine sciences, (Brdhma-veda,) therefore he was 
Br&hmana. The protector from ill {kshayate) was Kshatriya. 
Him whose profession (ve&a) consists in commerce, which 
promotes the success of wars, for the protection of himself 
and of mankind, and in husbandry, and attendance on cattle, 
he called Vaisya. The other should voluntarily serve the 

1 See toI. i. p. [199] of the present work. 


three tribes, and therefore [179] he became a §udra: he 
should humble himself at their feet." 

And in another place : 

" A chief of the twice -born tribe was brought by Vishnu's 
eagle from S&ka-dwipa: thus have £&ka-dwipa Br&hmanas 
become known in Jarabu-dwipa. 

"In Jambu-dwipa, Brahmanas are reckoned tenfold; Sara- 
swata, Kanyakubja, Gauda, Maithila, Utkala, Dr&vida, Ma- 
harashtra, Tailanga, Gujjjara, and K&smira, residing in the 
several countries whence they are named. 1 

" Their sons and grandsons are considered as Kanyakubja 
priests, and so forth. Their posterity, descending from Manu, 
also inhabit the southern regions: others reside in Anga, 
Banga, and Ealinga ; some in Kamarupa and Odra. Others 
are inhabitants of Sumbhadesa : and twice-born men, brought 
by former princes, have been established in Bada, M&gadha, 
Varendra, Chola, Swarnagrama, China, Kula, &aka, and 
Barbara." 9 

1 These several countries are, S&raswata, probably the region watered by the 
river Sersutty, as it is marked in maps ; unless it be a part of Bengal, named from 
the branch of the Bhagirathi, which is distinguished by this appellation ; Kanya- 
kubja or Kanoj ; Gauda, probably the western Gar, and not the Ganr of Bengal ; 1 
Mithila, or Tirabhukti, corrupted into Tirhut ; Utkala, said to be situated near 
the celebrated temple of Jagannatha ; DT&vida, pronounced Dravira, possibly the 
country described by that name, as a maritime region south of Karnata, 3 (As. 
Res. vol. ii. p. 117) ; Maharashtra, or Mahratta; Telinga, or Teling&na; Gujjara, 
or Guzrat; Kasmira, or Cashmir. 

* Anga includes Bhagalpur. Banga, or Bengal proper, is a part only of the 

Stiba. Varendra, the tract of inundation north of the Ganges, is a part of the 

present Zila of Rajashahi. Kalinga is watered by the Godavari (As. Res. vol. 

iii. p. 48). t Kamarupa, an ancient empire, is become a province of Asam. Odra 

I understand to be Orissa Proper. Rada (if that be the true reading) is well 

known as the country west of the Bhagirathi. Magadha, or Magadha, is Bihar 

Proper. Chola is part of Birbhum. Another region of this name is mentioned 

in the Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. p. 48. Swarnagrama, vulgarly Sunargau, 3 

is situated east of Dacca. China is a portion of the present Chinese empire. On 

the rest I can offer no conjecture. S'aka and Barbara, here mentioned, must 

differ from the Dwipa, and the region situated between the Kusfa and S'ankha 

1 [See note 1 at page 35 of the present volume.] 

* [The Dravidas or Dravidas are undoubtedly the inhabitants of the Tamil country. In 
fbraakrit the country is generally spoken of by the name of Its people in the plural.] 

* [Sonigan. It is commonly written 6oonargong, see Hamilton's Hindostan, vol. i. p. 187.] 


[180] I shall proceed, without farther preface, to enumerate 
the principal mixed classes, which have sprung from inter* 
marriages of the original tribes. 

1. Mtirdh&bhishikta, from a Br&hraar^a by a girl of the 
Kshatriya class; his duty is the teaching of military exercises. 
The same origin is ascribed in the great Dharma-pur&na to 
the Kumbhak&ra, 1 or potter, and Tantrav&ya,* or weaver : but 
the Tantrav&ya, according to the J&tim&hi, sprung from two 
mixed classes ; for he was begotten by a man of the Mani- 
bandha on a woman of the Manik&ra tribe. 

2. Ambashtha, or Vaidya, 8 whose profession is the science 
of medicine, was born of a Yaisya woman, by a man of the 
sacerdotal class. The same origin is given by the Dharma- 
pur&na to the Kansak&ra, 4 or brazier, and to the &ankhak&ra, 9 
or worker in shells. These again are stated, in the tanfra, as 
springing from the intermarriages of mixed classes ; the Kansa- 
k&ra from the T&mrakuta and the £ankhakara, also named 
§ankhad&raka, from the R&japutra and G&ndhika : for R&ja- 
putra not only denotes Kshatriyas as sons of kings, but is also 
the name of a mixed class, and of a tribe of fabulous origin. 

Rudra-y&mala-tantra : " The origin of RAjaputras is from 
the Yaisya on the daughter of an Ambashtha. , Again, 
thousands of others sprung from the foreheads of caws kept to 
supply oblations." 

3. Nish&da, or P&rasava, whose profession is catching fish, 
was born of a &udra woman by a man of a sacerdotal class. 
The name is given to the issue of a legal marriage [181] 
between a Br&hmarja and a woman of the &udra tribe. It 
should seem that the issue of other legal marriages in different 
ranks were described by the names of mixed classes springing 
from intercourse between the several tribes. This, however, 
is liable to some question ; and since such marriages are con- 

i Vulgarly, Kumar. 8 Vulgarly, Tanti. 

» Vulgarly, Baidya. 4 Vulgarly, Kaaera [Kawaari], 

• Vulgarly, Sakhara {Sankhari]. 


sidered as illegal in the present age, it is not material to pursue 
the inquiry. 

According to the Dharma-pur&Qa, from the same origin 
with the Nish&da springs the VarAjivi, or astrologer. In the 
tantra that origin is given to the Brahma-sudra, whose pro- 
fession is to make chairs or stools used on some religious 
occasions. Under the name of VarajM l is described a class 
springing from the Gopa and Tantravaya, and employed in 
cultivating betel. The profession of astrology, or, at least, 
that of making almanacks, is assigned, in the tantra, to de- 
graded Brahmanas. 

" Brahmanas, falling from their tribe, became kinsmen of 
the twice-born class : to them is assigned the profession of 
ascertaining the lunar and solar days." 

4. Mahishya is a son of a Kshatriya by a woman of the 
Vaisya tribe. His profession is music, astronomy, and at- 
tendance on cattle. 

5. XJgra was born of a S'ddra woman by a man of the mili- 
tary class. His profession, according to Manu, is killing or 
confining such animals as live in holes : but, according to the 
tantra, he is an encomiast or bard. The same origin is 
attributed to the Napita* or barber; and to the Maudaka, or 
confectioner. In the tantra, the Napita is said to be born of 
a Kuverina woman by a man of the Pattikara class. 8 

6. Karana, 4 from a Vaisya, by a woman of the S udra [182] 
class, is an attendant on princes, or secretary. The appella- 
tion of Kayastha* is in general considered as synonymous 
with Karana; and accordingly the Karana tribe commonly 
assumes the name of Kayastha : but the Kayasthas of Bengal 
have pretensions to be considered as true S'udras, which the 
J&tim&la seems to authorize ; for the origin of the Kayastha 
is there mentioned, before the subject of mixed tribes is intro- 
duced, immediately after describing the Qopa as a true S udra. 

1 Vulgarly, Baraiya [Barui.] ' Vulgarly, Naya or Nai 

* [Or rather u by a Kuverin man of a Paftikari woman."] 

* Vulgarly, Karau. * Vulgarly, Kait. 

VOL. III. [B88AT8 II.] 11 


One, named Bhutidatta, was noticed for his domestic assi- 
duity ; l therefore the rank of K&yastha was by Brahmanas 
assigned to him. From him sprung three sons, Ghitr&ngada, 
Ghitrasena, and Ohitragupta: they were employed in atten- 
dance on princes. 

The Dharma-pur&na assigns the same origin to the 
T&mbuli, or betel-seller, and to the Tanlika, 8 or areca-seller, 
as to the Karana. 

The six before enumerated are begotten in the direct order 
of the classes. Six are begotten in the inverse order. 

7. Suta, begotten by a Kshatriya on a woman of the priestly 
class. His occupation is managing horses and driving cars. 
The same origin is given, in the purdna 9 to the M&l&k&ra 8 or 
florist; but he sprung from the Karmak&ra and Tailika classes, 
if the authority of the tantra prevails. 

8. M&gadha, born of a Kshatriya girl, by a man of the 
commercial class, has, according to the iastra, the profession 
of travelling with merchandize ; but, according to the purdna 
and tantra, is an encomiast. From parents of those [183] 
classes sprung the Gopa, 4 if the purdna may be believed ; but 
the tantra describes the Gopa as a true S udra, and names 
Gopajivi, 5 a mixed class, using the same profession, and spring- 
ing from the Tantrav&ya and M&nibandha tribes. 

9 and 10. Yaideha and Ayogava. The occupation of the 
first, born of a Br&hmani by a man of the commercial class, 
is waiting on women : the second, born of a Vaisya woman by 
a man of the servile class, has the profession of a carpenter. 

11. Kshattri, or Kshattd, sprung from a servile man by a 
woman of the military class, is employed in killing and con- 
fining such animals as live in holes. The same origin is 
ascribed by the purdna to the Karmak&ra, or smith, and D6sa, 
or mariner. The one is mentioned in the tantra without 

1 Literally, Staying at home, (kdye santthitah,) whence the etymology of 
Kayastha. * [Tamboiika ?] 

* Mall. 4 Gop. ' Goaria-Gop. 


specifying the classes from which he sprang ; and the other 
has a different origin, according to the idstra and tantra. 

All authorities concur in deriving the Ch&nd&la from a 
S'udra father and Br&hmani mother. His profession is carry- 
ing out corpses, and executing criminals 5 and officiating in 
other abject employments for the public service. 

A third set of Indian classes originate from the inter- 
marriages of the first and second set : a few only have been 
named by Manu ; and, excepting the Abhira, or milkman, 
they are not noticed by the other authorities to which I refer. 
But the purdna names other elasses of this set. 

A fourth set is derived from intercourse between the several 
classes of the second : of these also few have been named by 
Manu ; and one only of the fifth set, springing from inter- 
marriages of the second and third ; and [184] another of the 
sixth set, derived from intercourse between classes of the 
second and fourth. Manu adds to these tribes four sons ef 

The tantra enumerates many other classes, which must be 
placed in lower sets, 1 and ascribes a different origin to some of 
the tribes in the third and fourth sets. To pursue a verbose 
comparison would be tedious, and of little use ; perhaps, of 
none ; for I suspect that their origin is fanciful ; and, except 
the mixed classes named by Manu, that the rest are terms 
for professions rather than tribes ; and they should be con- 
sidered as denoting companies of artisans, rather than distinct 
races. The mode in which Amara Sinha mentions the mixed 
classes and the professions of artisans, seems to support this 

However,- the J&tim&l& expressly states the number of 
forty-two mixed classes, springing from the intercourse of a 

1 [The asterisk which appears at this place in the London edition had no note 
corresponding to it at the foot of the page. The note in the Asiatic Researches is 
as follows : u See the annexed rule, formed by our late venerable President." Sir 
W. Jones's role was, however, omitted in the printing.] 


man of inferior with a woman of superior class. Though, like 
other mixed classes, they are included under the general de- 
nomination of S'udra, they are considered as most abject, and 
most of them now experience the same contemptuous treat- 
ment as the abject mixed classes mentioned by Manu. 
According to the Rudra-y&mala, the domestic priests of 
twenty of these tribes are degraded. "Avoid," says the 
tantra, " the touch of the Ch&^d&la, and other abject classes ; 
and of those who eat the flesh of kine, often utter forbidden 
words, and perform none of the prescribed ceremonies ; they 
are called Mlechha, and going to the region of Yavana, have 
been named Y&vanas. 

" These seven, the Bajaka, Karmak&ra, Nata, Baruda, 
Kaivarta, and Medabhilla, 1 are the last tribes. Whoever 
associates with them undoubtedly falls from his class ; who- 
ever bathes or drinks in wells or pools which they have caused 
to be made, must be purified by the five [185] productions of 
kine ; whoever approaches their women, is doubtless degraded 
from his rank. 

" For women of the Nata and Kap&la classes, for prostitutes, 
and for women of the Rajaka and N&pita tribes, a man should 
willingly make oblations, but by no means dally with them." 

I may here remark, that, according to the Rudra-y&mala, 
the Nata and Nataka are distinct ; but the professions are not 
discriminated in that tantra. If their distinct occupations, as 
dancers and actors, are accurately applied, dramas are of very 
early date. 

The Pundraka and Pattasdtrak&ra, or feeder of silk- worms, 
and silk-twister, deserve notice ; for it has been said, that silk 
was the produce of China solely until the reign of the Greek 
Emperor Justinian, and that the laws of China jealously 
guarded the exclusive production. The frequent mention of 
silk in the most ancient Sanskrit books would not fully dis- 
prove that opinion ; but the mention of an Indian class, whose 

1 [Rather the Meda and the Bhilla, see St. Petersb. Diet., sub. v.] 


occupation it is to attend silk-worms, may be admitted as 
proof, if the antiquity of the iantra be not questioned. I am 
informed, that the tantras collectirely are noticed in very 
ancient compositions ; bat, as they are very numerous, they 
must hare been composed at different periods ; and the tantra 
which I quote might be thought comparatively modern. 
However, it may be presumed that the Rudra-y&mala is 
among the most authentic, and, by a natural inference, among 
the most ancient ; since it is named in the Durg&-mahattwa 
where the principal tantras are enumerated. 1 

[186] In the comparative tables to which I have referred, 
the classes are named, with their origin, and the particular 
professions assigned to them. How far every peraon is bound, 
by original institutions, to adhere rigidly to the profession of 
his class, may merit some inquiry. Lawyers have largely 
discussed the texts of law concerning this subject, and some 
difference of opinion occurs in their writings. This, however, 
is not the place for entering into such disquisitions. I shall 
therefore briefly state what appears to be the best established 
opinion, as deduced from the texts of Manu, and other legal 

The regular means of subsistence for a Br&hmaQa, are 
assisting to sacrifice, teaching the Yedas, and receiving gifts ; 
for a Kshatriya, bearing arms ; for a Vaisya, merchandize, 
attending on cattle, and agriculture; for a Sudra, servile atten- 
dance on the higher classes. The most commendable are, 
respectively for the four classes, teaching the Veda, defending 

1 Thus enumerated, " Kali-tantra, Muo^amala, T6x6, Nirraua-tantra, 8arva~ 
saran [?], Bira-tantra, Iingarchana, Bhuta-tantra, Udderfana and Kalika-kalpa, 
Bhairavi-tantra, and Bhairavi-kalpa, To^ala, Matribhedanaka, Maya-tantra, 
Bires'wara, Yiawasara, Samaya-tantra, Brahma-yamala-tantra, Budra-y&mala- 
tantra, S'anku-yamala-tantra, Gayatri-tantra, KaUkakula-sarraswa, Kulanpava, 
Yogini-tantra, and the Tantra Mahishamardini. These are here uniyersally 
known, Bhairavi, greatest of souls ! And many are the tantras uttered by 
8'ambhu." [For some account of the Tantra literature, see Wilson's Essays on 
the Religion of the Hindu*, vol. i. pp. 247-262, and Aufrecht's Bodl Cat. pp. 
88—110. I have corrected Singdrchana to Lingarchana.] 


the people, commerce, or keeping herds or flocks, and servile 
attendance on learned and virtuous priests. 

A Br&hma^a, unable to subsist by his own duties, may live 
by those of a soldier : if he cannot get a subsistence by either 
of these employments, he may apply to tillage, and attendance 
on cattle, or gain a competence by traffic, avoiding certain 
commodities. A Kshatriya, in distress, may subsist by all 
these means ; but he must not have recourse to the highest 
functions. In seasons of distress, a further latitude is given. 
The practice of medicine, and other learned professions, paint- 
ing and other arts, work for wages, menial service, alms, and 
usury, are among the [187] modes of subsistence allowed to 
the Br&hmai^a and Kshatriya. A Vaisya, unable to subsist 
by his own duties, may descend to the servile acts of a S'udra. 
And a S'udra, not finding employment by waiting on men of 
the higher classes, may subsist by handicrafts; principally 
following those mechanical occupations, as joinery and 
masonry; and practical arts, as painting and writing; by 
following of which he may serve men of superior classes ; and, 
although a man of a lower tribe is in general restricted from 
the acts of a higher class, the S'udra is expressly permitted to 
become a trader or a husbandman. 

Besides the particular occupations assigned to each of the 
mixed classes, they have the alternative of following that 
profession which regularly belongs to the class from which 
they derive their origin on the mother's side : those, at least, 
have such an option, who are born in the direct order of the 
tribes, as the Murdh&bhishikta, Ambashtha, and others. The 
mixed classes are also permitted to subsist by any of the duties 
of a S'udra ; that is, by a menial service, by handicrafts, by 
commerce, or by agriculture. 

Hence it appears that almost every occupation, though 
regularly it be the profession of a particular class, is open to 
most other tribes; and that the limitations, far from being 
rigorous, do, in fact, reserve only one peculiar profession, that 


of the Br&kmaga, which consists in teaching the Veda, and 
officiating at religious ceremonies. 

The classes are sufficiently numerous ; but the subdivisions 
of them have further multiplied distinctions to an endless 
variety. The subordinate distinctions may be best exemplified 
from the Br&hma^a and K&yastha, because some of the appel- 
lations, by which the different races are distinguished, will be 
familiar to many readers. 

The Br&hma^as of Bengal are descended from five priests, 
invited from K&nyakubja, by Adiswara, 1 king of [188] Gauda, 
who is said to have reigned about nine hundred years after 
Christ. These were Bhatta N&r&ya^a, of the family of 
Sarjdila, a son of Easyapa; Daksha, also a descendant of 
Easyapa ; Vedagarva, 9 of the family of Yatsa ; Chandra, of 
the family of Savanna, a son of Kasyapa; and Sri Harsha, 
a descendant of Bharadw&ja. 8 

From these ancestors have branched no fewer than a hun- 
dred and fifty-six families, of which the precedence was fixed 
by Ball&la-sena, who reigned in the eleventh century of the 
Christian era. One hundred of these families settled in 
V&rendra, and fifty-six in R&dh&. They are now dispersed 
throughout Bengal, but retain the family distinctions fixed 
by Ball&la-sena. They are denominated from the families to 

1 [The name is commonly written A'diftra or Adisur. Babu Rajendralala Mitra 
has the following remarks in his paper " On a Land Grant of Mahendrapala Deva," 
in theB.A.S. Journ. 1864: — "The Kulina Kayasthas have carefully preserved 
their genealogy. They hold periodical meetings (ekajdyu), at which all the family 
heralds or gha(ak* assemble, and record the names of every successive generation. 
The last meeting of this kind was held several years ago at the house of Raja 
Radhakanta Deva, when the names of the 24th generation of Kulinas were duly 
recorded. The writer of this note is himself one of the 24th in descent from Kali- 
dasa Mitra. In some families the 26th, the 27th, and even the 28th descent, 
have already appeared, bat nowhere later." He takes the average at 27 genera- 
tions, and fixes tie date of the first advent of the Kayasthas into Bengal in 964 
a.d. Lassen thinks that A'dirfCira was a contemporary of S'ri Harsha, Of 
Slladitya, of Kananj (a.d. 619-660). 

* [Yedagarbha f] 

8 [Cf. Pertsch, Kthitttavanidvallchariiu, pp. 2, 49. According to the 
authorities there quoted, Yedagarbha was of the Bavarna-gotra, and Chhandaga 
{tie) of the Yatsa. Gf. also Grill's pref. to his ed. of the Yeni-samhara.] 



which their five progenitors belonged, and are still considered 
as K&nyakubja Br&hmanas. 

At the period when these priests were invited by the king 
of Gauda, some S&raswata Br&hmanas, and a few Vaidikas, 
resided in Bengal. Of the Br&hmanas of S&raswata, none 
are now found in Bengal ; but five families of Yaidikas are 
extant, and are admitted to intermarry with the Br&hmanas 

Among the Br&hmanas of V&rendra, eight families have 
pre-eminence, and eight hold the second rank. 1 Among [189] 
those of R&dh&, six hold the first rank. 8 The distinctive ap- 
pellations of the several families are borne by those of the 
first rank ; but in most of the other families they are disused ; 
and iarman, or Scrrmd, the addition common to the whole tribe 
of Br&hmanas, is assumed. For this practice, the priests of 
Bengal are censured by the Br&hraarjLas of Mithil&, and other 
countries, where that title is only used on important occasions, 
and in religious ceremonies. 

In Mithil& the additions are fewer, though distinct families 
are more numerous ; no more than three surnames are in use 
in that district, Th&kura, Misra, and Ojh& ; each appropriated 
to many families. 

1 VAbbndba BaIhxapas. 

Kul£na 8. 

Mtitra. Bhima, or Kdli. Rvdra-Vdglik JSrnipmnini, or Stnytydl. 

Ldhari [Lahitf]. Bhdduri, Sddhu-VtyUi. Bhadara [BhadaoV). 

The last was admitted hy election of the other seven. 


Kashta-b'botbiya 84. 
The names of these 92 families seldom occur in common intercom-Be. 

* RlgnfYA Brahmanas. 
KulIna 6. 
Mukhuti, vulgarly, Mukhurja.* Qdnguii. KdryaldU. 

Ghothdla. Bandyagati, Chafati, 

vulgarly, Banojl.* vulgarly, Chatyl* 
S'rotriya 60. 
The names of these 60 families seldom occur in common intercourse. 
• [These names are properly Mvkhip&dkyfya, BandffopMh^a, and CkattopAihydya.] 


The K&yasthas of Bengal claim descent from fire K&yasthas 
who attended the priests invited from Ksuiyakubja. 1 Their 
descendants branched into eighty-three families; and their 
precedence was fixed by the same prince Ball&la-sena, who 
also adjusted the family rank of other classes. 

In Banga and Dakshina R&dh&, three families of K&yasthas 
have pre-eminence ; eight hold the second rank. 9 The [190] 
K&yasthas of inferior rank generally assume the addition of 
D&sa, common to the tribe of Sudrae, in the same manner as 
other classes have similar titles common to the whole tribe. 
The regular addition to the name of a Kshatriya is Yarman ; 
to that of a Vaisya, Gupta ; but the general title of Deva is 
commonly assumed ; and, with a feminine termination, is also 
borne by women of other tribes. 8 

1 [Their names were Makaranda Ghosha, Datfaratha Batu, Kalidasa Mitra, 
Datfaratha or Vira(a Guha, and Puroahottama Datta. The first three acknow- 
ledged service to the Brahmans, and their descendants were therefore ranked as 
kulina (noble). The Kulraas and the Sanmanlikas intermarry. But the inferior 
Kayastha families, the Manlikas (more commonly called Bahatnre from the 
Bengali word for 72), may not intermarry with their superiors.] 

* Kayasthas of Dakshina BXdhX and Banga. 

KvlIna 3. 
Ohotha Va*u, ynlg. Bote. Mitra. 

Sanmaulixa 8. 
Be. Datta. Kara. PdlUa. 

Sena. SinAa. Baea. Guha. 

Mauldla 72. 

QuAan. Oana. Hada. Huhin. Ndga. Bhadra. 

8oma. Bui. Rudra. Bala. Adtiya. Chandra. 

Sdnya, or Sain, Suin, etc. 

tfydma, etc. 



The others are omitted for the sake of brevity ; their names seldom occur in 
common intercourse. 

* [In Bengal the next divisions below the Brahmans are the Baidyas or medical, 
and the Kayasthas or writer cast, — then come the nine divisions called the 
Naba S'ak, •'.«. the Oopa or cowherd, the Mali or gardener, the Taili or oilman, 
the Tantrf or weaver, the Modaka or confectioner, the Taraji or betel-cultivator, 
the Kulala or potter, the Karmakara or smith, and the Napita or barber. Below 
these are the low casts from whom a Brahman cannot accept water, such as the 
Gandhika or spice-seller, S'ankhakara or worker in shells, Xaivartaka or fisher- 
man, Sanvarnabanij or goldsmith, etc. ; some of the richest families in Calcutta, 
who have been bankers for more than a century, belong to the Sanvarnabanij 
cast. Lower than all are the Bediyas, poms, Ha#J, etc.] 


The distinctions of families are important in regulating inter- 
marriages. Genealogy is made a particular study ; and the 
greatest attention is given to regulate the alliance according to 
established rules, particularly in the first marriage of the 
eldest son. The principal points to be observed are, not to 
marry within the prohibited degrees ; nor in a family known 
by its name to be of the same primitive stock ; nor in one of 
inferior rank ; nor even in an inferior branch of an equal one ; 
for within some families gradations are established. Thus, 
among the Kulina of the K&yasthas, the rank has been 
counted from thirteen degrees ; and in every generation, so 
long as the marriage has been properly assorted, one degree 
has been added to the rank. But, should a marriage be con- 
tracted in a family of a lower degree, an entire forfeiture of 
such rank would be incurred. 




[From the Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. pp. 287-322. 

Calcutta, 1807. 4to.] 

[191] Thb information collected by Major Mackenzie, con- 
cerning a religious sect hitherto so imperfectly known as that of 
the Jainas, and which has been even confounded with one more 
numerous and more widely spread (the sect of Buddha), may 
furnish the ground of further researches, from which an exact 
knowledge of the tenets and practice of a very remarkable 
order of people may be ultimately expected. What Major 
Mackenzie has communicated to the Society, comes from a 
most authentic source; the declarations of two principal priests 
of the Jainas themselves. It is supported by similar infer* 
mation, procured from a like source, by Dr. F. Buchanan, 
during his journey in Mysore, in the year following the re- 
duction of Seringapatam. Having the permission of Dr. 
Buchanan to use the extracts, which I had his leave to make 
from the journal kept by him during that journey, I have 
inserted, in the preceding article, the information received by 
him from priests of the Jaina sect. 8 

I am enabled to' corroborate both statements, from conver- 
sation with Jaina priests, and from books in my possession, 
written by authors of the Jaina persuasion. Some of those 
volumes were procured for me at Benares; others were ob- 

1 [Cf. the Essay on the Jainas in vol. i.] 

* [Major Mackenzie's paper is found in As. Researches, ?ol. ix. pp. 244-278, 
and the extract from Br. Buchanan's Journal, pp. 279-286. 


tained from the present Jagat Set, at Murshid&b&d, who, 
having changed his religion, to adopt the wor[192]ship of 
Vishnu, forwarded to me, at my request, such books of his 
former faith as were yet within his reach. 

It appears, from the concurrent result of all the inquiries 
which have been made, that the Jainas constitute a sect of 
Hindus, differing, indeed, from the rest in some very im- 
portant tenets; but following, in other respects, a similar 
practice, and maintaining like opinions and observances. 

The essential character of the Hindu institutions is the 
distribution of the people into four great tribes. This is con- 
sidered by themselves to be the marked point which separates 
them from Mlechhas or Barbarians. The Jainas, it is found, 
admit the same division into four tribes, and perform like 
religious ceremonies, termed sanskdras, from the birth of a 
male to his marriage. They observe similar lasts, and prac- 
tise, still more strictly, the received maxims for refraining 
from injury to any sentient being. They appear to recognize 
as subordinate deities, some, if not all, of the gods of the 
prevailing sects; but do not worship, in particular, the five 
principal gods of those sects ; or any one of them by pre- 
ference ; nor address prayers, or perform sacrifice, to the sun, 
or to fire : and they differ from the rest of the Hindus, in 
assigning the highest place to certain deified saints, who, 
according to their creed, have successively become superior 
gods. Another point in which they materially disagree is the 
rejection of the Vedas, the divine authority of which they 
deny ; condemning, at the same time, the practice of sacrifices, 
and the other ceremonies which the followers of the Vedas 
perform, to obtain specific promised consequences in this 
world or in the next. 

In this respect the Jainas resemble the Bauddhas or Sau- 
gatas, who equally deny the divine authority of the Vedas ; 
and who similarly worship certain pre-eminent saints, admit- 
ting likewise, as subordinate deities, nearly [193] the whole 


pantheon of the orthodox Hindus. They differ, indeed, in 
regard to the history of the personages whom they hare 
deified ; and it may be hence concluded, that they have had 
distinct founders ; but the original notion seems to have 
been the same. In fact, this remarkable tenet, from which 
the Jainas and Bauddhas derive their most conspicuous pecu- 
liarities, is not entirely unknown to the orthodox Hindus. 
The followers of the Vedas, according to the theology which 
is explained in the Yed&nta, considering the human soul as a 
portion of the divine and universal mind, believe that it is 
capable of perfect union with the divine essence: and the 
writers on the Ved&nta not only affirm, that this union and 
identity are attained through a knowledge of God, as by them 
taught ; but have hinted, that by such means the particular 
soul becomes God, even to the actual attainment of supremacy. 1 

So far the followers of the Yedas do not virtually disagree 
with the Jainas and Bauddhas. But they have not, like those 
sects, framed a mythology upon the supposed history of the 
persons who have successively attained divinity; nor have 
they taken these for the objects of national worship. All 
three sects agree in their belief of transmigration. But the 
Jainas are distinguished from the rest by their admission of 
no opinions, as they themselves affirm, which are not founded 
on perception, or on proof drawn from that, or from testimony. 9 

It does not, however, appear, that they really withhold 
belief from pretended revelations: and the doctrines which 
characterize the sect are not confined to a single tenet ; but 
form an assemblage of mythological and metaphysical ideas 
found among other sects, joined to many visionary and fan- 
tastic notions of their own. 

[194] Their belief in the eternity of matter, and perpetuity 
of the world, is common to the S&nkhya philosophy, from 

1 Vrihad aranyaka upanishad. 

* [Madhava makes them hold (like the Buddhiats) only two pramanas, per- 
ception and inference.] 


which it was, perhaps, immediately taken. Their description 
of the world has much analogy to that which is given in 
the Purinas, or Indian theogonies : but the scheme has been 
rendered still more extravagant. Their precaution to avoid 
injuring any being is a practice inculcated in the orthodox 
religion, but which has been carried by them to a ludicrous 
extreme. 1 

In their notions of the soul, and of its union with the body, 
and of retribution for good and evil, some analogy is likewise 
observable. The Jainas conceive the soul fjivaj to have been 
eternally united to a very subtil material body, or rather to 
two Buch bodies, one of which is invariable, and consists (if I 
rightly apprehend their metaphysical notions) of the powers 
of the mind ; the other is variable, and is composed of its 
passions and affections (this, at least, is what I understand 
them to mean by the taijasa and kdrmana iariras). The 
soul, so embodied, becomes, in its successive transmigrations, 
united with a grosser body denominated auddrika* which re- 
tains a definite form, as man and other mundane beings ; or it 
is joined with a purer essence, varying in its appearance at 
pleasure, as the gods and genii. This last is termed vaikdrika. 
They distinguish a fifth sort of body, under the name of 
dhdrika, which they explain as a minute form, issuing from 
the head of a meditative sage, to consult an omniscient saint ; 
and returning with the desired information to the person 
whence that form issued, or rather from which it was 
elongated ; for they suppose the communication not to have 
been interrupted. 

• [19£>] The soul is never completely separated from matter, 
until it obtain a final release from corporeal sufferance, by 
deification, through a perfect disengagement from good and 
evil, in the person of a beatified saint. Intermediately it 

1 Jaina priests usually bear a broom adapted to sweep inseote out of their way ; 
lest they should tread on the minutest being. 
* [Audarika ?] 



receives retribution for the benefits or injuries ascribable to it 
in its aetnal or precedent state, according to a strict principle 
of retaliation, receiving pleasure or pain from the same 
individual, who, in a present or former state, was either 
benefited or aggrieved. 

Major Mackenzie's information confirms that which I had 
also received, concerning the distribution of these sectaries 
into clergy and laity. In Hindustan the Jainas are usually 
called Syauras 1 ; but distinguish themselves into £r&vakas and 
Yatis. The laity (termed S'r&vaka) includes persons of 
various tribes, as, indeed, is the case with Hindus of other 
sects : but, on this side of India, the Jainas are mostly of the 
Vaisya class. 9 The orthodox Hindus have a secular, as well 
as a regular, clergy : a Br&hmana, following the practice of 
officiating at the ceremonies of his religion, without quitting 
the order of a householder, may be considered as belonging 
to the secular clergy ; one who follows a worldly profession 
(that of husbandry, for example) appertains to the laity ; and 
so do people of other tribes : but persons, who have passed 
into the several orders of devotion, may be reckoned to consti- 
tute the regular clergy. The Jainas have, in like manner, 
priests who have entered into an order of devotion ; and also 
employ Br&hmanas at their ceremonies ; and, for want of 
Brahmanas of their own faith, they even have recourse to the 
secular clergy of the orthodox sect. This subject is sufficiently 
explained by Major Mackenzie [196] and Dr. Buchanan ; I 
shall, however, add, for the sake of a subsequent remark, that 
the Jainas apply the terms Yati and S'ramana (in Pr&krit and 
Hindi written Samara) to a person who has devoted himself 
to religious contemplation and austerity; and the sect of 
Buddha uses the word S'ramana for the same meaning. It 
cannot be doubted, that the Sommonacodom of Siam is merely 

1 [According to Shakespear wtrfrf.] 

' I understand that their Vairfya class includes eighty-four tribes : of whom 
the most common are those denominated Oswal, Agarwal, Pariwar, and Khan- 
dewfrl. . 


a corruption of the words SFramana Gautama, the holy Gau- 
tama or Buddha. 1 

Having been here led to a comparison of the Indian sects 
which follow the precepts of the Vedas with those which 
reject their authority, I judge it necessary to notice an opinion, 
which has been advanced, on the relative antiquity of those 
religions ; and especially the asserted priority of the Bauddhas 
before the Br&hmanas. 

In the first place, it may be proper to remark, that the 
earliest accounts of India, by the Greeks who visited the 
country, describe its inhabitants as distributed into separate 
tribes.* Consequently a sect, which, like the modern Bauddhas? 
has no distinction of cast, could not have been then the most 
prevalent in India. 

If is indeed possible that the followers of Buddha may, like 
the Jainas, have retained the distribution into four tribes, so 
long as they continued in Hindust&n. But in that case, they 
must have been a sect of Hindus ; and the question, which is 
most ancient, the Br&hmana or the Bauddha, becomes a 

If it be admitted that the Bauddhas are originally a sect of 
Hindus, it may be next questioned whether that, or any of the 
religious systems now established, be the most [197] ancient. 
I have, on a former occasion, 8 indicated the notions which I 
entertain on this point. According to the hypothesis which I 
then hinted, the earliest Indian sect of which we have any 
present distinct knowledge, is that of the followers of the 
practical Vedas, who worshipped the sun, fire, and the ele- 
ments; and who believed the efficacy of sacrifices, for the 
accomplishment of present and of future purposes. It may be 
supposed that the refined doctrine of the Yedantis, or followers 

1 See As. Res. vol. vii. p. 415. 

* Seven tribes are enumerated: but it is not difficult to reconcile the dis- 
tributions which are stated by Arrian and Strabo, with the present distribution 
into four classes. 

3 As. Res. toI. yiii p. 474. (voL L p. 110, 111 [old. ed.], of the present work.) 

■ ^^ 


of the theological and argumentative part of the Vedas, is of 
later date : and it does not seem improbable that the sects of 
Jina and of Buddha are still more modern. But I apprehend 
that the Yaishnavas, meaning particularly the worshippers of 
R&ma and of Krishna, 1 may be subsequent to those sects, and 
that the S'aivas also are of more recent date. 

I state it as an hypothesis, because I am not at present able 
to support the whole of this position on grounds which may 
appear quite satisfactory to others; nor by evidence which 
may entirely convince them. Some arguments will, [198] 
however, be advanced, to show that the supposition is not 

The long sought history of K&shrair,' which in the original 
Sanskrit was present to the Emperor Akbar, as related by 
Abu'1-Fazl in the Ayini Akbari, 8 and of which a Persian 
translation exists, more ample than AM'1-Fazl's brief abstract, 
has been at length recovered in the original language. 4 A 
fuller account of this book will be hereafter submitted to 'the 

1 In explanation of a remark contained in a former essay (yoI. i. p. [110, etc.] 
of the present work), I take this occasion of adding, that the mere mention of 
Kama or of Krishna, in a passage of the Vedas, without any indication of peculiar 
reverence, would not authorise a presumption against the genuineness of that 
passage, on my hypothesis ; nor, admitting its authenticity, furnish an argument 
against that system. I suppose both heroes to have been known characters in 
ancient fabulous history ; but conjecture that, on the same basis, new fables have 
been constructed, elevating those personages to the rank of gods. On this sup- 
position, the simple mention of them in genuine portions of the Vedas, particularly 
in that part of it which is entitled Brahmana, would not appear surprising. 
Accordingly, Krishna, son of Devakl, is actually named in the Chhandogya 
upanishad (towards the close of the 3rd chapter, [iii. 17. 6.]) as haying received 
theological information from Ghora, a descendant of Angiras. This passage, 
which had escaped my notice, was indicated to me by Mr. Speke from the Per- 
sian translation of the Upanishad. [Cf. Burnouf, Introd. p. 136, where he thinks 
that the earlier Buddhist Sutras never allude to Krishna. The name occurs, 
however, in the 'developed Sutras' of Nepal, as e.g. Lalita-vistara, p. 148. 17.] 

1 [The Rajataranginl was analyzed by "Wilson in Asiatic Research**, vol. xv., 
and translated by Troyer for the Oriental Translation Society. The Sanskrit 
text was printed at Calcutta in 1835.] 

» Vol. ii. p. 178. 

4 The copy which I possess belonged to a Brahmana, who died some months 
ago (1805) in Calcutta. 1 obtained it from his heirs. 

yol. in. [essays ii.] 12 


Society : the present occasion for the mention of it, is a passage 
which was cited by Dr. Buchanan, 1 from the English transla- 
tion of the Xyini Akbari, for an import which is not supported 
by the Persian or Sanskrit text. 

The author, after briefly noticing the colony established in 
Kashmir by Kasyapa, and hinting a succession of kings to the 
time of the Kurus and P&Qdavaa, opens his detailed history, 
and list of princes, with Gonarda, a contemporary of 
Yudhishthira. He describes Asoka (who was twelfth in 
succession from Gonarda), and his son Jaloka, and grandson 
D&modara, as devout worshippers of Siva; and Jaloka, in 
particular, as a conqueror of the Mlechhas, or barbarians. 
D&modara, according to this history, was succeeded by three 
kings of the race of Turushka ; and they were followed by a 
Bodhisattwa, who wrested the empire from them by the aid of 
Sakyasinha, and introduced the religion of Buddha into 
Kashmir. He reigned a hundred years ; and the next 
sovereign was Abhimanyu, who destroyed the Bauddhas, and 
re-established the doctrines of the Nila-pur&$a. This account 
is so far [199] from proving the priority of the Bauddhas, that 
it directly avers the contrary. 

From the legendary tales concerning the last Buddha, cur- 
rent in all the countries, in which his sect now flourishes; 9 and 
upon the authority of a life of Buddha in the Sanskrit lan- 
guage, under the title of Lalita-purana, which was procured by 
Major Knox, during his public mission in Nep&l, it can be 
affirmed, that the story of Gautama Buddha has been en- 
grafted on the heroic history of the lunar and solar races, 
received by the orthodox Hindus ; an evident sign that his 
sect is subsequent to that in which this fabulous history is 
original. 8 

1 As Bet. rot. yi. p. 1 66. 

1 Tachard, Voyage de Siam. Laloubere, Jtoyaume de 8iam, 
3 [Tbi* probably alludes to the legend giyen from Pali sources by Fausboll in 
Jnd. Stud, t. 412-428, and from Tibetan sources by Csoma de Korosi, J.A.S.B., 
ii. 389. The 8'akya royal family of Kapilavastu is there traced up to Ik&hwaku 


The same remark is applicable to the Jainas, with whom 
the legendary story of their saints also seems to be engrafted 
on the paurdnic tales of the orthodox sect. Sufficient in- 
dication of this will appear, in the passages which will be 
subsequently cited from the writings of the Jainas. 

Considerable weight might be allowed to an argument de- 
duced from the aggravated extravagance of the fictions 
admitted by the sects of Jma and Buddha. The mythology 
of the orthodox Hindus, their present chronology adapted to 
astronomical periods, their legendary tales, their mystical 
allegories, are abundantly extravagant. But the Jainas and 
Bauddhas surpass them in monstrous exaggerations of the 
same kind. In this rivalship of absurd fiction it would not 
be unreasonable to pronounce that to be most modern which 
has outgone the rest. 

The greater antiquity of the religion of the Yedas is also 
Tendered probable, from the prevalence of a similar worship of 
the sun and of fire in ancient Persia. Nothing forbids the 
supposition that a religious worship, which was there es- 
tablished in times of antiquity, may have also existed [200] 
from a remote period in the country between the Ganges and 
the Indus. 

The testimony of the Greeks preponderates greatly for the 
early prevalence of the sect, from which the present orthodox 
Hindus are derived. Arrian, having said that the Brachmanes 
were the sages or learned among the Indians, 1 mentions them 
under the latter designation (<r<xf>ioTai) as a distinct tribe, 
4 which, though inferior to the others in number, is superior 
in rank and estimation : bound to no bodily work, nor con- 

of the solar race. The Lalita-vistara has a curious passage, where the 
Bodhisattwas consult as to which family S'akya-muni is to he horn in. They 
successively reject as unworthy the royal families of the Magadhas, the Korfalas, 
the Vatsas (of Kaurfambi), the republic of Vais'ali. the Pradyotanas (of Ujjayini), 
and the royal families of Mathura, Hastinapura and Mithila; and they 
eventually select the S'akyas of Eapilavastu.] 

1 Kol t«V Bpaxfioi'cw ot 5J} coipitrrai rciis *Iv5o?s claw, k. t. \. Exp. Al. vi 16. 


tributing anything from labour to the public use ; in short, 
no duty is imposed on that tribe, but that of sacrificing to the 
gods, for the common benefit of the Indians ; and, when any 
one celebrates a private sacrifice, a person of that class becomes 
his guide ; as if the sacrifices would not else be acceptable to 
the gods.* 1 1 

Hare, as well as in the sequel of the passage, the priests of 
a religion consonant to the Yedas, are well described: and 
what is said, is suitable to them ; but to no other sect, which 
is known to have at any time prevailed in India. 

A similar description is more succinctly given by Strabo, 
' It is said, that the Indian multitude is divided into seven 
classes ; and that the philosophers are first in rank, but fewest 
in number. They are employed, respectively, for private 
benefit, by those who are sacrificing or worshipping, etc.' * 

In another place he states, on the authority of Megasthenes, 
4 Two elasses of philosophers or priests ; the Brachmanes and 
Germanes : 3 but the Brachmanes are best [201] esteemed, 
because they are most consistent in their doctrine/ 4 The 
author then proceeds to describe their manners and opinions : 
the whole passage is highly deserving of attention, and will be 
found, on consideration, to be more suitable to the orthodox 
Hindus, than to the Bauddhas or Jainas : particularly towards 
the close of his account of the Brachmanes, where he says, 
' In many things they agree with the Greeks ; for they affirm, 
that the world was produced and is perishable ; and that it is 
spherical; that God, governing it as well as framing it, per- 
vades the whole : that the principles of all things are various ; 
but water is the principle of the construction of the world : 

1 tfwdptirrai ol fr4vr$s *lv3ol it £*r& p&kjurr* ywtds* iv /ilr abrdlffty of 2wpttrrcd 
tl<n, k. r. X. Arrian, Indie, ell. 

* *i7(rl W> to r$y *\vt&y wkrjdos *ls irrb ix4p*i ttpprjaOcu, /eat vp&rovs fi\y robs 
pt\wr6$ovt cha& k. r. X. Strab. xv. c. 1. (p, 703, ed. Casaub.) 

1 [These are probably the S'ramanaa, or Brahmanical ascetics.] 

4 "AAAi?? ffi &ialp*aiv voitirai x*p\ rSbv ^lAoffty*?, Boo yttn) fdffKwr, &y robs 
jdr PpaxfJMvas ica\u, robs 9b Tcpfiayat. *. r. X. Strab. IT. c. 1. p. 712. 


that, besides the four elements, there iff a fifth nature, whence 
heaven and the stars : that the earth is placed in the centre of 
all. Such and many other things are affirmed of reproduction, 
and of the soul. Like Plato, they devise fables concerning 
the immortality of the soul, and the judgment in the infernal 
regions ; and other similar notions. These things are said of 
the Brachmanes/ 

Strabo notices likewise another orde* of people opposed 
to the Brachmanes, and called Pramnss:- 1 he characterizes 
them as ' contentious cavillers, who ridiculed the Brachmanes, 
for their study of physiology and astronomy/ * 

Philostratus, in the life of Apollonius, speaks of the Brach- 
manes* as worshipping the sun.. ' By day they pray to the 
sun respecting the seasons, which he governs, that he would 
send them in due time ; and that India might thrive : and, in 
the evening, they intreat the solar [202] ray not to be im- 
patient- of night, and to* remain as conducted from them.' 3 

Pliny and Solinus * also describe the Gymnosophists con- 
templating the sun : and Hierocles, as cited by Stephanus of 
Byzantium, 5 expressly declares the Brachmanes to be particu- 
larly devoted to the sun. 

This worship, which distinguishes the orthodox Hindus, 
does not seem to have been at any tikne practised by the rival 
sects of Jina and Buddha. 

Porphyrins, treating of a class of religious men, among the 
Indians, whom the Greeks were accustomed to call Gymno- 
sophists, mentions two orders of them ; one, the Brachmanes ; 
the other, the Samanssans : 4 the Brachmanes receive religious 
knowledge, like the priesthood, in right of birth; but the 

1 [Wilson {At, Researches, yol. itu., p. 279} derives this name from Pra- 
manika, a follower of the Nyaya school, but this is rery doubtful.] 

* +t\o<r6$ovs rt roh ^fayjtMfuf arriStaipovvvm Tlpd+was ipnrrmo6s vivas Kal 
lArptTucofc. k. r. A. Strab. 1. c. p. 718, 719. 

2 M«0* itfiipav fuy olv fjkiov Mp rSsv &>p*v, m. r. A. lib. iii. cap. 4. 
4 Plin., lib. Tii. c. 2. Bolin. i. 62. 

6 Th Bpax/t&ou' <pv\ov apfydr ^i\o<r6<f>ww t kcl\ $*oh flk*v t ijXly tih fidXtcra 
k9$*vi»i*4vmv. Stephan. de Urbibus, ad vocem Brachmanes. 


Satnanseans are select, and consist of persons choosing to pro- 
secute divine studies.' He adds, on the authority of Bar- 
desanes, that ' all the Brachmanes are of one race ; for they 
are all descended from one father and one mother. But the 
Samaneeans are not of their race ; being selected from the whole 
nation of Indians, as before mentioned. The Brachman is sub- 
ject to no domination, and contributes nothing to others/ 1 

In this passage, the Brachman, as an hereditary order of 
priesthood, is contrasted with another religious order; to which 
persons of various tribes were admissible : and the S&manseans, 
who are obviously the same with the Germanes of Strabo, 
were doubtless Sannydsis; but may have be[203]longed to 
any of the sects of Hindus. The name seems to bear some 
affinity to the Sraraanas, or ascetics of the Jamas and Bauddhas. 

Clemens Alexandrinus does indeed hint, that all the Brach- 
manes revered their wise men as deities ; 2 and in another 
place, he describes them as worshipping Hercules and Pan. 3 
But the following passage from Clemens is most in point. 
Having said, that philosophy flourished anciently among the 
barbarians, and afterwards was introduced among the Greeks, 
he instances the prophets of the Egyptians, the Chaldees of 
the Assyrians ; the Druids of the Gauls (Galatse) ; the Sama- 
naeans of the Bactrians J the philosophers of the Celts ; the 
Magi of the Persians ; the Gymnosophists of the Indians : and 
proceeds thus: — 'They are of two kinds, some called Sar- 

1 Porph. de Abstinentia, lib. iv. [This quotation, from Bardesanes' Indica y is 
the fullest classical account of the Buddhists. He divides the Indian Theologi 
into Brahmans and Samameans, and then describes the latter at some length. 
Amongst other things he says that the novice must shave bis body, adopt a 
peculiar dress, and give up his property, as well as abandon his family. They 
lived outside the city in houses of royal foundation ; they prayed and took their 
meals at the sound of a bell, and were not allowed to marry or hold property. 
Each of these particulars may be illustrated from Mr. Hardy's Eastern Monachitm, 
and there cannot be a doubt that the Samamei are Buddhist ascetics, see Lassen, 
Ind. Alt., vol. ii., p. 700; M tiller's Introd. to BuddJiaghosha'* Farabks, pp. 
lii M cxxxiii. Samana is the Pali form of the older S'ratnana.] 

* Kai poi BoKovviy, etc. Strom, lib. i. c. 16. p. 130, ed. Sylb. 

3 Strom, lib. iii. c. 7. p. 194, ed. Sylb. 


manes, others Brachmanes. Among the Sarmanes, those 
called AUobii l neither inhabit towns, nor have houses ; they 
are clad with the bark of trees, 8 and eat acorns, and drink 
water with their hands. They know not marriage, nor pro- 
creation of children ; like those now called Encratetai (chaste) 
There are likewise, among the Indians, persons obeying the 
precepts of Butta, whom they worship as a god, on account of 
his extreme venerableness.' 3 

Here, to my apprehension, the followers of Buddha are [204] 
clearly distinguished from the Brachmanes and Sarmanes. 4 
The latter, called Germanes by Strabo, and Samanaeans by 
Porphyrius, are the ascetics of a different religion ; and may 
have belonged to the sect of Jina, or to another. The Brach- 
manes are apparently those who are described by Philostratus 
and Hierocles, as worshipping the sun ; and, by Strabo and by 
Arrian, as performing sacrifices for the common benefit of the 
nation, as well as for individuals. The religion which they 
practised was so far conformable with the precepts of the 
Vedas : and their doctrine and observances, their manners and 
opinions, as noticed by the authors above cited, agree with no 
other religious institutions known in India, but the orthodox 
sect. In short, the Br&hmanas are distinctly mentioned by 
Greek authors as the first of the tribes or castes, into which 
the Indian nation was then, as now, divided. They are 
expressly discriminated from the sect of Buddha by one 
ancient author, and from the Sarmanes, or Samaritans, 
(ascetics of various tribes) by others. They are described by 

1 Same with the Hylobii of Strabo. 

* Tbe bark dress indicates Brahmanical ascetics, cf. Muller, id. p. lii. 

* AtTrbr Si rotrur rb yivos ol fi\v Jtapfidvcu aitr&v 9 ol 5i Bpox/uwu ica\o6fi*voi. 
Ktd r&v ^apfiop&y ol A\\6$iot xpocrayop*v6ptvoi t otirc *6\us oUovctv, oVr* 
arjyas Xxoimtiv, tiv&ptav tik kfupiivvwrcu <p\oiois y xai bcpJtyva verovvrtu, jcal 08«p 
reus X f P^ frlrowrir' ol ydfiov, oh vaiSoxoitay laaaiv, fienrep ol yvp 'EyKpanfrai 
jcatotf/icroi. tla\ 81 twf IwZ&v ol rois BovWra *u$6}t§yoi wapayy4Xfuurar t>y oV 
fa-fp/9o&V ff€fAv6rjjros els Scby rvri/i^Kcurt. Strom, lib. i. c. 15. p. 113, ed. Sylb. 

4 Tbe passage has been interpreted differently ; as if Clemens said, that the 
AUobii were those who worshipped Butta. (See Moreri, Art. Saman&ns.) The 
text is ambiguous. 


more than one authority, as worshipping the sun, as per- 
forming sacrifices, and as denying the eternity of the world, 
and maintaining other tenets incompatible with the supposition 
that the sects of Buddha or Jina could be meant. Their 
manners and doctrine, as described by these authors, are quite 
conformable with the notions and practice of the orthodox 
Hindus. It may therefore be confidently inferred, that the 
followers of the Vedas flourished in India when it was 
visited by the Greeks under Alexander: and continued to 
flourish from the time of Megasthenes, who described them in 
the fourth century before Christ, to that of Porphyrius, who 
speaks of [205] them, on later authority, in the third century 
after Christ. 

I have thus stated, as briefly as the nature of the subject 
permitted, a few of the facts and reasons by which the opinion, 
that the religion and institutions of the orthodox Hindus are 
more modern than the doctrines of Jina and of Buddha, may, 
as I think, be successfully resisted. I have not undertaken a 
formal refutation of it, and have, therefore, passed unnoticed, 
objections which are founded on misapprehension. 

It is only necessary to remark, that the past prevalence of 
either of those sects in particular places, with its subsequent 
persecution there by the worshippers of Siva, or of Vishnu, is 
no proof of its general priority. Hindust&n proper was the 
early seat of the Hindu religion, and the acknowledged cradle 
of both the sects in question. They were foreigners in the 
Peninsula of India ; and admitting, as a fact (what need not, 
however, be conceded), that the orthodox Hindus had not been 
previously settled in the Earn&taka and other districts in 
which the Jainas or the Bauddhas have flourished, it cannot 
be thence concluded that the followers of the Vedas did not 
precede them in other provinces. 

It may be proper to add, that the establishment of par- 
ticular sects among the Hindus who acknowledge the Vedas, 
does not affect the general question of relative antiquity. The 


(UMri, tW easterns «f wttck are tints stated n tWHtW) 
jwrfau. 4 Tn* npemr deities (Dermdhideras) we noticed in 
the fin* chapter ; the gods (Deras) is the second; men in the 
third; beings fi m iiihul with one or more sensta in the foorth ; 
the infernal rep/ma in the fifth ; end terns of general mse in 
the sixth.' 'The earth,' observes this author, *water, fir*, 
sir, and trees, hare a single organ or sense (taaVvsn) ; worms* 
ants, spiders, and the like, hare two, three, or fear senses; 
elephants, peacocks, fish, and other beings moving on the 
earth, in the sky or in water, are furnished with fire senses : 
and so are gods and men, and the inhabitants of hell/ 

The first chapter begins with the synonym* of a Jina or 
deified saint: among which the most common are Arhat, 
Jmeswara, Tirthankara or Tirthakara: others, ra. Jina, 
Sarrajna, and BhagaTat, occur also in the dictionary of Amara 
as terms for a Jina or Buddha ; but it is deserving of remark, 
that neither Buddha, nor Sugata is stated by Hemachandm 
among these synonym*. In the subsequent chapter, how- 
ever, on the subject of inferior gods, after noticing the gods of 

1 [Rather Ifadhwftehfcrya, who founded the teot of the MfcdhwtoalrU, Mft 
Wilson's As*?*, toL L, pp. 139-160, and S*rtm4*ri*t»-*mp+A* % pp. 61-73, J 


Hindu mythology (Indra and the rest, including Brahmd, 
etc.), he states the synonyma of a Buddha, Sugata, or 
Bodhisattwa ; and afterwards specifies seven such, viz. 
Vipasyi, fekhi, Viswanna, Kukuchhanda, K&nchana, and 
ZAsyapa, 1 expressly [207] mentioning as the seventh Buddha, 
S'&kyasinha, also named Sarv&rthasiddha, son of S'uddhodana 
and M&y&, a kinsman of the sun, from the race of Gautama. 

In the first chapter, after stating the general terms for a 
Jina or Arhat, the author proceeds to enumerate twenty-four 
Arhats, who have appeared in the present Avasarpini age: 
and afterwards observes, that excepting Munisuvrata and 
Nerai, who sprung from the race of Hari, the remaining 
twenty-two Jinas were born in the line of Ikshw4ku. 8 The 
fathers and mothers of the several Jinas are then mentioned ; 
their attendants ; their standards or characteristics ; and the 
complexions with which they are figured or described* 

The author next enumerates twenty-four Jinas who have 
appeared in the past TJtsarpini period ; and twenty-four others 
who will appear in the future age: and, through the remainder 
of the first book, explains terms relative to the Jaina religion. 

The names of the Jinas are specified in Major Mackenzie's 
communication. 3 Wherever those names agree with Hema- 
chandra's enumeration, I have added no remark ; but where a 
difference occurs I have noticed it, adding in the margin the 
name exhibited in the Sanskrit text. 

I shall here subjoin the information gathered from Hema- 
chandra's vocabulary, and from the Kalpa-sutra and other 
authorities, relative to the Jinas belonging to the present 
period. They appear to be the deified saints, who are now 

1 Two of these names occur in Captain Mahony's and Mr. Joinville's lists of 
five Buddhas. As. Res. vol. vii. p. 32 and 414. [Bohtlingk and Rieu read 
Virfwabhti and Kraknchhanda.] 

* I understand that the Jainas have a mythological poem entitled Harivans'a- 
pur&na, different from the Harivans'a of the orthodox. Their Ikshwaku, like- 
wise, is a different person ; and the name is said to be a title of their first Jiua, 
Ijlishabha-deva. [Cf. Wilson's Mackenzie Catal. i. p. 153.] 

3 [In the Asiatic Researches, toI. iz. p. 244, etc.] 

THE JAIX8. 187 

worshipped by ike Jaina sect They are mil figured in the 
same contemplative posture, with little varia[208]tion in their 
appearance, besides a difference of complexion : hat the several 
Jinas hare distinguishing marks or characteristic signs, which 
are usually engraved on the pedestals of their images, to dis- 
criminate them. 

1. {Lishabha, or Yrishabha* of the race of Ikshwiku, was 
son of N&bhi by Marudeva: he is figured of a yellow or golden 
complexion ; and has a bull for his characteristic. His stature, 
as is pretended, was 500 poles (dhanu*) ; and the duration of 
his life, 8,400,000 great years (purra varsha). According to 
the KaJpa-sutra, as interpreted by the commentator, he was 
bom at Xosala or Ayodhy& (whence he is named Kausalika), 
towards the latter part of the third age. He was the first 
king, first anchoret, and first saint ; and is therefore entitled 
Prathama Raj 4, Prathama BhikshAkara, Prathama Jina, and 
Prathama Tirthankara. At the time of his inauguration as 
king, his age was 2,000,000 years. He reigned 6,300,000 
years ; and then resigned his empire to his sons : and having 
employed 100,000 years in passing through the several stages 
of austerity and sanctity, departed from this world on the 
summit of a mountain, named Ashtapada. The date of his 
apotheosis was 3 years and 8J months before the end of the 
third age, at the precise interval of one whole age before the 
deification of the last Jina. 

2. Ajita was son of Jitaiatru by Vijay 4 : of the same race 
with the first Jina, and represented as of the like complexion; 
with an elephant for his distinguishing mark. His stature 
was 450 poles ; and his life extended to 7,200,000 great years. 
His deification took place in the fourth age, when fifty lakshas 
of krors of oceans of years had elapsed out of the tenth faw of 
krora. 1 

1 The divisions of time hare been noticed by Major Mackenzie, As. Res. vol. 
ix. p. 257, and will be further explained. 


[209] 3. Sambhava was son of Jit&ri by Send : of the same 
race and complexion with the preceding ; distinguished by a 
horse ; his stature was 400 poles ; he lived 6,000,000 years ; 
and he was deified 30 lakshas of krors of sdgaras after the 
second Jina. 

4. Abhinandana was son of Sambara by Siddh&rth&: he 
has an ape for his peculiar sign. His stature was 300 poles ; 
and his life reached to 5,000,000 years. His apotheosis was 
later by 10 lakshas of krors of sdgaras than the foregoing. 

5. Sumati was son of Megha by Mangalfi, : he has a curlew 
for his characteristic. His life endured 4,000,000 years, and 
his deification was nine lakshas of krors of sdgaras after the 
fourth Jina. 

6. Padmaprabha was son of S'ridhara by Susf m& ; of the 
same race with the preceding, but described of a red com- 
plexion. He has a lotus for his mark : and lived 3,000,000 
years, being 200 poles in stature. He was deified 90,000 
krors of sdgaras after the fifth Jina. 

7. Sup&rswa was son of Pratishtha by Prithwi; of the 
same line with the foregoing, but represented 
with a golden complexion ; his sign is the figure 
called Swastika. He lived 2,000,000 years ; 
and was deified 9,000 krors of sdgaras subse- 

quent to the sixth Jina. 

8. Chandraprahha was son of Mah&ena by Lakshmand; 
of the same race with the last, but figured with a fair com- 
plexion : his sign is the moon : his stature was 150 poles, and 
he lived 1,000,000 years ; and his apotheosis took place 900 
krors of sdgaras later than the seventh Jina. 

9. Pushpadanta, also named Suvidhi, was son of Supriya 
by Bdm& : of the same line with the preceding, [210] and 
described of a similar complexion: his mark is a marine 
monster (makara) : his stature was 100 poles, and the dura- 
tion of his life 200,000 years. He was deified 90 krors of 
sdgaras after the eighth Jina. 


4mm 9 inn «f ***** \J 

11. Snyaa 5nw' «r S^cias* was «• «* Ytfctx Vr 
«fibe aw net. zai wiii a aaubr wosyiexva; 

SO *cie$ is stamw. 

His apctaMeb wwk 

acfcic tbe <&m* «f la* 

TiaavaWm «m m rf Taauiibn Vr Jari: «f ta* 
ace. and upuM-iHe d with a red conpkxmk katiaj a 
bdblo Jar his mark; and he was 70 poks kt*fe, Bwi 
7,200,000 years, and was deified later Vr 54 at **m* than the 
eleventh Jim. 

13. Yimala was son of Kritavarman br SYama ; of the* 
sane nee : described of a golden complexion, having a boar 
for his characteristic; ho was 60 poles high, lived £.000,000 
years, and was deified 30 asowrw* later than the twelfth Jina* 

14. Ananta, also named Anantajit, was son of Sinhasena 
by Snyasah. He has a falcon for his sign ; his stature was 50 
poles, the duration of his lire 3,000,000 years, and his 
apotheosis 9 sdgartu after the preceding. 

15. Dharma was son of Bhann by Suvrata ; characterised 
by the thunderbolt: he was 45 poles in stature, and lived 
1 9 000 9 000 years: he was deified 4 sdgaras later than the 

[211] 16. Santi was son of Yiswasena by Achiri, having 
an antelope for his sign ; he was 40 poles high, lived 100*000 
years, and was deified 2 sdgara* subsequent to the last men* 
tioned. 1 

17. Kunthu was son of Sura, by Sri ; he has a goat for his 

1 The life of this Jina is the subject of a separate work entitled S*tati*pur&tya. 




mark; his height was 35 poles, and bis life 95,000 years. 
His apotheosis is dated in the last palya of the fourth age. 

18. Ara was son of Sudarsana by Devi : characterized by 
the figure called Nand&varta : 





his stature was 30 poles, his life 84,000 years, and his deifi- 
cation 1000 krare of years before the next Jina. 

19. Malli was son of Kumbha by Prabh&vati ; of the same 
race with the preceding; and represented of a blue complexion; 
having a jar for his characteristic ; he was 25 poles high, and 
lived 55,000 years; and was deified 6,584,000 years before 
the close of the fourth age. 

20. Munisuvrata, also named Suvrata, or Muni, was son of 
Sumitra by Padm&, sprung from the race called Harivansa j 
represented with a black complexion, having a tortoise for his 
sign : his height was 20 poles, and his life extended to 30,000 
years. His apotheosis is dated 1,184,000 years before the 
end of the fourth age. 

[212] 21. Nimi was son of Vijaya by Viprd ; of the race 
of Ikshw&ku : figured with a golden complexion ; having for 
his mark a blue water-lily (nilotpala) ; his stature was 15 
poles; his life 10,000 years; and his deification took place 
584,000 years before the expiration of the fourth age. 

22. Nemi, also called Arishtanemi, was son of the king 
Samudrajaya by S'ivd ; of the line denominated Harivansa ; 
described as of a black complexion, having a conch for his 
sign. According to the Kalpa-sutra, he was born at Soriya- 
pura ; and, when 300 years of age, entered on the practice of 


austerity. He employed 700 years in passing through the 
several stages of sanctity; and, having attained the age of 
1000 years, departed from this world at Ujjinta, which is 
described as the peak of a mountain, the same, according to 
the commentator, with Giran&ra. 1 The date of this event is 
84,000 years before the close of the fourth age. 

23. P&rswa (or P&rswan&tha) was son of the king Aswasena 
by Y&m&, or B&m&devi ; of the race of Ikshw&ku ; figured 
with a blue complexion, having a serpent for hid characteristic. 
The life of this celebrated Jina, who was perhaps the real 
founder of the sect, is the subject of a poem entitled P&rswa- 
natha-charitra. According to the Kalpa-sutra, he was born 
at B&n&rasi,* and commenced his series of religious austerities 
at thirty years of age; and having completed them in 70 
years, and having consequently attained the age of 100 years, 
he died on Mount Sammeya or Samet. 3 This happened pre- 
cisely [213] 250 years before the apotheosis of the next Jina : 
being stated by the author of the Kalpa-sutra at 1230 years 
before the date of that book. 

24. Yardham&na, also named Yira, Mah&vira, etc., and 
surnamed Charama-tirthakrit, or last of the Jinas : emphati- 
cally called S'ramana, or the saint. He is reckoned son of 
Siddhirtha by TrisalA; and is described of a golden com- 
plexion, having a lion for his symbol. 

The subject of the Kalpa-sutra, before cited, is the life and 
institutions of this Jina. 4 I shall here state an abstract of his 
history as there given, premising that the work, like other 
religious books of the Jainas, is composed in the Pr&krit called 
M&gadhi ; and that the Sanskrit language is used by the Jainas 

1 I understand this to be a mountain situated in the west of India ; and much 
visited by pilgrims. [It is in the peninsula of Kattiwar.] 

* Bhelupura, in the suburbs of Benares, is esteemed holy, as the place of his 

* Samet-slkhara, called in Major Kennel's map Parsonaut, is situated among 
the hills between Bihar and Bengal. Its holiness is great in the estimation of 
the Jainas : and it is said to be visited by pilgrims from the remotest provinces of 
India. * [Translated by Stevenson, 1848]. 


for translations, or for commentaries, on account of the great 
obscurity of the Prdkrit tongue. 1 

According to this authority, the last Tirthankara, quitting 
the state of a deity, and relinquishing the longevity of a god, 
to obtain immortality as a saint, was incarnate towards the 
close of the fourth age (now past), when 75 years and 8$ 
months of it remained. He was at first conceived by Dev&- 
nandd, wife of Bishabhadatta, a Br&hmar^a inhabiting Br&h- 
manakunda-gr&ma, a city of Bh&rata-varsha, in Jambu-dwlpa. 
The conception was announced to her by [214] dreams. 
Indra,* or S'akra, who is the presiding deity on the south of 
Meru, and abides in the first range of celestial regions, called 
Saudharma, being apprised of Mah£vfrVs incarnation, pro- 
strated himself, and worshipped the future saint; but reflecting 
that no great personage was ever born in an indigent and 
mendicant family, as that of a Br&hmana, Indra commanded 
his chief attendant Harinaigumeshi, to remove the fetus from 
the womb of Dev&nandd to that of Trisal&, wife of Siddh&rtha, 
a prince of the race of Ikshw&ku, and of the K&syapa family. 
This was accordingly executed ; and the new conception was 
announced to Trisald by dreams ; which were expounded by 
soothsayers, as foreboding the birth of a future Jina. In due 
time, he was born ; and his birth celebrated with great re- 

His father gave him the name of Vardham&na. But he is 
also known by two other names, S'ramana and Mahavira. 
His father has similarly three appellations, Siddh&rtha, 
Srey&nsa, and Yasaswi; and his mother likewise has three 

1 This Prakrit, which does not differ much from the language introduced by 
dramatic poets into their writings, and assigned by them to the female persons 
in their dramas; is formed from Sanskrit. I once conjectured it to have been 
formerly the colloquial dialect of the Saraswata Brahmans [page [21] of the present 
volume] ; but this conjecture has not been confirmed by further researches. I 
believe it to be the same language with the Pali of Ceylon. [Cf. Weber, Frag- 
ment der Bhagavati.] 

* The Jainas admit numerous Indras ; but some of the attributes, stated in 
this place by the Kalpa-sutra, belong to the Indra of the Indian mythology. 


titles, Trisala, Videhadinnfi, and Pritik&rini. His paternal 
uncle was Sup&r&wa, his elder brother, Nandivardhana, his 
sister (mother of Jamali) Sudarsan&. His wife was Yaeoda, 
by whom he had a daughter (who became wife of Jamali), 
named Anojja and Priyadarsana. His grand-daughter was 
called Seshavatf and Yasovatf . 

His father and mother died when he was twenty-eight years 
of age ; and he afterwards continued two years with his elder 
brother : after the second year he renounced worldly pursuits, 
and departed, amidst the applauses of gods and men, to practise 
austerities. The progress of his [215] devout exercises, and 
of bis attainment of divine knowledge, is related at great 
length. Finally, he became an Arhat, or Jina, being worthy 
of universal adoration, and having subdued all passions; 1 being 
likewise omniscient and all-seeing: and thus, at the age of 
seventy-two years, he became exempt from all pain for ever. 
This event is stated to have happened at the court of king 
Hastipala, in the city of Pawapuri or Papapuri; 8 and is dated 
three years and eight and a half months before the close of 
the fourth age, (called DuhkAatnd-mkhamd) in the great period 
named amsarpini. The author of the Kalpa-stitra mentions, 
in several places, that when he wrote, 980 years had elapsed 
since this apotheosis. 3 According to tradition, the death of 
the last Jina happened more than two thousand four hundred 
years since ; and the Kalpa-stitra appears, therefore, to have 
been composed about fifteen hundred years ago. 4 

1 So the commentator expounds both terms. 

* Near R&jagriha, in Bihar. It is accordingly a place of sanctity. Other 
holy places, which have been mentioned to me, are Champapuri, near Bhagalpur, 
Chandravati distant ten miles from Benares, and the ancient city Hastinapura in 
Hindustan : also S'atrunjaya, said to be situated in the west of India. [Stevenson 
describes it as "84 miles from Bhownagur in Guzerat"] 

3 Samanassa bhagavau Mahabirassa Java dufckha hinassa nava basa sayain 
bikwantain dasamassaya basa sayassa ayam asi ime sambachhare kale gachhai. 
" Nine hundred years have passed since the adorable Mahabfra became exempt 
from pain ; and of the tenth century of years, eighty are the time which is now 

4 The most ancient copy in my possession, and the oldest one which I have 
seen, is dated in 1614 Samvat : it is nearly 260 years old. 

vol. m. [essays ii.] 18 


The several Jinas are described as attended by numerous 
followers, distributed into classes, under a few chief disciples, 
entitled Ganadharas, or Gan&dhipas. The last Jina had nine 
such classes of followers, under eleven disciples ; Indrabhuti, 
Agnibhfiti, V&yubhuti, Vyakta, Sudharmd, Manditaputra, 
Mauryaputra, Akampita, [216] Aohalabhr&t&, Mev&rya, 1 
Prabh&sa. Nine of these disciples died with Mah&vira ; and 
two of them, Indrabhdti and Sudharm&, survived him, and 
subsequently attained beatitude. The Kalpa-etitra adds, that 
all ascetics, or candidates for holiness, were pupils in suc- 
cession from Sudharmd, none of the others having left 
successors. The author then proceeds to trace the succession 
from SudharmA, to the different SdkhdSy or orders of priests, 
many of which appear still to exist. This enumeration 
disproves the list communicated to Major Mackenzie by the 
head priest of Belligola. 

The ages and periods which have been more than once 
alluded to in the foregoing account of the Jainas, are briefly 
explained in Hemachandra's vocabulary. In the second 
chapter, which relates to the heavens and the gods, etc., the 
author, speaking of time, observes, that it is distinguished 
into Amsarpini and Utwrpini^ adding that the whole 
period is completed by twenty kotis of kotis of sdgaras ; or 
2,000,000,000,000,000 oceans of years. I do not find that 
he anywhere explains the space of time denominated sdgara, 
or ocean. But I understand it to be an extravagant estimate 
of the time, which would elapse, before a vast cavity filled 
with chopped hairs could be emptied, at the rate of one piece of 
hair in a century: the time requisite to empty such a cavity, 
measured by a yqjana every way, is a palya;* and that re- 
peated ten kotis of kotis of times, 8 is a sdgara. 

Each of the periods above mentioned is stated by Hema- 

1 [Hemachandra and M. 2fe». toL ix. read Jfetdrya.] 

* [Cf. Hemachandra's Abhidhdna 132, and p. 304. Oth* authorities fire a 
different statement, tee Wikon, Jta?*, L 300.] 

* 1,000,000,000,000,000 jMtyttKone tdgar*, or ttgaropim. 


chandra as comprising six aras; the names and duration of 
which agree with the information communicated to Major 
Mackenzie, In the one, or the declining period, they pass 
from extreme felicity (ekdnta sukha), through [217] inter- 
mediate gradations, to extreme misery {ekdnta duKkha). Id 
the other, or rising period, they ascend, in the same order, 
from misery to felicity. During the three first ages of one 
period, mortals lived for one, two, or three palya$; their 
stature was one, two, or three leagues (gavpiitis) ; and they 
subsisted on the fruit of miraculous trees; which yielded 
spontaneously food, apparel, ornaments, garlands, habitation, 
nurture, light, musical instruments, and household utensils. 
In the fourth age, men lived ten millions of years ; and their 
stature was 500 poles {dhanus) : in the fifth age, the life of 
man is a hundred years : and the limit of his stature, seven 
cubits : in the sixth, he is reduced to sixteen years, and the 
height of one cubit. In the next period, this succession of 
ages is reversed, and afterwards they recommence as before. 

Here we cannot but observe, that the Jainas are still more 
extravagant in their inventions than the prevailing sects of 
Hindus, absurd as these are in their fables. 

In his third chapter, Hemaohandra, having stated the terms 
for paramount and tributary princes, mentions the twelve 
Ghakravartis, and adds the patronymics and origin of them. 
Bharata is surnamed ^rshabhi, or son of Bishabha ; Maghavan 
is son of Yijaya; and Sanatkum&ra, of Aswasena. S6nti, 
Kunthu, and Ara are the Jinas so named. Sagara is de- 
scribed as son of Sumitra ; Subhuma is entitled K&rtavfrya ; 
Padma is said to be son of Padmottara ; Harishei^a of Hari ; 
Jaya of Yijaya ; Brahmadatta of Brahma ; and all are de- 
clared to have sprung from the race of Ikshw&ku. 

A lists follows, which, like the preceding, agrees nearly with 
the information communicated to Major Mackenzie. It con* 
sists of nine persons, entitled Y&sudevas, and Krishnas. 
Here Triprishtha is mentioned with the patronymic Pr&ji- 


patya; Dwipyishtha is said to have sprung from [218] 
Brahma ; Swayambhti is expressly called a son of Rudra ; and 
Purushottama, of Soma, or the moon. Purushasinha is sur- 
named &aivi, or son of Siva ; Purushapugdarika is said to 
have sprung from Mahfisiras. Datta is termed son of 
Agnisinha ; N£r&ya$a has the patronymic D&sarathi (which 
belong to R&machandra): and Krishna is described as sprung 
from Yasudeva. 

Nine other persons are next mentioned, under the designa- 
tion of £ukla-balas, viz. 1. Achala, 2, Vijaya, 3. Bhadra, 4. 
Suprabha, 5. Sudarsana, 6. Ananda, 7. Nandana, 8. Padma, 
9. R&ma. 

They are followed by a list of nine foes of Vishnu : it cor- 
responds nearly with one of the lists noticed by Major 
Mackenzie, friz. 1. Aswagriva, 2. T&raka, 3. Meraka, 4. 
Madhu, 5. Nisumbha, 6. Bali, 7. Prahl&da. 8. The king of 
Lanka (Rivana). 9. The king of Magadha (Jar&sandha). 

It is observed, that, with the Jinas, these complete the num- 
ber of sixty-three eminent personages, viz. 24 Jinas, 12 Chak- 
ravartis, 9 V&sudevas, 9 Baladevas, and 9 Prativ&sudevas. 

It appears from the information procured by Major Mac- 
kenzie, that all these appertain to the heroic history of the Jaina 
writers. Most of them are also well known to the orthodox 
Hindus, and are the principal personages in the Purfinas. 

Hemachandra subsequently notices many names of princes, 
familiar to the Hindus of other sects. He begins with Prithu 
son of Yena, whom he terms the first king : and goes on to 
M&ndh&t&, Harischandra, Bharata son of Dushyanta, etc. 
Towards the end of his enumeration of conspicuous princes, he 
mentions Kar^a, king of Champd and Anga ; H&la or 
&&liv&hana ; and Kum&[219]rap&la, surnamed Ghaulukya, a 
royal saint, who seems, from the title of Param&rhata, to have 
been a Jaina, and apparently the only one in that enumeration. 

In a subsequent part of the same chapter, Hemachandra, 
(who was himself a theologian of his sect, and author of hymns 


to Jina, 1 ) mentions and discriminates the various sects ; viz. 
1st, Arhatas, or Jainas ; 2ndly, Saugatas, or Bauddhas ; and, 
3rdly, six philosophical schools, viz. 1st. Naiy&yika; 2nd. 
Yoga; 3rd. K4pila or Sfinkhya; 4th. Vaiseshika; 9 5th. V&r- 
haapatya, or N&stika; and 6th. Ch&rv&ka, or Lok&yatika. 
The two last are reputed atheistical, as denying a future state 
and a providence. If those be omitted, and the two Mim&ns&s 
inserted, we have the six schemes of philosophy familiar to 
the Indian circle of the sciences. 

The fourth chapter of Hemachandra's vocabulary relates to 
earth and animals. Here the author mentions the distinctions 
of countries which appear to be adopted by the Jainas; viz. the 
regions (mrsha) named Bharata, Air&vata, and Videha, to 
which he adds Euru ; noticing also other distinctions familiar 
to the Hindus of other sects, but explaining some of them 
according to the ideas of the Jainas. 'ifry&varta,' he observes, 
'is the native land of Jinas, Ghakris, and Ardhachakris, 
situated between the Yindhya and Himadri mountains.' This 
remark confines the theatre of Jaina history, religious and 
heroic, within the limits of Hindustan proper. 

A passage in Bh&skara's treatise on the sphere will suggest 
further observations concerning the opinions of the Jainas on 
the divisions of the earth. Having noticed, for the purpose of 
confuting it, a notion maintained by the [220] Bauddhas 
(whom some of the commentators, as usual among orthodox 
Hindus, confound with the Jainas,) respecting the descent or 
fall of the earth in space, he says, 8 ' The naked sectaries and 
the rest affirm, that two suns, two moons, and two sets of 
stars, appear alternately : against them I allege this reasoning* 
How absurd is the notion which you have formed of duplicate 
suns, moons, and stars ; when you see the revolution of the 
polar fish/ 4 

1 A commentary on these hymns is dated in S'aka 1214 (a.d. 1292) ; but how 
much earlier Hemachandra lived, is not yet ascertained. [Gf. Wilson, Essays, 
▼ol. t. p. 224.] ■ [Or Aulukya, cf. Sarva I>ars. 8. p. 103.] 

1 Gol&dhyaya, { 3, t. 8 and 10. * Ursa minor. 



The commentators 1 agree that the Jainas are here meant : 
and one of them remarks, that they are described as ' naked 
sectaries, etc.' because the class of Digambaras is a principal 
one among these people. 

It is true that the Jainas do entertain the preposterous 
notion here attributed to them : and it is also true, that the 
Digambaras, among the Jainas, are distinguished from the 
Sukl&mbaras, not merely by the white dress of the one, and 
the nakedness (or else the tawny apparel) of the other; but 
also by some particular tenets and diversity of doctrine. 
However, both concur in the same ideas regarding the earth 
and planets, which shall be forthwith stated, from the authority 
of Jaina books ; after remarking, by the way, that ascetics of 
the orthodox sect, in the last stage of exaltation, when they 
become Paramahansa, also disuse clothing. 

The world, which, according to the Jainas, is eternal, is 
figured by them as a spindle resting on half of another ; or, 
as they describe it, three cups, of which the lowest is inverted; 
and the uppermost meets at its circumference the middle one. 
They also represent the world by comparison to a woman 
with her arms akimbo. 8 Her waist, or accord [221]ing to the 
description first mentioned, the meeting of the lower cups, 
is the earth. The spindle above, answering to the superior 
portion of the woman's person, is the abode of the gods ; and 
the inferior part of the figure comprehends the infernal regions. 
The earth, which they suppose to be a flat surface, is bounded 
by a circle, of which the diameter is one rqfu.* The lower 
spindle comprises seven tiers of inferior earths or hells, at the 
distance of a raju from each other, and its base is measured 
by seven rqjw. These seven hells are Ratna-prabh&, &arkara- 
prabh&, B&luk&-prabh&, Panka-prabh&, Dh6ma-prabh&, Tama- 

1 Lakshmidasa, Munirfwara, and the Vasanabhashya. 

* The Saograhsxti-ratna and Lokanab-stitra, both in Prakrit, are the author- 
ities here used. 

3 This is explained to be a measure of space, through which the gods are able 
to travel in six months, at the rate of 2,057,162 yojanas (of 2000 kros'a each,) in 
the twinkling of an eye. 


prabha, Tamatama-prabhA. 1 The upper spindle is also seven 
rajm high ; and its greatest breadth is five rcyuz. Its summit, 
which is 4,500,000 yqjana* wide, is the abode of the deified 
saints : beneath that are fire Vim&nas, or abodes of gods : of 
which the centre one is named Sarvarthasiddha : it is encom- 
passed by the regions Aparajita, Jayanta, Vaijayanta, and 
Yijaya. Next, at the distance of one rqju from the summit, 
follow nine tiers of worlds, representing a necklace (graiveyaka)> 
and inhabited by gods, denominated, from their conceited pre- 
tensions to supremacy, Ahamindra. These nine regions are, 
Aditya, Pritinkara, Somanasa, Sumanasa, Suvis&la, Sarva- 
tobhadra, Manojpma, Supravaddha, and Sudarsana. 

Under these regions are twelve (the Digambaras say sixteen) 
other regions, in eight tiers, from one to five rajus above the 
earth. They are filled with Yim&nas, or abodes of various 
classes of gods, called by the general name of Kalpav&sis. 
These worlds, reckoning from that nearest the earth, are, 
Saudhama * and fsana ; Sanatkumara and [222] Mahendra ; 
Brahma j L&ntaka ; &ukra ; Sahasr&ra ; Anata and Pra^ata ; 
Ara^a and Achyuta. 

The sect of Jina distinguish four classes of deities, the 
Vaim&nikas, Bhuvanapatis, Jyotishis, 8 and Vyantaras. The 
last comprises eight orders of demigods or spirits, admitted by 
the Hindus in general, as the Rfikshasas, Pis&chas, Kinnaras, 
etc., supposed to range over the earth. The preceding class 
(Jyotishis) comprehends five orders of luminaries; suns, 
moons, planets, constellations, and stars, of which more here- 
after. The Yaimanikas belong to the various Vimanas, in 
the twelve regions, or worlds, inhabited by gods. The class 
of Bhuvanapati includes ten orders, entitled Asurakum&ra, 
Nagakumara, etc. ; each governed by two Indras. All these 
gods are mortal, except, perhaps, the luminaries. 

The earth consists of numerous distinct continents, in con- 
centric circles, separated by seas forming rings between them. 

1 [Tamah-prabhd, and Mahdtamah-prabhd f] * [Saudharma t] 3 [Jyotithka*?] 



The first ^ircle is Jambu-dwipa, with the mountain Sudarsa 
Meru in the centre. It is encompassed by a ring containing 
the salt ocean; beyond which is the zone, named Dh&tukf- 
dwipa ; similarly surrounded by a black ocean. 1 This again is 
encircled by Pushkara-dwipa ; of which only the first half is 
accessible to mankind : being separated from the remoter half 
by an impassable range of mountains, denominated M&nu- 
shottara-parvata. Dh&tuki-dwipa contains two mountains, 
similar to Sumeru, named Vijanga and Achala ; and Pushkara 
contains two others, called Mandir& and Vidyunm&li. 

The diameter of Jambu-dwipa being 100,000 great yojanas? 

if the 190th part be taken, or 526-^, we have the breadth of 
Bharata-varsha, which occupies the southern segment of the 
circle. Air&vata is a similar northern seg[223]ment. A band 
(33648^- yojanas wide) across the circle, with Sudarsa-meru in 
the middle of it, is Videha- varsha, divided by Meru (or by 
four peaks like elephants' teeth, at the four corners of that 
vast mountain) into east and west Videha. These three 
regions, Bharata, Air&vata, and Videha, are inhabited by men 
who practise religious duties. They are denominated Kaiv 
mabhumi, and appear to be furnished with distinct sets of 
Tirthankaras, or saints entitled Jina. The intermediate 
regions north and south of Meru are bounded by four chains 
of mountains ; and intersected by two others : in such a 
manner, that the ranges of mountains, and the intermediate 
valleys, increase in breadth progressively. Thus Hi ma vat is 

twice as broad as Bharata-varsha (or 1052-ff) ; the valley 


beyond it is double its breadth (2105-fy); the mountain 

Mah&himavat is twice as much (4210-}-$) ; its valley is again 

double (8421-fV) ; and the mountain Nishadha has twice that 

breadth (16842 -^-). The valleys between these mountains, and 
between similar ranges reckoned from Air&vata (viz. Sikhari, 
Rukmi, and Nila) are inhabited by giants (Yugala), and are 
denominated Bhogabhumi. From either extremity of the two 

1 [Kalodadhi.] * Each great yyana contains 2000 ko$. 


ranges of mountains named Himavat and Sikhari, a pair of 
tusks project over the sea ; each divided into seven countries 
denominated Antara-dwipas. There are consequently fifty- 
six such : which are called Xubhogabhumi, being the abode of 
evil-doers. None of these regions suffer a period ical destruction ; 
except Bharata and Air&vata, which are depopulated, and again 
peopled at the close of the great periods before mentioned. 

We come now to the immediate purpose for which these 
notions of the Jainas have been here explained. They con- 
ceive the setting and rising of stars and planets to be caused 
by the mountain Sumeru : and suppose three times [224] the 
period of a planet's appearance to be requisite for it to pass 
round Sumeru, and return to the place whence it emerges. Ac- 
cordingly they allot two suns, as many moons, and an equal 
number of each planet, star, and constellation, to Jambu-dwipa ; 
and imagine that these appear, on alternate days, south and 
north of Meru. They similarly allot twice that number to 
the salt ocean ; six times as many to Dh&tuki-dwipa ; 21 
times as many, or 42 of each, to the K&lodadhi ; and 72 of 
each to Pushkara-dwipa. 

It is this notion, applied to the earth which we inhabit, that 
Bh&skara refutes. His argument is thus explained by his 

' The star close to the north pole, with those near it to the 
east and west, form a constellation figured by the Indian 
astronomers as a fish. In the beginning of the night (sup- 
posing the sun to be near Bharani or Mushka), the fish's tail is 
towards the west, and his head towards the east ; but at the 
close of the night, the fish's tail having made a half revolution, 
is towards the east, and his head towards the west ; and since 
the sun, when rising and setting, is in a line with the fish's 
tail, there is but one sun; not two. 9 This explanation is given 
by Muniswara and Lakshmid&sa. But the V&san&-bh&shya 
reverses the fish ; placing his head towards the west at sun- 
set, when the sun is near Bharani. 




[From the Asiatic RtsearcfoB, vol. tii. pp. 938—844. 

Calcutta, 1801. 4 to.] 

[225] The Bohrahs, 1 numerous in the provinces of the 
Indian peninsula, but found also in most of the great cities of 
Hindustan, are conspicuous by their peculiar customs ; such, 
for example, as that of wearing at their orisons an appropriate 
dress, which they daily wash with their own hands. Their 
disposition for trade to the exclusion of every other mode of 
livelihood, and the government of their tribe by a hierarchy, 
are further peculiarities, which have rendered them an object 
of inquiry, as a singular sect. 

Researches made by myself, among others, were long 
unsuccessful. My informers confounded this tribe with the 
Isma'fliyahs, with the 'Ali-il&hiyahs, and even with the un- 
chaste sect of Oharfigh-kush. Concerning their origin, the 
information received was equally erroneous with that regarding 
their tenets. But at length a learned Sayyid referred me to 
the Maj&lisu'lmdminin composed by Nurullah of Shustar, a 
zealous Shf ah, who suffered for his religious opinions in the 
reign of Jah&ngir. In the passage, which will be forthwith 
cited from that work, the Bohrahs are described by the author 
as natives of Gujr&t, converted to the Muhammadan religion 
about three hundred years before his time, or five centuries ago. 

1 [Cf. Sir H. M. Elliots faces of N. IF. Provinces of India, yol. i. p. 43, and 
Sir J. Malcolm's Central India, vol. ii. p. HI.] 


To that passage I shall subjoin extracts from the same 
[226] work, containing an account of similar tribes, with some 
of which the Bohrahs may, perhaps, have been sometimes 
confounded. Concerning the IsmaMliyahs, for whom they 
have been actually mistaken, it must be remembered, that 
these form a sect of Shf ahs, who take their distinctive appella- 
tion from Isma'il, eldest son and nominated successor of Imam 
Ja'far, surnamed S&dik. They consider Isma'il as the true 
heir of the Im&mat, and do not acknowledge the legal suc- 
cession of his brother Mtisa' and of the five last Im&ms. This 
sect flourished under the Egyptian dynasty of khaUfo founded 
by Muhammad Mahdi, who churned descent from the Im&m 
Ismttil himself. It was also conspicuous under a dynasty of 
princes of this sect, the first of whom, Hasan Sabb&h, founded 
a principality in Irik. 1 The sect may still exist in Syria ; 
but it does not seem to be at present known in the Indian 
portion of Asia. 

The f Ali-il&hiyahs, on the contrary, are become numerous 
in India. This sect is mentioned by the author of the 
Dabist&n, as prevalent in his time, only at Uzbil, or A2b&l, 
in the mountainous tract near Khati. It now prevails, 
according to information which I have received, in a part of 
the dominions of Naw&b Niz&mu'l-mulk. The singular tenets 
of this heretical sect are thus stated by Mohsin F&ni. " The 
" Ali-il&hiyahs hold, that celestial spirits, which cannot other- 
wise be known to mankind, have frequently appeared in pal- 
pable shapes. God himself has been manifested in the human 
form, but especially in the person of * All Murtaza', whose 
image, being that of * All Ullah, or c Ali God, these sectaries 
deem it lawful to worship. They believe in the metetn- 

1 See the Dabittdn of Mull* Mohsin Fani; and D'Herbelot's Bibliothkqui 
Orimtale. If the industrious Bohrah* and the remorseless " assassins " had 
really arisen out of the same sect, it would be a new fact in the history of the 
human mind. [For the history of the Isma'fliyah, see Jourdain'e paper on Mirk- 
hond, Notices et Extrait* <Ut M&S. ix. pp. 143-183; Von Hammer, Oetch. dtr 
JLsmmnen; Be Fremery, /own. Anatiq^ 1864, 1856.] 


psychosis ; and, like [227] others who maintain that doctrine, 
abstain from fleshmeat. They imagine, that ( Ali Murtaza', 
when he quitted this earth, returned to the sun, which is the 
same with himself ; and hence they call the sun 'All Ullah. 
This sect does not admit the authenticity of the Kor&n, as it is 
now extant : some pretending, that it is a forgery of Abubakr's, 
'Omar's, and'Othm&n's; others condemning it simply because 
it was edited by the last-mentioned khalif. The members of 
this sect appear to vary in regard to some points of doctrine ; 
but the leading and universal tenet of this sect is, that in 
every age of the world, God is manifested in the persons of 
prophets and of saints ; for instance, he was Adam, and after- 
wards Ahmad and *AH : and in like manner these sectaries 
believe in the transmigration of God into the persons of the 
Imams. Some of them affirm, that the manifestation of the 
divine being, in this age of the world, was e Ali Ullah ; and 
after him, his glorious posterity : and they consider Muhammad 
as a prophet sent by e Ali Ullah. When God, say they, per- 
ceived Muhammad's insufficiency, he himself assumed the 
human form for the purpose of assisting the prophet." 1 

It does not appear from any satisfactory information, that 
the Bohrahs agree with either of these sects, in deifying ( Ali, 
or in contesting the legal succession of the six last Im&ms. 
On the contrary, the tribe is acknowledged to consist of 
orthodox Sunnis, and of true Shfahs ; but mostly of the last- 
mentioned sect. These and other known circumstances cor- 
roborate the following account of that tribe, as given by 
Nurullah of Shtistar, in the work before 'mentioned. 

" The Bohrahs are a tribe of the faithful, which is settled 
chiefly at Ahmadab&d and its environs. Their salvation in 
[228] the bosom of religion took place about three hundred 
years ago, at the call of a virtuous and learned man, whose 
name was Mull& f Ali, and whose tomb is still seen at the city 
of Kamb&yat. 

1 See the Babistdn, from which this account is abstracted. [8hea and Troyer's 
transl. vol. ii.] 


" The conversion of this people was thus conducted by him : 
As the inhabitants of Gnjr&t were pagans, and were guided by 
an aged priest, a recreant, in whom they had a great confi- 
dence, and whose disciples they were ; the missionary judged 
it expedient, first to offer himself as a pupil to the priest ; and 
after convincing him by irrefragable proofs, and making him 
participate in the declaration of faith, then to undertake the 
conversion of others. He accordingly passed some years in 
attendance on that priest, learnt his language, studied his 
sciences, and became conversant with his books. By degrees 
he opened the articles of the faith to the enlightened priest, 
and persuaded him to become Musulm&n. Some of his people 
changed their religion in concert with their old instructor. 
The circumstance of the priest's conversion being made known 
to the principal minister of the king of that country, he visited 
the priest, adopted habits of obedience towards him, and 
became a Muslim. But for a long time, the minister, the 
priest, and the rest of the converts, dissembled their faith, and 
sought to keep it concealed, through dread of the king. 

"At length the intelligence of the minister's conversion 
reached the monarch. One day he repaired to his house, and, 
finding him in the humble posture of prayer, was incensed against 
him. The minister knew the motive of the king's visit, and 
perceived that his anger arose from the suspicion that he was 
reciting prayers and performing adoration. With presence of 
mind, inspired by divine providence, he immediately pretended 
that his prostrations were occasioned by the sight of a serpent, 
which appeared in the corner of the room, and against which 
he was [229] employing incantations. The king cast his eyes 
towards the corner of the apartment, and it so happened that 
there he saw a serpent ; the minister's excuse appeared 
credible, and the king's suspicions were lulled. 

" After a time, the king himself secretly became a convert 
to the Musulm&n faith ; but dissembled the state of his mind, 
for reasons of State. Yet, at the point of death, he ordered, 




by his will, that bis corpse should not be burnt, according to 
the customs of the pagans. 

" Subsequently to his decease, when Sultan Zafar, one of the 
trusty nobles of SultAn Fir&z Sh&h, sovereign of. Dehli, con- 
quered the province of Gujr&t; some learned men, who 
accompanied him, used arguments to make the people embrace 
the faith, according to the doctrines of such as revere the 
traditions. 1 Hence it happened, that some of the tribe of 
Bohrahs became members of the sect of the Sunnat. 

" The party which retains the Im&miyah tenets compre- 
hends nearly two thousand families. They always have a 
pious learned man amongst them, who expounds cases of law 
according to the doctrines of the Im&mfyahs, Most of tfeem 
subsist by commerce and meohanieaf trades ; as is indicated 
by the name of Bohrah, which signifies merchant, in the 
dialect of Gujrit. They transmit the fifth part of their gains 
to the Sayyids of Madinah ; and pay their regular eleemosy- 
nary contributions to the chief of their learned, who distributes 
the alms among the poor of the sect. These people, great and 
small, are honest, pious, and temperate. They always suffer 
much persecution (for the crime of bearing affection towards 
the holy family) from the wicked murderers, 9 who are invested 
with public authority; and they are ever involved in the 
difficulties of concealment. 

[230] " The Sadikiyahs 8 are a tribe of the faithful in Hindus* 
t&n ; pious men, and disciples of Sayyid Kabiru'ddfn, who de- 
rived his descent from Ismtfil, son of Im&m Jaf far. This tribe 
is denominated Sadikfyahs, by reason of the sincere [sadllc] call 
of that Sayyid. Although that appellation have, according to 
received notions, a seeming relation to Abtibakr, whose par* 
tieans gave him this title ; yet it is probable that the sect 
assumed that appellation for the sake of concealment. How- 
ever, no advantage ever accrues to them from it. On the con- 

1 The Simula, or orthodox sect * The orthodox, 

* [These are not the Sadikiyahf of the Babutdn.] 


trary, the arrogant inhabitants of Hind, who are Hinduis, 
being retainers of the son of the impious Hind, 1 have dis- 
covered their attachment to the sect of Shf ahs, and have 
revived against them the calumnies which five hundred years 
before they broached against the Ismiiliyahs. They mali- 
ciously charge them with impiety; such, indeed, is their 
ancient practice. They violate justice, and labour to extirpate 
this harmless tribe. In short, they cast the stone of 
calumny on the roof of the name and reputation of this 
wretched people, and have no fear of God, nor awe of his 
Prophet. 8 

" In short, nearly thirty thousand persons of this sect are 
settled in provinces of Hindustan, such as Mult&n, L&hor, 
Dehli, and Gujr&t. Most of them subsist by commerce. 
They pay the fifth part of their gains to the descendants of 
Sayyid Eabir, who are their priests ; and both preceptor and 
pupil, priests and laymen, all are zealous Shf ahs. God avert 
evil from them! and make the wiles of their foes recoil ! 

"The Haz&rahs of K&bul are an innumerable tribe, who 
reside in K&bul, Ghaznin, and Kandahir. Many of them 
[231] are Shf ahs, and adherents of the holy family. At 
present, among the chiefs of the Shf ahs, is M(rz4 Sh&dm&n, 
with whom the faithful are well pleased, and of whose incur- 
sions the Kh&rijis 8 of E&bul and Ghaznin bitterly complain. 

" The Baluoh of Sind ; many of these are devoted Shi* ahs. 
They call themselves, and are called by all the faithful, 'All's 
friends. Sayyid Jtfiju of Bokhdri exerted himself in the 
guidance of this tribe ; his descendants remain among them, 
and are occupied with the concerns of the sect/* 

1 Meaning Hindi the mother of Mo'awiyah. 

1 The author proceeds in a strain of inyective against the Sonnfa; especially 
against Mulla 'Abdullah of Lahor, who bore the title of the Makhdumu'l-milk. 
This, being superfluous, is here omitted. 

8 The word is here a term of reproach; for Us origin, as the appellation 
of a sect, see D'Herbelot's Bibliothiqu* Orimtale. 




[From the Atiatie Rtuarchtt, vol. vii. pp. 179 — 182. 

Calcutta, 1801. 4to.] 

[232] Sanbkbit Inscription. 1 

itai qw> ^m^ i^ 9f\ ^rtwft ^jift *n«^ji^i«m 

*njftrj Pmw*I\j tout: i 

mom Front Tnrcr: ^rtrapnw: i 
^ ^irfii qitumftiw irrtw^jjrfir: *n**f$*n<j* i^ 

^t*ft tt*t Pi^nnmn^: MwnJ^fli^ nwrrftr ^nift 

[233] 4)f i iiH^^<<| *rog ^rftj *ro^*t u^irt nj 

ftwf f^finrci ^rwt ^nwro i 
H&x it ^j^VfRrw vnft *rn#* *Ttf f*i$fiWwrqi?rfira: 

1 See Plate i. [The plates are omitted in thia edition.] 


Samvat 1220 vaiidkha sucU 15 idkambhari bhupati irimad 
w/fo devdtmaja irimad visala devasya. 

1 A'vindhydd dhimddrer virachita-pyayaB tirtha-ydtrd-pra- 
sangdd udgriveshu prahartd nripatiahu vinamaUkandhareshu 

drydvartam yathdrtham punar apikritavdn mlechchhavichchh- 
edandbhir devah idkambharindro jagati vyayate visalah 

2 Bride samprati bdhujdta-tilakah idkambhari-bhupatih irimad 
vigraha-rdja esha vyayi santdruy'dn dtmanah 

asmdbhih karadam vyadhdyi himavad-vindhydntardlam bhuvah 
ie&haswikarandya tndstu bhavat&m udyogaiunyam manah. 

3 Ambho ndma ripu-priyd-nayanayoh pratyarthi-dantdntare 
pratyakshdni trindni vaibkava~milat-kd8htam yaias tdvakam 
mdrgo loka-viruddha eva vyanah iiinyam mano vidtcuhdm 
irimad vigraha-r&jadeva bhavatah prapte praydnotsave. 

4 Lild-mandirasodareshu bhavatu swdnteshu vdmabhruvdm 
[234] iatrkndn nanu rigraha kihitipate nydyyai cha vdsas 

' tava 
iankd vd purushottamasya bhavato ndsty eva vdrdn nidher 
nirmathydpahrita-iriyah kimu bhavdn krode na nidrdyitah. 
Samvat bri vikramdditya 1220 vaiidkha sudi 15 gurau 

likhitam idam 

pratyaksham gauddnwaya-kdyastha-mdhava-putra-iripatind 
atra samaye mahd-mantri rdjaputra irimallakshanapdlah. 

Verbal Translation. 

" In the year 1220, on the 15th day of the bright half of 
the month Vais&kha, [this monument] of the fortunate Yisala 

TOL. III. [E8S*YB II.] 14 


Deva, son of the fortunate Vella Deva, 1 King of S&kani- 

" As far as Vindhya, 9 as for as Him&dri, 2 having achieved 
conquest in the course of travelling to holy places ; resentful 
to haughty kings, and indulgent to those whose necks are 
humbled ; making Xry&varta 8 once more what its name 
signifies, by causing the barbarians to be exterminated; 
Visala Deva, supreme ruler of S&kambharf, 8 and sovereign of 
the earth, is victorious in the world. 

"This conqueror, the fortunate Yigraha R&ja, 4 king of 
[235] 6&kambhari > most eminent of the tribe which sprang 
from the arms 5 [of Brahm&], now addresses his own descen- 
dants : * By us the region of the earth between Himavat and 
Yindhya has been made tributary ; let not your minds be void 
of exertion to subdue the remainder/ 

" Tears are evident in the eyes of thy enemy's consort ; 
blades of grass are perceived between thy adversary's teeth ; 6 
thy fame is predominant throughout space ; the minds of thy 
foes are void [of hope] ; their route is the desert where men 
are hindered from passing; Yigraha B&ja Deva, in the 
jubilee occasioned by thy march. 

" May thy abode, Vigraha, sovereign of the earth, be 
fixed, as in reason it ought, in the bosoms (akin to the 

1 Colonel Polier's transcript exhibited Amilla ; the present copy may be read 
either A vella or Vella. 

* The Yindhya hills form the range which passes through the provinces of 
Bihar, Benares, etc. Himadri, the mountain of snow, (called Himavat in the 
next verse,) is the Imaus and Emodos of ancient geographers. A'ryavarta signi- 
fies the land of virtue, or " inhabited by respectable men." See Manu, ch. ii. 
t. 22. 

8 S'akambharl is the modern S'ambhar, famous for its salt lakes. It is situated 
at the distance of about thirty miles west of Jeyptir. 

4 Whether Vigraha Raja and Visala Deva be names of the same person, or of 
different princes, it is impossible to determine from the tenor of the inscription, 
without other information. 

6 The transcript of the inscription exhibits vdhamdna-tilakah, as it was also 
read in the former fac-simile: Sarvoru Trivedi advises me to read it bdbujdta- 
tilakah, and I accede to his emendation. [See the note in the following page.] 

• This alludes to the Indian custom of biting a blade of grass as a token of 
submission, and of asking quarter. 


mansion of dalliance)' of the women with beautiful eyebrows, 
who were married to thy enemies. There is no doubt of thy 
being the highest of embodied souls. 1 Didst thou not sleep in 
the lap of Sri, whom thou didst seize from the ocean, having 
churned it P * 

" In the year from the fortunate Viknun£dity» 1220,* on 
Thursday the 15th day of the bright half of the month [236] 
Vais&kha, this was written in the presence of 4 ... • 

by &ripati, the son of M&hava, a Kfiyastha 

of a family in Gauda : at this time the fortunate Lakshaga- 
p&la, a R&japutra, is prime minister. 


and the universal monarch."* 

" Siva the terrible, 

There are on the same page, some short inscriptions, which 
I cannot decipher. One of them, however, is partly legible, 
and appears to be in the Hindust&ni language. It contains 
the name of Sult&n Ibr&him, and wishes him a long life.. 

Note to thb preceding Translation. 
[From the Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. p. 445. Calcutta, 1807. 4to.] 

A passage in the preface of the S&rngadhara-paddhati, and 
another in the body of that work, which were first indicated 
by Capt. Wilford, 5 show that a term contained in the inscrip- 
tion on the column at Dblhi, for which I proposed to substi- 
tute, with the advice of the Pandit who assisted me, the 

1 Barvoru explains this very obscure passage otherwise : " there is (i.*. there 
should be) no donbt or hesitation in the mind of thee, who art the highest of 
embodied souls (Purushottama)." 

2 Purushottama is a title of Vishnu. With reference to this term, the author 
of the inscription asks, "Art thou not Vishnu himself P Art thou not he who- 
slept in the arms of Lakshmf P" The legend of the churning of the ocean is well 

9 In the present copy the date is very distinct; and proyes to be 1220 ; not 123,. 
as was suspected by Sir William Jones. 

4 This part of the inscription is not legible. 

5 As. Res., toI. ix. p. 189. 


word ' bdhtyata'* as a conjectural emendation, must be read 
' chdhumdna,' or 'chdhavdna; ' being the name of the tribe to 
which the prince, there mentioned, belonged, and which is 
well known at this day under the appellation of Ghauh&n. In 
the preface, S&rngadhara describes himself as second in de- 
scent from Raghudeva, a priest attending on Hammira, King of 
&&kambharf, of the tribe of Ohauh&n, Ch&huv&n, or B&hu- 
v&na (for the name is variously spelt in different copies). 
The work itself is a compilation of miscellaneous poetry [287] 
arranged under distinct heads ; and one chapter (the 73rd) is 
devoted to the admission of stanzas concerning individual 
princes. Among them two stanzas occur, which are there 
cited as an inscription on a royal column of stone, erected as a 
sacrificial pillar ; l and which, on comparison, are found to be 
the same with the first two of the stanzas, on the pillar at 
Delhi. Several copies of the o&rngadhara-paddhati have been 
collated, in all of which the term in question is written 
B&huv&na. Comparing this with the preface of the same 
compilation, and with the inscription itself, we may be allowed 
to conjecture that Gh&huv&na is the correct reading : the 
N&gari letters ^ and ^ being very liable to be confounded. 9 

1 inftw 

* [For an account of the Kdrngadharapaddhati, see Prof. Aufrecht's Bodleian 
Catalogue, p. 122. In the Bodleian MS., and in two of the India Office Library 
MSS., the name of the tribe ia written Chdhwdna, in two it is written Bdhubdna or 




[Prom the Asiatic Researches, vol. iz. pp. 398 — 444. 

Calcutta, 1807. 4 to.] 

[238] Ik the scarcity of authentic materials for the ancient, 
and even for the modern, history of the Hindu race, im- 
portance is justly attached to all genuine monuments, and 
especially inscriptions on stone and metal, which are occa- 
sionally discovered through various accidents. If these be 
carefully preserved and diligently examined, and the facts 
ascertained from them be judiciously employed towards eluci- 
dating the scattered information which can be yet collected 
from the remains of Indian literature, a satisfactory progress 
may be finally made in investigating the history of the 
Hindus. That the dynasties of princes who have reigned 
paramount in India, or the line of chieftains who have ruled 
over particular tracts, will be verified ; or that the events of 
war, or the effects of policy, during a series of ages, will be 
developed; is an expectation which I neither entertain, nor 
wish to excite. But the state of manners, and the prevalence 
of particular doctrines, at different periods, may be deduced 
from a diligent perusal of the writings of authors, whose age 
is ascertained ; and the contrast of different results, for various 
and distant periods, may furnish a distinct outline of the pro- 
gress of opinions. A brief history of the nation itself, rather 


than of its government, will be thus sketched ; but if unable 
to revive the memory of great political events, we may at 
least be content to know what has been the state of arts, of 
sciences, of manners, in remote ages, among this very ancient 
and early civilized people; and. to learn what has been the 
suc[239]cession of doctrines, religious and philosophical, which 
have prevailed in a nation ingenious yet prone to superstition. 

Unfortunately, writers have seldom given the dates of their 
compositions ; and the Hindu's love of fable, and distaste for 
sober narrative, have been as unfriendly to the biography of 
authors, as to the history of princes. The lives of few cele- 
brated persons have been written ; -and those which have been 
composed exhibit the same fondness for improbable fiction 
which pervades the mythological works of the Hindus. The 
age of an author must be, therefore, sought from circumstances 
mentioned in his writings : and none more frequently affords 
the desired information than the author's notice of his patron ; 
who generally is either the sovereign of the country, or some 
person standing in such relation to the court, as gives occasion 
to mention the name of the reigning prince. Thus every 
ancient monument which fixes the date of a reign, or de- 
termines the period of a particular dynasty, tends to the ascer- 
tainment of the age of writers who flourished in that reign or 
under that dynasty : and conversely, wherever dates can be, 
with confidence, deduced immediately from an author's works, 
these may furnish historical information, and assist the ex- 
planation of ancient monuments. 

On this account the preservation and study of old inscrip- 
tions may be earnestly recommended. It is not on a first or 
cursory examination, that the utility of any particular monu- 
ment for the illustration of the civil or literary history of the 
country can be certainly determined. Even those which at 
first sight appear uninteresting, may be afterwards found to 
tear strongly on an important point. Instances might be 
brought from the few inscriptions which have been already 


published. But it is not my present purpose to enter on an 
examination of published monuments, but to urge the com- 
munication of every inscription [240] which may be hereafter 
discovered; at the same time that I lay before the Society 
copies and translations of those which have been recently 
communicated from various parts of India. 

It is a subject for regret, that the originals, of which versions 
have before been made public, are not deposited where they 
might be accessible to persons engaged in researches into 
Indian literature and antiquities : but much more so, that 
ancient monuments, which there is reason to consider as im- 
portant, have been removed to Europe before they had been 
sufficiently examined, or before they were accurately copied 
and translated. I may specify, with particular regret, the 
plate of copper found at Benares, and noticed by Gapt. Wilford 
in the ninth volume of Asiatic Researches (p. 108) ; and still 
more a plate which has been mentioned to me by a learned 
Pandit (who assured me that he was employed in deciphering 
it), 1 and which appears, from a copy in his possession, to have 
contained a grant of land by the celebrated Jayachandra, 
when a young prince associated to the empire of his father ; 
from this information it seems to have been particularly 
valuable, on account of the genealogy comprised in it. 

Translations might indeed be made from the Pandit's copy 
of the last-mentioned plate, and from one taken by a learned 
native in Capt. Wilford's service, from the plate discovered at 
Benares. But my experience of the necessity of collating the 
copies made by the best Pandits, from inscriptions in ancient 
or unusual character, discourages me from placing implicit 
confidence in their transcripts ; and the originals are at present 
beyond reach of [241] reference, having been conveyed to Europe 
to be there buried in some public museum or private collection. 

1 Sarvoru TriyedS ; the same who assisted me in deciphering the copy of an 
inscription on Firaz Shah's pillar at Delhi. As. Res. yuL rii. p. 180. [Pages 
208-212 of the present volume.] 

.» wi^mm ■ w wi i— w i ■ 


The only amends, which could be now made for the removal 
of those interesting monuments, would be the publication of 
oopies correctly made in fac-simile. From such transcripts, 
provided they be executed with great care, the text may be 
deciphered and translated. An exact copy of the Sanskrit 
inscription on the stone at Gintra in Portugal, enabled Mr. 
Wilkins to ascertain the date and scope of that inscription ; as 
well as the names, which it contains. 1 Similar copies of other 
inscriptions would, in like manner, furnish Oriental scholars 
with the means of ascertaining their purport ; and the publica- 
tion of fac-similes may, for this purpose, be recommended to 
those who are in possession of the originals. 

I now proceed to describe, and, so for as I have succeeded 
in deciphering them, to explain, the several inscriptions on 
ancient monuments in stone and copper, which have been 
lately presented to the Asiatic Society. 

I. Inscription on a Plate of Copper found in the District of 


Towards the end of 1803, a plate of copper was discovered 
in digging earth for the repair of the highway through the 
Manamati hills in the district of Tipura. It was carried to 
Mr. Eliot, magistrate of the district ; and by him communi- 
cated to the Asiatic Society. On examination, it has been 
found to contain an inscription declaratory of a grant of land, 
dated near 600 years ago. 

The plate measures eleven inches in height and nine in 
breadth, and is engraved on one surface only. The sides 
[242] have a gentle curvature ; and, at top, is an abrupt bend, 
allowing room to a figure coarsely delineated, and apparently 
intended to represent a temple. The character agrees nearly 
with that now in use in Bengal : but some of the letters bear 
a closer resemblance to the writing of Tirhut. 8 


1 Murphy's Travels in Fbrtugal, p. 277. 

2 There is reason to suppose the writing, as well as the language, of Bengal, to 



The following is an exact eopy of the inscription in Nagari 
letters, as deciphered by the aid of several Pandits. A 
literal translation is subjoined; and a fee-simile of the 
original is exhibited in the annexed plate. 1 

I *ft I 


aqua Kyi hw *fir^m*K: i^mfaft i 

•fc ^» ^> ^ ^ ^ ^ 

yrhnrr Pifi<Uf*KftKr**;fli m(J^im«i 
?W info *t«+ ^gwfirrvrnifii^Tfwrft! i 

be originally the same with the Tirhatiya: altered, in course of time, since the 
separation which has been the consequence of a colony of Kanyakubja Brahmans 
settling in Bengal. 
1 [The plates are omitted in this edition.] ' [-iPFBft ?] 


irw^wBui tototwi^t TOnirspTiPjpt- 
tw^i tow* vr ^pnrt *pht wwmw i^i 


1. "In that* eminent and spotless family, was born, an 
ornament of the learned, renowned throughout the world, en- 
dowed with science, and practising good deeds, the celebrated, 
happy, and venerable Hedi ; 8 in whose pure mind, virtue ever 
ranges, like a swan in the limpid lake. 

2. " From him sprung the happy chief of ministers, who 
exhibits the joys of unsullied glory ; a spotless moon among 
mortals, and at sight of whom the hare-spotted luminary 4 

1 [In the plate two letters seem to intervene between gatyd and tula.] 

3 This use of the pronoun indicates the conspicuouanett of the object ; as if 
sufficiently known without further designation. 

* Here, as well as with the subsequent names, the particle eva is subjoined 
without changing the preceding vowel. This is contrary to the rules of the 
language, and emendations have been accordingly proposed : but I shall not dis- 
turb the text. 

4 The moon is named S'arfin, from a fancied resemblance of its spots to a leveret. 
PanoUts, to whom I showed maps of the moon, copied from Hevelius and Ricciolus, 
fixed upon the Loca Paludosa and Mons Porphyrites, or Keplerus and Aristarchus, 
for the spots, which, they think, exhibit the similitude of a hare. 


appears swoln [with envy], and distempered with alternate 
increase and wane. 

[245] 3. "That venerable officer, 1 ever relying on holy vir- 
tues, 9 is eminently conversant with well-guided morals, and 
conspicuous for the observance of practical duties, 

4. "Himself an ocean of generosity and meditation, yet 
thirsting to taste, by practice of austerity, that which alone 
confines the fleeting thoughts; 3 sympathizing with other living 
beings, an unrivalled theatre of virtue, practising good deeds, 
and, in private, only a contemplative saint, this auspicious 
Dhadi alone rose, as a luminary of joy above the earth. 

5. " Superior to the world was the delight of this pre-emi- 
nent sovereign of the earth, the happy Rar^abanka-malla, 
whose officer 4 he was ; for the deity who has a hundred eyes 5 
is obscured, even in his own abode, by the dazzling glories 
of that [monarch], which traverse the three worlds, in all 

6. "May the twenty dronas* of land, in the village of 
Ijakhanda, granted to him by that generous prince, continue 
as long as sun and moon endure, yielding the ample [246] 
harvest of nnsullied praise; for it is land secure from invasion, 
delightful, like a pleasant painting, and appears like a crest in 
the assemblage of cities. 

7. " This land, with definite boundaries, has been given by 

1 The term is AsVanibandhika, which the Pandits are disposed to explain as 
signifying " a general commanding cavalry." Other interpretations may be sug- 
gested : the word is an unusual one. 

1 This, as indeed the whole of the Terse, is obscure, and admits of various 
interpretations. In this place, more than one reading has been proposed. 

* Here again the sense is obscure ; and mose than one reading may be proposed. 
The praise is evidently grounded on the onion of practical virtues with religious 

* Aswaiiibandhika. • Indra. 

* A measure of land, still used in the eastern parts of Bengal, originally as 
much as might be sown with one dtv$a of seed : for a droga is a measure of 
capacity. (As. Res., vol. v. p. 96.) The drcya* vulgarly called dbn, varies in 
different districts. It may, however, be reckoned nearly equivalent to eight 
biffhasj or two acres and two-thirds. 


the liberal prince himself, the range of whose glory therefore 
extends, as is fit, in all directions. 

8. " future kings ; understand this inscription on copper, 
by which that officer 1 humbly now solicits you: this land 
should be preserved ; nor is the permanence of the realm con- 
sistent with the slightest injury : a shame on avarice ! That 
land is, as it were, a widow, the sovereign of which is despised 
[for his covetousness]. 

9. "Although this excellence of the descendants [of that 
prince] which is guarded by their natural virtues, be suffix 
ciently apparent, yet does Medini, urged by the multitude of 
the good qualities of that unsuilled race, thus make it known.* 

"Years expired of the Saka king 1141 j s dated in the 
seventeenth year of Banabanka-malla, Sriraat Harik&la-deva, 4 
or expressed in numerals, Sam vat, 5 17 ; on the 26th of the 
Sun's being in the balance." 

[247] II. Inscription an a Plate of Copper found in the District 

of Ghrakhpur. 

A plate of copper, containing an inscription in the Sanskrit 
language, declaratory of a grant of land, but without date, was 
lately found in the district of Oorakhpur, near the river called 
the little Gandhak. It was brought to Mr. John Ahmuty, 
magistrate of the district, and by him communicated to Captain 
Wilford, who has presented it to the Asiatic Society. 

The plate, which is 16£ inches long, and 12$ broad, is en- 
graved on one face only. The lines, of which there are 24, run 

1 Aswanibandhika. 

1 This inscription appears not to be a grant by the sovereign ; bnt a memorial 
of the grant recorded by the possessor, who most hare been the heir of the grantee, 
and who seems to acknowledge in this place the liberality of the grantor's suc- 
cessors continuing the land to him. 

* Corresponding to ±.d. 1219. 

4 This prince is probably a different person from the grantor named in the 
fifth Terse. 

* Here Samrat is used for the year of the king's reign. See remarks, towards 
the close of this paper, on an inscription found at Amgachhi in Dinajpur. 


in the length of the plate ; and on the left side is a curvature, 
on which a semicircular appendage is riveted, containing a 
flat button representing the impression of a seal. The figure 
is very imperfect, but seems to be intended for some animal. 

With the plate itself, Captain Wilford communicated a 
copy of its contents as deciphered by a Pandit in his service. 
On carefully comparing it with the original, I found all the 
essential passages, as well as the names, correctly given : a few 
alterations, which this comparison showed to be necessary, 
have been made with the concurrence of several Pandits from 
Tirhut, who assisted me in collating it. I preferred the aid 
of Pandits of that province, because the peculiarities of the 
characters where they differ widely, as they do in many in- 
stances, from common Devan&gari, make a nearer approach 
to the Tirh6t(ya letters than to any other now in use. The 
whole inscription is indeed remarkable for the uncommon form 
of the consonants, and the very unusual manner in which the 
vowels are marked. On this account an exact copy of the 
original in fee-simile will be subjoined ; l as well as a correct 
[248] transcript in modern Devan&gari letters. The following 
version is as literal as the difference of idiom permits. 

1 " Salutation to the God, who is manifested in various 
forms, from earth to the performer of a sacrifice, 9 who is 
an universal soul, to be apprehended only by contempla- 
tion of saints ; and who pervades all. 

2. " Salutation to the unborn God, 3 who makes the 
world's production, its continuance, and ultimate destruc- 
tion ; and the recollection of whom serves as a vessel of 
transport across the ocean of mundane ills. 

3. " Salutation be to the husband of Lakshmi ; to him 

1 See plate iii [omitted in this edition]. 

9 S'iva, manifested in eight material forms : its. Earth, Water, Fire, Air, Ether, 
the Snn, the Moon, and the person who performs a sacrifice. 
3 Brahmfc. the creator, himself not created, and therefore termed unborn. 


who reposes on Sesha as on a couch ; to him who is 
VishiLU extracting the thorns of the three worlds ; to him 
who appears in every shape. 1 

4. " Salutation be to the blessed foot of P&rvati, 9 which 
destroyed the demon Mahisha, by whom all had been 
overcome ; and which gives felicity to the world. 

5. " Surrounded by groves of lofty canes, 8 inaccessible 
through the range of edifices on the hill's summit ; encom- 
passed by a deep ditch, in which fountains spring ; secure 
by impassable defence from dread of foes, a [249] royal 

6. abode there is named Vijayapara, 4 which is situated on 
the declivity of the northern mountain, where the pain of 
regret is unknown, and every gratification is found. 

7. " There reigned the fortunate Dharm&ditya, like 
another Bodhisattwa, a mighty and prosperous prince, 
whose glory spread over the four seas. His son was 

8. Jay&ditya, 5 adorable like the moon, the fortune of the 
world, like the tree which bears every desired fruit, and 


satisfying thirst like a deep lake ; humble, though a king ; 

9. though young, prudent and averse from amorous passion ; 
though liberally bestowing all, yet ever receiving the best 
result of all. 

10. " His minister, learned, intelligent, and vanquisher 

1 Vishnu, who reposes on the serpent Ananta or S'esha ; and who has been 
incarnate in various shapes, to relieve the world from oppressors. 

* Bhav&rn* or Durga slew Mahish&sura. The legend is well known. 

8 Bamboos (Bambtua arundinacea and other species). 

4 The place here described may be Vijey-pur, on the northern declivity of the 
Yindhya hills, a few miles from the temple of Vindhya-vasini near Mlrzapnr on 
the Ganges. It is the ancient residence of a family, which claims descent from 
the former sovereigns of Benares; and is still the abode of the head of that family. 
Bat the terms of the text, Uttaragiri-katake, rather seem to signify * declivity of 
the northern mountain,' than ' northern declivity of the mountain; 1 and that inter- 
pretation points to the range of snowy mountains, instead of Vindhya, which is 
reckoned a tropical range. 

6 The name of Jayaditya is* known as the patron of certain authors who 
flourished at Kas*f ; and who are considered as ancient writers. He is mentioned 
in the title of the Vamana-kas'ika, and even termed the author of that grammatical 
work. I shall not undertake to determine whether this be the same person. 


of foes, the son of a mighty chieftain and counsellor 
Kritaklrti, was the fortunate MacUiH, 1 [250] whose pleasing 
11. counsels obtained a ready hearing, and who was by nature 
eager for the reduction of enemies. 9 

12. "The village of Dttmmadum&, 8 obtained by him 
from the royal favour, and rich in tillage, dwellings, and 
cattle, has been assigned by him to Durgd. 4 

13. " The opulence of the good, who put their trust in 
the great, is, indeed, beneficial to others : the clouds gather 
water from the lea, and shower it down on the growing crop. 

14. Rare indeed are those liberal persons, who distinguish not 
between their own dependents and strangers : how many 
are the all-productive trees even in the celestial grove P 5 

15. "Do not imagine, father, 6 that, in the sinful age, a 
general equality prevails : the sovereign defends the earth, 

16. but a Weak individual guards not even his house. 7 Birth 
and death, success and misfortune, are perpetually passing : 
why not, therefore, protect another's glory like one's own P 

1 Tbt names, being uncommon, axe, in this instance, doubtful. 8'rimadali is 
clearly given, as the name of the minister : and either the whole of it may be his 
name } Or it may be resolved into S'rimat Ali, or into S'rf Idaduli. The latter is 
most agreeable to the prevailing practice of prefixing 8'ri to a proper name. In 
this inscription, the auspicious syllable is prefixed to the names of the two kings 
first mentioned; but is not added to the names of the writers of it, who are noticed 
towards the close, (v. 20 and 22.) 

Kritaklrti may signify * of established fame : ' but, if taken as an epithet, it 
leaves no other term which can be assumed as the name of the minister's father. 

* The text exhibits Prakfitiparabaddhaksksho. Though a very unsatisfactory 
reading, it k here preserved, and has been translated in the most probable sense 
which I am able to suggest for it [Should it not be prakrit\p*rabaddhakak*ho f\ 

8 A village ef this name is situated in the district of Allahabad, within twenty 
miles of Bijeypur on the Ganges. But the name is not uncommon : and may 
belong to some place nearer to the northern mountains. 

4 Jayaditya's minister, Madali, appears to have assigned this village for general 
charitable uses, by consecrating it to the goddess Durga. Such at least seem to 
be the most consistent reading and interpretation of the text. 

6 Indra's garden called Nandana; in which five celestial trees are placed, termed 
Kalpadruma, Parijata, etc. The Kalpadruma yields, as its fruit, everything 
which is desired. 

• [Tdta may also mean * son/ as addressing a future generation.] 

7 The intention of this and the following lines is to deprecate the resumption 
of the grant 



17. He, who bestows fertile land [251] furnished with 
the means of agriculture, mounts a celestial vehicle, and 

18. ascends to heaven, gladdening his progenitors. But he, 
who foolifehly resumes land allotted to gods or priests, 
assuredly causes his ancestors to fell to hell, even though 
they had previously attained heaven. 

19. " Sprung from a very pure race, respectful towards 
gods, priests, spiritual parents, and the king, a generous 

20. founder of temples, who has dug many ponds ; by the 
tenderness of his disposition an image of Sugata, 1 a treasure 
of virtues, with subdued organs, wise, and averse from un- 
pleasing discourse: such was the K&yastha Nfigadatta. 

21. By him was composed with great devoutness, this praise 
of the minister; in apt measure and pleasing verse, 
elegant * and apposite. 

22. " The last three verses were written by his younger 
brother Yidy&datta ; for he himself was fearful of pro- 
claiming his own virtues. 

23. " Rich and fertile is the village, obtained through 
[252] the king's favour as an endowment for subsistence, 
and still more productive is this other village for virtuous 
men/' 8 

1 From this comparison to Sugata or Buddha, as well as a previous comparison 
to a Bodhisattwa, it may be inferred that the author, if not himself a follower of 
the sect of Buddha, was at least more amicably disposed towards that sect than 
modern orthodox Hindus appear to be. 

It is hardly necessary to inform the reader, that the last Buddha was conspicuous 
for his tender, compassionate disposition. The mythology of the sect of Buddha 
peoples heaven with Bodhisattwas; and, from this class of beings, the Buddhas 
are selected. Gautama Buddha was a Bodhisattwa under the name of S'wetaketu, 
before he was incarnate as Siddh&rtha, son of S'uddhodana. 

* The text exhibits Burua-kritas'obha j which must be amended by reading 
either Swarna or Suvarna. The last is preferable as giving the most correct 
metre : either way the meaning is rendered ' elegant as gold,' or ' by well selected 
words : ' for tuvarna or swarna signifies gold ; and may be resolved into two words, 
su * well,' and varna or arna a ' letter ' or ' syllable.' 

• The last line is very obscure. If it have been rightly deciphered and explained, 
it may allude to some other grant held by the Raja's minister, for his own sub. 



[253] itm *r irffo 5Nt wt tfrmi wwii4ta i 

4^§ juwiiii wit <raiHii{4lJUH: • 

*wfii ff wit ft^jftn ^Omba^ ntuMtiPra i 
snftrr^nr *nt *wr^r. ipkw i$f*i n$ i 

▼OL. m. [188ATI n.] 



[254] wrfif f^nmrr^s: ftnpi * m^T^rcm* i q^ i 
faOmi^ fa*jw mi^iHJh wrr^i ift h ro i 
sftfnifarfTfif wrt in*ft«*t tout: *r^ i R? ■ 

III. Inscription on three Plates of Brass found at Chitradurg. 

A grant of land, engraved on three plates of brass, which 
were found at Chitradurg in the year 1800, and a fac-simile of 
a similar grant found at the same place, have been presented 
by Major G. Mackenzie to the Asiatic Society. 

[255] The plates, which appear to be very similar in both 
grants, may be described from that, of which the original has 
been received. They are nearly seven inches wide and as 
many high, but surmounted by an arch of two inches in 
height. The two exterior plates have been engraved on the 
inner side only : the middle one is so on both feces. At the 


edge is a rim, half a line thick, by which the inscription is 
secured from being effaced by the rubbing of the plates. They 
are held together by a brass ring, on which is a seal of the 
same metal representing a boar. The engraved surfaces have 
some appearance of having been once gilt. 

The language is Sanskrit, excepting the description of the 
lands, which is in the E&nara dialect. The whole inscription 
is in Devan&gari characters: but some of the letters are formed 
in a very unusual manner. It contains a grant by the king 
of Vidy&nagar (pronounced Bij&nagar), formerly the capital 
of Karn&taka : and is dated little more than four hundred 
years ago. Grants, by kings of this dynasty, are not uncom- 
mon in the Dakhin ; and may be of use in determining the 
dates of their several reigns. These princes were enlightened 
patrons of science ; especially Harihara and Bukkarfiya, sons 
of Sangama the founder of the dynasty. 

Major Mackenzie forwarded a translation of this inscription 
made by his interpreter Kavelly Bona. The original is, in 
3ome instances, read differently by the Pandits whom I have 
consulted ; not, however, making any change in the purport, 
nor in any material passage. The following translation is 
conformable to their interpretation : and the copy, which is 
subjoined, exhibits the text as read by them. 

[256] Translation. 

1. u Salutation to Ganesa. I bow to §ambhu, graced 
with the beautiful moon crowning his lofty head; him- 
self the pillar, which upholds the origin of the three 
% worlds. 1 May he, whose head is like an elephant's, the 

1 Siva, or Mahtdeva, if figured with the moon as a crest. According to my- 
thology, he upholds the creator. 

This, and the two following stanzas, seem to be the same which are found, but 
in a different order, at the beginning of the inscription on the plates preserved at 
the temple of Konjeveram (As. Res., yoI. iii. p. 39) ; with some difference, how- 
ever, in the reading and interpretation. 


son of Hara, 1 the cause of uninterrupted supremacy, the 
giver of boons, and the luminary which dispels darkness, 9 
3. preserve us. May the auspicious primeval boar, 8 by whom, 
closely embraced, the earth exults, grant us vast prosperity. 
4. " The ambrosial moon, brother of the goddess Rami, 
is the offspring of the milky ocean, 4 having a common 
origin with the gem Eaustubha, the all-productive tree 

5. and the ever-beneficent cow. In the lunar race was born 
a king named Yadu, 5 by a descendant of whom [Krishna] 

6. son of Vasudeva, the earth has been protected. In his 
line arose a king named San[257]gama, 6 who abounded in 
weighty virtues, and shunned the society of the wicked. 

7. "This king had [five] sons, Harihara, Kampa, 
Bukkar&ya who was sovereign of the earth, 7 M&rapa and 

8. " Among these five graceful princes, the most cele- 
brated was Bukka, sovereign of the earth, conspicuous for 

9. valour, as Arjuna among the P&tydavas. Therefore, did 
Bukkar&ya, fierce in battle, become a fortunate prince, 
applying his left shoulder 8 to uphold the burden of the 
mighty elephants posted at the quarters of the world. 

1 Ganerfa, figured with an elephant's head, reckoned son of Hara or Mahadera 
and of his wife Parratf. 

' The original is here inaccurate : it exhibits Tartu tivra timira gihiro ; which 
means nothing, and in which a syllable is deficient for the metre. In the fac- 
simile of another grant, the same passage is correctly written, Varadat tivra 
timira mihiro. 

* The incarnation of Vishnu, as a boar, who upheld the earth submerged by 
the ocean, is well known to all who are conversant with Indian mythology. 

4 The story of the churning of the ocean is familiar to every one. 
Yadu, the celebrated ancestor of Krishna, was of the lunar race. 

* The pretensions of Sangama to be descended from the lunar line of Kshatriyas 
or Chandravantis are here asserted. 

7 The names of three of these princes, as well as of their father, occur in the 
writings of Mfidhava-acharya, and of his brother Sayana-aoharya, who were 
priests and counsellors of those monarch*. 

Harihara Raja, and Bukkana Baja or Bukkar&ya, are named in Madhava's 
commentary on the Vedas, and Kampa is mentioned in his grammatical works. 

8 The text appears to exhibit the negative of dabhina 'right.' 

At the eight principal points of the compass, elephants uphold the world. 


10. When his army, in warlike array, performed evolutions on 
the frontier of his dominions, the Tarnshkas felt their 
mouths parched; the Konkana, terrified, apprehended 
impending death ; the Andhras fled, in consternation, to 
the caverns; the GKirjaras trembled; the Kdmbojas lost 
their firmness ; and the Kalingas were quickly discomfited. 1 
[258] 11. " He was a conspicuous monarch, splendid, 
and a supreme ruler of kings, but acting towards disobedient 

12. princes, as the king of birds towards serpents : embraced 
by the concubines of kings, destroying hostile chiefs, de- 
fending the heroes of Hindu-r&ya, endowed with know- 
ledge and other qualities. 9 

13. " By that victorious king was Vidyd-nagari made a 
permanent metropolis ; a fortunate city, which is adapted 
to promote universal conquest. 3 

14. " Gaurimbikd became his queen ; a princess re- 
spectable for her virtues; as Ramd the beloved wife of 

15. Krishna; as Gauri, of Siva; as 6achi, of Indra; as 
16. Saraswatf, of Brahm& ; as Chh&y&, of Surya. 4 By the 

1 This verse is extremely inaccurate in the original : it has been corrected with 
the aid of the fao-simile of another grant before mentioned. It begins, Yasyoddh- 
aya yuddhe yuddha range, which is unmeaning and contains too many syllables 
for the metre. It should be, as in the other inscription, Yasyodyad yuddha range. 
A syllable is wanting in TurushJcdk, written Tushkdh. Two were deficient in 
Bhaya bhara bharitah, expressed Bhava bharitah. Both inscriptions write JCdm- 
bhqjdh for Kdmbqjah. In one, Sapari is erroneously put for Sapadi. 

All the names of nations, which occur in this place, hare been repeatedly ex- 

2 These stanzas are very obscure : and I am not confident that they are rightly 
translated. Hindu-raya seems to be similar to the Hinddpati of Bundelkhand : 
for so the government of that country was denominated under the chiefs, who 
ruled it in the last and in the preceding century. 

The stanzas appear to be similar to two in the grant preserved at Konjeveram : 
viz. 25th and 26th. (As. Bee., vol. iii. p. 47.) But there is some difference in 
'reading as well as interpretation. 

* Vidya-nagarf signifies the city of science. Farishtah was mistaken, when he 
affirmed, that it was founded by Baja Ballal-deo and named after his son Bija- 
ray. (Scott's Eittory of Dekhan, Intr. p. xi.) It is believed to have been 
founded by the two brothers Harihara and Bukkaraya. 

* The gods and goddesses, to whom this happy couple is here compared, are 
mentioned in the text by titles, some of which are uncommon ; and have been 


charms of her graceful gaiety, [259] she obscured 
TilottamA ; l by her happy fidelity to her husband, she 
excited the envy of Anastiya. 9 

17. "This liberal prince, pre-eminent among kings, 

begot, on that divine princess, 8 a son named Harihara : 

18. who is become a protector of the good and punisher of 

the wicked; who has obtained his wish, with the wise: 

who is enviable, and is devoted to the god Harihara. 

19, " The tree of virtue thrives by water poured with 
his donations ; 4 while he shines with the splendid glory of 
sixteen kinds of gift. 5 

20. " In the year 1317 ; 6 and, of the cycle, Dhita ; in 
the month of Magha, and light fortnight ; on the day of 

21. full moon ; under the asterism sacred to the Pitris (Magha) ; 
on Sunday ; upon the bank of the river Tungabhadri, 

22. which is adorned by the mountain Hemakfita ; in the pre- 
S3, sence of the auspioious deity, Virupaksha ; 7 the valiant 

Harihara, 8 revered among [260] mortals, liberal in his 
34. gifts of land, and especially attentive to venerable priests, 

22. has graciously given, with gold and with a libation of water, 

23. to the auspicious descendant of Bharadwaja and follower 
of the Rigveda, the wise Yishnudikshita Pattabardhf, son 

24. of Vachaspati surnamed Bhila ; and to the learned 

therefore changed, in the translation, to others more generally known, Kama is 
probably intended for Radha as a representative of Lakshmi. 

In the original, Saraswati is called Van! ; bnt the fac-simile of the other in- 
scription exhibits Savitrf. S'achi is, in the original, erroneously written S'achi ; 
and jd ma occurs at the beginning of the verse for ndma. 

1 Tilottaraa is the name of a nymph celebrated for her beauty. 

* Anasoya is wife of Atri, and distinguished for conjugal affection. The name 
signifies unenvious. 

* The princess is here termed Gauri, which is a title of Pairatf ; and which 
conveys an allusion to her own name Gaurambika. 

* Solemn donations are ratified by pouring water into the hand of the donee. 

* Sixteen meritorious gifts are enumerated in treatises on donation. 

* Corresponding to a.d. 1395. 

7 A title of S'iva. 

8 The difference of idiom makes it necessary to transpose, in the translation, 
some of the verses of the original. 


Anantadikshita son of R&mabhatta, a descendant of 
25. Vasishtha and follower of i£pastamba's Yajurveda, inhabi- 

28. tant of Ruchangi (a place known to have been visited by 
the P&ndavas), the fertile and all-productive village of 

25. Midenahalli, also named Hariharapura, situated in the 

26. midst of Bhilichedra, east of the village called Arisiker, 

27. south of Gandikehalli, west of Pallavakat&, and north 

29. of Bhtidihalli, a place to be honoured by all ; marked on 
the four sides by distinct boundaries; together with its 
treasures, and hidden deposits, its stones, and everything 

30. which it does or may contain ; abounding with objects 
pleasing to the eye ; fit to be enjoyed by two persons ; 
graced with elegant trees ; furnished with wells, cisterns, 
ponds and banks ; to be successively possessed by the 

31. sons, grandsons and other descendants [of the grantees], as 
long as the sun and moon endure, subject to be mortgaged, 

32. sold, or any way disposed of; a village visited by assiduous 
and gentle priests and attendants, and by various wise 
persons, who are conversant with holy rites, and surpass in 
voice melodious birds." 1 

[261] A particular description of the bounds of the village, 
and its land-marks, is next inserted in the K&nara language. 
After which the patent proceeds thus : 

" This patent is of the king Harihara, the sole unalterable 
tree of beneficence, magnanimous, and whose sweet strains 
compose this royal grant. By his command this patent has 
been framed, expressed in due form, in the sacred tongue. 8 

"The boundaries of the village on all sides have been 
stated in the provincial dialect. 

1 Some parts of this long passage are obscure and doubtful. The last stanza, 
with two preceding, omitting one, (that is, the 29th, 30th, and 32nd) appears to 
be the same with three which occur in the grant preserved at Konjeveram, We. 
43rd, 44th, and 46th. (As. Res., vol. iii. p. 61.) Bnt there are some variations 
between the reading of them in this inscription, and in the copy of the Konje- 
veram plates, from which Sir W. Jones made his version of that grant : and, in a 
few instances, the interpretation which I have adopted differs from his. 

* This passage may indicate the artist's name, Yanideva. 


"Of original gift or confirmation of it, confirmation is 
superior to gift ; by generous grants a man obtains heaven ; 
by confirmation of them, an unperishable abode ; for the con- 
firmation of another's donation is twice as meritorious as a 
gift made by himself; and his own munificence is rendered 
fruitless by resumption of another's grants. He who resumes 
land, whether bestowed by himself or by another, is born an 
insect in ordure for sixty thousand years. In this world is 
one only sister of all kings, namely land, which has been con- 
ferred on priests: 1 she must not be enjoyed nor espoused.' 
This general maxim of duty for kings, should be strictly 
observed by you in all times ; so R&machandra earnestly con- 
jures all ftiture sovereigns. 8 

[262] u 6rf Vir6p4ksha ; or the auspicious deity with 
uneven eyes." 4 

lHft*HHKlM4[IJ*W*n*| J(*ft Ml 

ii<*fi«fdfiRfar*O k fpi^r: mi 
JiwinwtifT Vf *npiT *pi *rr([n i ? » 

1 The terms may signify "fully granted away, or properly bestowed." 
3 In mythology, as well as in figurative language, the earth is wife of the 
sovereign. With an allusion to this idea, land, which has been granted away, is 
here called the king's sister: and his seizure of such land is pronounced incestuous. 
The expression which has been translated Spoused' {karagrdhyd, literally, ' to 
be taken by the hand '), will also signify * subjected to taxation : ' for kara signi- 
fies ' tax ' as well as * hand/ 

3 This appears to be a quotation from some poem (a Purana or Ramayana). 
The whole of the concluding part of the inscription (comprised in fire stanzas) 
seems to be the same with the close of the grant on plates of copper preserved at 
Eonjeveram. See As. Res., vol. iii. p. 53. 

4 This signature is in Kanara letters. 







*MH(«n *TOT fTTT ^1W ^Nit^« I 

1 [I have added a risarga after Manga.] 



mwihI f^prr *rti writ if\i\ *pg i ^ • 


^p«. ■ ^*» ^* ^» • 

1 [NVnwuvt?] 

* [This line is so printed in the Asiatic JUtearches, and in the London edition 

of the Essays. It should he 


nffat tuft: f^nQ: yOflnyOflfr i 

TOfaVnl^. «n *" Ml MHj WM il II ?^ t 

* f|iMIM4lMKI^<M^fW i q<l I 

mro 1 « ^nit iftiryni* jrnEwnrta- 

MltMJUNfl I 
[26$] f(W H*H\H*fill IJWl JJ faf*rf$lt I 

4l«IINS<*W*0m MIMI«ll4^fl*M^ ft 

M<<fliM|R^i ^n^t f*rnrt **%*{. i 
*a<w*Mnnt *t *ft f^r Tymnet i 

uSw Hfipft wt% n"? m i*ta ^ft i 
if Hran «r *<4iiw imm^^ii **f*tt i 

1 [This should be the first line of an Arya bloka : 

iTT'ftfnrraPf: i] 


IY. Another and similar Inscription found at the same place. 

With a foe-simile of the foregoing inscription, Major 
Mackenzie communicated the copy of another inscription found 
also at Chitradurg and in the same year. The whole of the 
introductory part, containing the name of the prince, and his 
genealogy, is word for word the same in both grants : except- 
ing a few places, where the variations are [267] evidently 
owing to mistakes of the artist, by whom the plates were en- 
graved. I have consequently derived much assistance from 
this fee-simile in deciphering the original inscription before 

The grant, here noticed, is by the same prince, and dated 
in Saka 1213 ; only four years anterior to the one before 
translated. I think it therefore unnecessary to complete the 
deciphering of it, or to insert a copy or translation merely for 
the name and description of the lands granted, or the designa- 
tions of the persons on whom they were bestowed. 

Concerning the similarity of the grants, it may be remarked, 
that this circumstance is not a sufficient ground of dis- 
trust ; for it cannot be thought extraordinary, that a set form 
of introduction to patents should have been in use ; or that 
grants, made within the space of four years, by the same per- 
son, should be alike. I must acknowledge, however, that the 
inaccuracies of the original have impressed me with some 
doubt of the genuineness of the preceding grant. I do not, 
however, suspect it to be a modern forgery : but I apprehend, 
that it may have been fabricated while the upper Karn&taka 
continued under the sole domination of Hindu princes. Still it 
may not be without its use, as an historical monument : since 
it may be fairly presumed, that the introductory part is 
copied from a more ancient monument; perhaps from that 
with which it has been now collated. 


V. Inscription on a stone found at Kurugode in the district 

o/Adonu 1 

Another ancient monument, for the communication of which 
the Asiatic Society is indebted to the same gentleman, whose 
zeal for literary research, and indefatigable [268] industry 
in the prosecution of inquiries, cannot be too much praised, was 
found by him in the upper Karn&taka in 1801, and has been 
presented to the Asiatic Society, with the following account of 
its discovery and of the inscription which it contains. 

' The accompanying stone was found at Kurugode, fourteen 
miles north of Ball&ri, not for from the Tungabhadri, among 
the ruins of the ancient town at the foot of the Durg ; and was 
removed thence, in March, 1801, with the consent of the 
principal inhabitants, under the impression, that this specimen 
of ancient characters, with which it is covered, would be a 
desirable acquisition to gentlemen who cultivate the study 
of Hindu literature. 

' The inscription is chiefly written in the ancient K&nara 
language much mixed with Sanskrit, of which some of the 
ihkas or stanzas are exclusively composed. It commences 
with the invocation of &ambhu (§iva), and after introducing 
the grant, date, and description of the lands, concludes with 
several Slokas usually added as a formula in confirmation of 
such donations. 

' A few of the stanzas, said to be written in the Pr&krit 
language, could not be understood by the &&stris and Pandits 
at Triplikane, who explained the greatest part of the inscrip- 
tion to my BrAhmans : by their united efforts and knowledge, 
the accompanying translation was given, in which I have 
every confidence after the experience I have had of the fidelity 
of other translations by the same hands (some of which are 
already communicated). 

' The inscription is useful as an historical record, if the 
B&j& Raksh&malla, mentioned here, be the same with the 

1 A'davanL 


sovereign of the same name, mentioned in a history of Mysore, 
who flourished about the eighth century ; thus agreeing in 
date nearly with the monument. 

4 The beauty of the character was also a strong motive 
[269] for removing it, as an appropriate offering to a Society, 
whose labours have been so successfully employed in illustrat- 
ing the interesting remains of Hindu antiquity ; and a per- 
manent specimen of a character which appears hitherto to have 
escaped much notice. 

( The common K&nara language and character are used by 
the natives of all those countries extending from Koimbatore, 1 
north to Balkee,* near Bider, and within the parallels from 
the eastern Gh&ts to the western, comprehending the modern 
provinces of Mysore, 8 Sera, 4 upper Bednore, 5 Soonda,* Goa, 
Adam, Rachore, 7 Kanoul, 8 the Dti&b of the Kishn& and 
Tungabhadr&, and a considerable part of the modern Subahs 
of Bider and Bij&pur, as far as the source of the Kish^d at 
least. Its limits and point of junction with the Mahrattas 
may be yet ascertained with more precision ; but in 1797, I 
had the opportunity of observing, that the junction of the 
three languages, Telinga, Mahratta, and K&nara, took place 
somewhere about Bider. 

4 Besides the common character and language, another ap- 
pears to have been used, denominated at present the Halla or 
ancient K&nara, in which this inscription is written : it has 
gone so much into disuse, that it was with some difficulty I 
could get people to read it. An alphabet will be yet com- 
municated; as several books and ancient inscriptions are 
written in this character : and the remaining literature of the 
Jains in B&l&gh&t, appearing to be preserved in it, affords 
additional motives for pointing it out to the attention of 
the learned, as probably affording means of extending the field 
of knowledge of Hindu literature. 

1 Koyanratftr. * Fhalaki. ' Mahisdr. * Sira. 

* Bedntir. 6 Sunda. * R&ch&r. » Xandanftr. 


' Some of the inscriptions, at K&nara and Salset, appear 
[270] to be written in this character ; and many monuments 
of the kind, dispersed over the upper Carnatic, hold out the 
prospect of further information. 

4 Among several manuscripts in K&nara, five, relating to the 
Jain religion and customs, are in my possession. 

* The name of Kavelly Boria, a Br&hman, who was highly 
instrumental in forwarding and facilitating the investigations 
carried on in Mysore and the Nizam's dominions, is inscribed 
on the edge of this stone, as a small tribute to the zeal and 
fidelity of a native who evinced a genius superior to the com- 
mon prejudices of the natives. He first suggested the idea of 
removing the stone to some place where it could be useful 
to European literature; and, by his conciliatory manner, 
obtained the concurrence and assistance of the natives for 
that purpose/ 

The stone, sent by Major Mackenzie, with the foregoing 
account of the discovery of it, is nearly five feet high, and 
three wide, and about ten inches thick. The front is covered 
with writing in large characters, above which is a represent- 
ation of the linga in the form usual in temples : it is sur- 
mounted by a sun and crescent ; and near it stands a bull, 
intended perhaps for the bull called Nandi, 1 a constant atten- 
dant of Siva : this is followed by the figure of a smaller animal, 
of similar form. The back of the stone is half covered with 

The translation, mentioned by Major Mackenzie, is here 
subjoined. Not being acquainted with the character in which 
the original is written, I have not collated the version ; and 
have therefore used no freedom with it, except that of substi- 
tuting, in many places, English words for Sanskrit, which the 
translator had preserved. 

1 [Siva rides upon a bull, but Nandin or Nandi is one of bis principal atten- 
dants. They are plainly distinguished in Kxmdra-Mtnbhava, yii 37.] 


[271] Translation. 

" Adoration be to the auspicious Swayambhli-n&tha, or 
Self-existent Protector. 

1. "I prostrate myself before Sambhu: whose glorious 
head is adorned with the resplendent moon ; and who is the 
chief prop of the foundation of the three worlds. 1 

2. "May Swayambhu be propitious: he, who won im- 
mortal renown ; who grants the wishes of those that earnestly 
intreat him ; who pervades the universe ; the Sovereign Lord 
of Deities ; who destroyed the state and arrogance of the 
demons ; who enjoyed the delightful embraces of P&rvati, to 
whom the learned prostrate themselves : the God above all 

3. " I prostrate myself before bambhu ; whose unquench- 
able blaze consumed the magnificent Tripura ; whose food is 
the nectar dropping from the beams of the moon ; who re- 
joiced in the sacrifice of heads by the Lord of Rfikshasas ; * 
whose face is adorned with smiles, when he enjoys the 
embraces of Gauri." 

(The foregoing stanzas are Sanskrit : the fourth, which is 
Pr&krit, is unexplained. Those which follow are in K&nara.) 

5. u By the consort of Devi, whose divinity is adored, the 
spouse of P&rvati, resplendent with the glorious light of gems 
reflected from the crowns of the Lords of Gods and demons 
whose heads lay prostrate at his feet ; with a face ever lighted 
up with smiles ; he is the self-existent deity : may the wealth, 
and the stations of his saints, be ever granted to us. 

[272] 6. "The beams of whose sight, like the frequent 
waving of the lotus flower, flash reflected from the numerous 
crowns of glorious kings, of the chief of Gods, of the King of 
Kings, and of the Lord of Demons ; who exists in all things, 

1 This is the same stanza, which begins the two inscriptions found at Ohitra- 
dnrg, and which likewise occurs in a grant in the possession of a Brahman at 
Nandigul ; and in that preserred at Eonjeveram. 

* Barana. 


in all elements, in water, air, earth, ether, and fire, in the sun 
and moon: the renowned deity manifested in eight forms; 
oatnbhu ; may he grant our ardent prayers. 

7. " Cheerfully I bow to &ambhu in the lotus of the heart ; 
to him who increases and gives life to all ; who holds supreme 
command over all ; who, through his three divine attributes, 
created and animated fourteen worlds ; who ever resides in the 
minds of his saints." 

(The two next stanzas have not been explained. The 
following is in Halla K&nara.) 

10. " For ever be propitious to Someswara Devadi, son of 
the fortunate Bhuvana-malla-vira, the protector of the world, 
the chief sovereign of kings, the pre-eminent monarch, a man 
of superior virtue, a distinguished personage of the noble race, 
the ornament of the Ghaluka tribe, whose state be increased 
progressively in this world, so long as the sun and moon en- 
dure; who reigns in the city of Kaly&n, enjoying every 
happiness and good fortune, with the converse of good men 
and every other pleasure. In this country of Euntaladesa, 1 
a land renowned for beauty and for manly strength over all the 
sea-girt earth, is situated Kondavipattan, placed as the beauty 
spot on the human face ; a city favoured by the goddess of 
prosperity ; as a nosegay of elegant flowers adorning the tresses 
of the beauteous goddess of the earth. 

11. " How is this favoured land P In its towns are nume- 
[273]rous groves of mango ; plantations of luxuriant betel and 
fields of rice : in every town are channels of water, and wells, 
opulent men and beautiful women ; in every town are temples 
of the Gods and of the saints : in every town are men blessed 
with vigour and every virtue. 

12. "In its centre, is the mighty hill of Kurugode-durg, 
like the fastnesses 8 of heaven, ever famed, rearing aloft its top 

1 Kuntala-des'a, the ancient name of the province in which Kurugode is situ- 
ated ; part of the BaUari or Adoni District (Note by Major Mackenzie.) 

2 The poet indulges his fancy in describing this favoured durg ; but, in fact, it 

vol. in. [essays n.] 16 


crowned with fortresses ; in height and compass surpassing all 
the strong hills on the right or left. 

13. " This Kurugode was established as the capital of his 
dominions by the King of Kuntala, who was the foe of the 
King of Chola ; 1 who terrified the Gurjara ; who ia the in- 
strument to destroy the plants of Madru ; who put P&ndya 
to flight. Is it possible for the king of snakes, though pos- 
sessed of a thousand tongues, to praise sufficiently the beauty 
of this city P 

14. "What is the description of the delightful gardens 
that encompass the cityP They are gardens wherein are 
found the tilak, the tamdl, the palm, the plantain, the Mimu- 
sops, the trumpet-flower, the tremulous fig-tree, the citron, the 
Oleander, Mesua, and Cassia, the cotton-tree, the Garambola 
and Pcederia, the mango, Butea, and fragrant Nalik4 ; and 
various trees, that flourish and produce through all seasons as 
in the garden Nandana : these surrounded this city of Kuru- 

(The fifteenth stanza is unexplained.) 

16. "In the city of Kurugode, the residence of the god- 
[274]dess of prosperity, where are numerous temples of wor- 
ship, fertile lands, happy spouses, friendly intercourse, a 
favourable government, every sacred decoration and zealous 
devotion in the service of Siva ; 

17. " The Lord of that city, a warrior unrivalled, whose 
name was Baksh&malla, whose breast is tinged with the saf- 

£, fron communicated from the bosom of beauty, whose renown is 

ever praised over the whole world." 

(The eighteenth stanza is in Pr&krit, and not explained.) 
19. " This R&j& Raksh&malla, prince of the earth, born of 

is only about 250 feet high, and no ways remarkable for strength. (Note by 
Major Mackenzie.) 
1 Chola-derfa, The modern Tanjore country. 

Gurjara, Guzarat. 

Madru, Madura and Trichinopoly. 

Parfya, , ... Marawar and Tinerelly. M. 


so renowned a race of sovereigns, was happily possessed of 
valour, of victory, and of wealth. 

20. " For the King Raksh&malla, who was lord of riches 
and a devont worshipper of Siva, had for his consort Somal- 
devf, and begot a son named Nerungala R&j&, husband to 
the goddess of renown, the bestower of wealth on the dis- 
tressed, on the learned, and on the unfortunate, to the utmost 
extent of their wishes. 

21. "To Nerungala R&j& and to his wife Pakshal&-devi 
(the source of all virtues), were happily born two sons, named 
Ini&di Raksh&malla and Somabhtip&la, whose renown, like the 
sky, overspread the whole earth. 

22. " What is the description of the eldest of these princes P 
Im&di (or the second) Raksh&malla R&J&, the successor of 
the former, seated on the excellent throne, attended by 
many mighty elephants, in colour like the Ghamari, 1 ruled 
the whole kingdom under one umbrella, possessing the won- 
derful power, like Chinna-govinda, of feeding tigers and sheep 
in the same fold. 

23. " The King Raksh&malla acquired great power : his 
mighty splendour and good fortune were such as drew [275] 
the applause of the whole admiring world. The globe was 
filled with the light of his reputation. The beauty of his 
person is worthy of the praise even of Cupid, the God famed 
for beauty. He was the destroyer of sin; eminent above 
foreign kings, and in battle he was as Vishnu. 

24. " May Mfitu* [6iva] graciously bestpw eternal wealth 
and prosperity of empire, on the King Raksh&malla, among all 
his chief saints. 

"During the gradual increase of the empire of Raksh&malla 
extending from the north, all around, even to the north, his 
servant and worshipper, a descendant of Kasyapa's race, 
manager of the affairs of Talgar&-amari, invested with full 
authority; equal in knowledge to Yugandhar, the sun to 

1 Bo$ grunnimi*. * [Mfityu t] 


enlighten the cast of Vajinasa, [as the son enlightens the 
sky] ; chief of ministers, born by the blessing of the god 
Swayambhfi, the source of wealth, was B&bar&ju." 

(Several lines follow giving an account of the ancestors of 
B&bariju, which have not been translated.) 

" Such is B&bar&ju, who built a temple to the god Swayam- 
bhu-devf, while he was managing the affairs of his sovereign 
lord, the mighty king, the great Raksh&malla, whose god was 
the self-existent deity. 

" The praise of the priests of the temple. 

" They were learned in the sacred ceremonies of holy de- 
votion, in self-restraint, in austere fast, appropriate studies, 
alms, remembrance, silence, religious practice, and the worship 
of &iva. 

"They were devout in performing the ceremonies of the 
worship of the gods of the family. Among them was one 
named B61asiva-&ch£rya, unequalled for a good or happy 
genius. To this famous B&lasiva-&ch&rya was granted this 
gift with water poured into his hands. 

[276] " The charitable donation of lands given to the god 
Swayambhu in the year of &&liv&han 1095, 1 in the Yijaya 
year of the cycle, and on the 30th of the month M&rgasira, on 
Monday, in the time of an eclipse of the sun." 

(It appears unnecessary to insert the description of the lands.) 

"Also Chinna-govinda-sitara-gundi, king of the city of 
Bhogavati, equal to the sovereign of Bhatt&l, who was ac- 
knowledged for ever by the excellent Virak&lideva, the mighty 
king of the earth named Im&di Rakshamalla-deva. In the 
year of &&liv&han 1103, 8 of the cycle Plava, and on the 15th 
of K&rtika, on Monday, in the gracious time of the moon's 
eclipse, at the time when he made over in alms Tripura 
Agraharara, granted under D&rapurbak to B&lasiva-deva, who 
repaired all the buildings of the temples of Swayambhti-deva. 

1 Answering to aj>. 1173. 
1 Corresponding to a.d. 1181. 


who is distinguished for knowledge of the pure Vedas, and of 
other religious institutions and customs of the worshippers of 
niva, and for charity in feeding the poor." 

(The sequel of the inscription is likewise omitted : it relates 
to a further grant made by the widow of B&bar&ju, at the 
time of her burning herself with the corpse of her husband. 
The concluding part of it was left untranslated, being stated 
to be illegible.) 

The eclipses, mentioned in these grants, do not appear re- 
concilable with their dates. According to the table of eclipses 
calculated by Pingre, 1 the solar eclipses, which occurred in 
1172 and 1173, fell on 27th January and 23rd June, 1172, 
and 12th June, 1173 ; and the lunar eclipses [277] in 1180 
and 1181, were on the 13th February and 7th August, 1180, 
and 22nd December, 1181. None of these approach to the 
dates of M&rgasira or Agrah&yana 1095 and K&rtika 1103. 
Unless, then, the era of S&liv&hana have been counted differ- 
ently in the peninsula of India, from the mode in which it is 
now reckoned, and on which the comparison of it with the 
Christian era is grounded, it seems difficult to account for this 
disagreement of the dates and eclipses in any other way, than 
by impeaching the inscription, the authenticity of which there 
is not otherwise any reason to question. 

VI. Inscription on a Stone found at Kurrah. 

Haying learnt from Captain C. Stewart (a Member of this 
Society), that an inscription had been remarked by him in the 
gateway of the fort of Kurrah (Khard), I obtained, through 
the assistance of Major Lennon, then stationed in the vicinity 
of that place, the stone itself which contains the inscription. 
It now belongs to the Asiatic Society. 

The inscription is very short; contains the date 1093 
Samvat, the name of the prince, as also names of several 

1 Published in L'art de verifier fa dates; and inserted in Playf air's System of 


places ; and is written in a very legible character : yet all my 
endeavours to arrive at any explanation of it have been un- 
successful. Whether it be only a fragment of an inscription 
(for the stone is very narrow), 1 or the inscription have been 
inaccurately engraved (and this also is countenanced by its 
appearance), I shall not take upon myself to determine. At 
present, I can only translate the first six, out of sixteen 
lines, which run thus: "Sam vat 1093, 8 [278] on the first 
day of the light fortnight of Ashidha. This day, at this 
auspicious Eata, the great and eminent prince Yasahp&la, 3 in 
the realm of Kaus&mba, and village of Payah&sa, commands, 
that ."* 


1 Its height is four feet nine inches, but it is only nine inches wide. 

* Corresponding to a.d. 1037. 

* It may be worth remarking, that the inscription discovered at Saran&tha, 
near Benares, dated ten years antecedent to this, relates to a family of prince* 
whose names had a similar termination. As. Res., vol. v. p. 133. 

4 [The inscription has been recompared by Prinsep, B. A, 8. Journ. 1836, p. 
731, and he has given several corrections, bat he adds that "still with these 
emendations the context hardly bears complete translation, though the general 
object is clear/'] 


[279] VII. Inscription on a Plate of Copper found in the 

District ofDin&jpur. 

In the beginning of the present year (1806), a plate of 
copper was found at ^Cmg4chhi in Sult&npur, by a peasant, 
digging earth for the repair of a road near his cottage. He 
delivered it to the nearest police officer, by whom it was con- 
veyed to the magistrate, Mr. J. Pattle: and by him forwarded 
for communication to the Asiatic Society, iftng&chhi, though 
now a small village, is described as exhibiting the appearance 
of having formerly been a considerable place. Remains of old 
masonry are found there ; and numerous ponds are remarked 
in the vicinity of that and of the adjacent villages. It is 
situated at the distance of about fourteen miles from Bud&l ; 
where an ancient pillar stands, of which a description (as well 
as the inscription, which is read on it), was published in the 
first volume of Asiatic Researches (p. 131). 

The plate is very large, being fourteen inches high and 
thirteen broad. It is surmounted by a highly wrought orna- 
ment of brass, fixed on the upper part, and advanced some 
distance on the plate so as to occasion a considerable break in 
the upper lines. The superior surface is covered with writing 
in verfclose lines and crowded character* The motion is 
completed on the inferior surface, which contains sixteen lines 
(the upper surface having no less than thirty-three). The 
character is ancient Devan&gari, and the language Sanskrit: 
but so great a part of the inscription is obliterated (some por- 
tion of every line being illegible), that it is difficult to discover 
the purport of the inscription. After wasting much time in 
endeavouring to decipher the whole of it, I have been able 
only to ascertain the name of the grantor, and a part of his 
genealogy ; with the date [280] of the grant, which unfortun- 
ately is reckoned only by the reign, without any reference to 
a known era. 

The ornament affixed to the plate, and representing a seal, 


contains a single line of writing, which is distinctly read, &ri 
Vigrahap&la*deva. This name, as of the grantor, is found at 
the close of the inscription ; and it occurs more than once in 
the body of the patent. Among his ancestors and predeces- 
sors, the following names are distinctly legible. 

The first prince mentioned is Lokap&la, and after him 
Dharmapala. The next name has not been deciphered : but 
the following one is Jayap&la, succeeded by Devap&la. Two 
or three subsequent names are yet undeciphered : l they are 

followed by R&jap&la, p&ladeva, Vigrahap&la-deva, and 

subsequently Mahip&la-deva, Nayap&la and again Yigraha- 

So far as a glimpse has been yet obtained of the purport of 
the inscription, it seems to be a grant by Vigrahap&la-deva, in 
the making of which Nayap&la likewise appears to have had some 
share. It is dated Sam vat* 12, on the 9th day of Ghaitra. 

The use of the word Samvat (which properly signifies a 
year) to denote the year of the king's reign, and not that of 
Vikram&ditya's era, merits particular notice. In the inscrip- 
tion on the plates found at Mongir, 8 containing a grant of 
land by a prince who appears to be of the same family, the 
date was read by Mr. Wilkins, Samvat 33 ; which was sup- 
posed both by him and by Sir W. Jones to intend the era of 
Vikram&ditya. 4 I have always [281] entertained doubts of 
that interpretation : and, among other reasons for hesitating, 
one has been the improbability, which to my apprehension 
exists, that the era should have been in use, and denoted by 
the same abbreviated term, so early after the time at which it 
commences'. Eras by which nations have continued to reckon 
for a series of ages, have not usually been introduced until a 
considerable time after the event from which they are counted : 
and, when first introduced, have been designated by some 

1 One seems to be N&rayana ; perhaps Nar&yanapfcJa. 

2 The original seems to exhibit Samat : bnt this most be intended for Sambat 
or Samvat. 

« As. Res., vol. i. p. 123. * Ibid. p. 130. 


more definite term than one merely signifying a year. But 
the word Samvat (abbreviated from Samvatsara 'a year') being 
in that inscription prefixed to a low numeral, and not expressly 
restricted, as is usual where Yikram&ditya's era is meant, was 
more likely to intend the year of the reigning king (though 
Sir W. Jones thought otherwise 1 ) than that of a period 
reckoned from the birth, or the accession, or the demise of 
another monarch. It appeared to me likewise, as to Captain 
Wilford, on examining the fac-simile of the inscription in 
. question, 9 that the character, which stands in the place of the 
t of Samvat, resembled more nearly the numeral 1. The date 
might therefore be 133 instead of 33. I inclined, however, to 
believe the lower number to have been rightly read by Mr. 
Wilkins on the original plate : and consequently supposed it 
to be the date of the reign of Devap&la, the prince who made 
the grant. The date of the ^mg&chhi plate, which must be 
referred to the reign of the grantor V igrahap&la, seems strongly 
to corroborate this opinion. 

The present inscription, though yet imperfectly deciphered, 
appears to be useful towards ascertaining the age [282] of the 
Mongir grant. The names of Dharmap&la and Devap&la 
occur in both inscriptions ; as that of R&jap&la does, on the 
pillar at Bud&l, as well as on the Xmg&chhi plate. Some of 
these names are also found in the list of princes enumerated in 
the Ayini Akbari 8 as having reigned in Bengal before Ballfi- 
lasena. The authority of Abu'lfazl, on Hindu history, is 
indeed not great : but the inscription on the statue of Buddha, 
which was found at S&ran&tha, near Benares, 4 proves, that a 
family of princes, whose names terminated in pdla^ did reign 
over Gauda in Bengal, near eight hundred years ago : and this 
is consistent with the period to which that dynasty is brought 
down by Abu'lfazl ; namely, the middle of the eleventh cen- 

1 As. Bee., vol. i p. 142. 

3 Plates i. and ii. in the 1st vol. of As. Res. 

* Vol. ii. p. 26. * Afl. Res., vol. v. p. 133. 

UNIX Fusing 


tury of the Christian era. It appears also, from the same 
inscription found at Sfaan&tha, that these princes were wor- 
shippers of Buddha, a circumstance which agrees with the 
indications of that faith in the Mongir grant, as translated by 
Mr. Wilkins. The name of Mahip&la, mentioned as king of 
Cauda in the Sfaanitha inscription, occurs likewise in the 
Xmgkchhi plate ; and if it be reasonable to believe, that the 
same person is intended in both instances, it will be right to 
infer, that the grant contained on the plate found at i£mg&chhi 
is nearly eight hundred years old ; and that the plate found 
at Mongir is more ancient by two or three centuries. This 
reduces the age of the Mongir grant to the eighth or ninth 
century of the Christian era ; which I cannot but think more 
probable, than the opinion of its being anterior to the birth of 

[283] Vlll. Inscriptions an Plates of Copper at Nidigal 

and Qoujda. 

To the foregoing description of several monuments, which 
have been presented to the Asiatic Society, I shall add a brief 
notice of two other inscriptions, of which copies have been 

Mention has been already made of a grant of land, in- 
scribed on five plates of copper, seen at Nidigal, in the year 
1801. It was in the possession of a Br&hmana residing at 
that place : and a copy of it was taken by Major Mackenzie, 
which has been communicated by him to the Society. The 
grant appears to be from the second Bukka-r&jd, who was third 
in succession from the first prince of that name, and grandson 
of the king by whom the grants before mentioned were made. 
If the date have been correctly deciphered from the copy of 
this inscription, it is of the year 1331 &aka, corresponding to 
a.d. 1409. 

Another inscription, communicated by Major Mackenzie, 


pnrportfl to be a grant by Janamejaya, the celebrated monarch 
who reigned in India at the commencement of the present age 
or Kaliyuga. It is in the hands of the Br&hmans or priests 
of Goujda Agraharam in Bednur ; and was, with some re- 
luctance, entrusted by them to Major Mackenzie, who him- 
self took from it a copy in &c~simile, the exactness of which 
is demonstrated by the facility with which the inscription may 
be deciphered from that copy. The original is described as 
contained in three plates of copper, fastened together by a 
ring, on which is the representation of a seal, bearing the 
figure of a boar with a sun and crescent. The purport of the 
inscription, for I think it needless to make a complete version 
of it, is that ' Janamejaya, son of Parikshit, a monarch reign- 
ing at Hastinapura, made a progress to the south, and to 
other [284] quarters, for the purpose of reducing all countries 
under his domination ; and performed a sacrifice for the de- 
struction of serpents, in presence of the god (or idol) Haridra, 1 
at the confluence of the rivers Tungabhadr& and Haridri, at 
the time of a partial eclipse of the sun, which fell on a Sunday, 
in the month of Ghaitra, when the sun was entering the 
northern hemisphere; the moon being in the Nakshatra 
Aswini.' f 

Having completed the sacrifice, the king bestowed gold and 
lands on certain Br&hmanas of Gautamagr&ma : whose names 
and designations are stated at full length, with the description 
and limits of the lands granted. The inscription concludes 
with two verses ; the same with two of those which occur in 

1 [Harihara in the As. Researches.] 

* Such is the deduction from the text, which states a half eclipse of the sun in 
Chaitra, on the sun's entrance into the Uttarayana, or northern path, at the 
moment of Vyatipata (which imports new moon on a Sunday in any one of the 
under-mentioned Nakshatras, vi*. Ab'wini, S'ravana, Dhanishtha, A'rdra, Aslesha, 
and Mrigasiras : the first of which is the only one compatible with the month). 
The words of the text are Chaitramdm kriskna (should be kfithna) p*k*he to 

karana uttardyana tan vyatipdtm nimittt 

titrya parva^i ardha grd$a gfihUa (should be gfihiU) tama* (should be umayi). 

In the places marked with dots, the letters are wanting in the original 


the plates found at Chitradurg 1 ; and in those preserved at 

If reliance might be placed on this as an ancient and au- 
thentic monument, its importance, in the confirmation of a lead- 
ing point of Indian history, would be obvious and great. Major 
Mackenzie, in communicating the copy of it, expresses a doubt of 
its authenticity; but remarks, that it can be no modern forgery, 
for the people them [285] selves cannot read the inscription. I 
concur with Major Mackenzie both in distrusting the genuine- 
ness of this monument ; and in thinking that it is no recent 

Numerous and gross errors of grammar and orthography, 3 
which can neither be explained by a gradual change of lan- 
guage, nor be referred to the mistakes of a transcriber or en- 
graver, but are the evident fruit of ignorance in the person 
who first penned the inscription in N&gari characters, would 
furnish reason for discrediting this monument, were it other- 
wise liable to no suspicion. But, when to this circumstance 
are added the improbability of the copper-plates having been 
preserved during several thousand years, and the distrust 
with which any ancient monument must be received, where 
its present possessor, or his ancestor, may have had claims 
under the grant recorded in it, there can be little hesitation in 
considering this grant of Janamejaya as unauthentic ; inde- 
pendently of any argument deduced from the character, which 
is not perhaps sufficiently antique ; or from the astronomical 

1 See pages [261] and [266] of this Yolume. 

* As. Res., vol. iii. p. 52. The yenes are those numbered 60 and 64. 

* For example, soma* for tamay* (tl«fi| for ^Jlf^), a palpable error, obviously 
arising from the blunder of an ignorant amanuensis writing from dictation. The 
mistake occurs more than once ; and can be accounted for in no other manner : 
the syllables e and ye being alike in sound, though dissimilar in form ; and the 
blunder being such as no person acquainted with the rudiments of the Sanskrit 
language could have committed. Other instances hare been remarked, almost 
equally strong: as Parikihiti for Parikthit: ehakravrartti for ehakravartti. 
Short rowels for long, and vice persd, in repeated instances ; the dental for the 
palatal * ; and numerous other errors of spelling ; besides faulte of grammar and 


data in this inscription, which, however consistent with Indian 
notions of astronomy and chronology, will hardly bear the 
test of a critical examination. 

[286] IX. A Grant of Land by Jayachandra, Raja of Kanoj. 

It may be proper to notice further, in this place, the in- 
scription of which mention was made at the beginning of this 
essay, as having been deciphered by a Pandit (Sarvoru 
Trivedi), who communicated to me a copy of it, with the 
information, that the original has been conveyed to England 
by the gentleman in whose possession it was seen by him. 
According to that copy, the genealogy of the prince, who 
made the grant recorded in the inscription, is as follows : 

1. firip&la, 1 a prince of the solar race. 

2. His son Mahichandra. 

3. Srichandra-deva, son of the last mentioned; acquired, 
by his own strength, the realm of G&dhipura or K&nyakubja 
(Kanoj) ; visited K&sf and other holy places ; and repeatedly 
gave away in alms his own weight in gold. He appears to 
have been the first King of Kanoj in this family. 

4. Madanap&la-deva, son and successor of &richandra. 

5. Govinda-chandr/a, son of Madanap&la. 

6. Vijaya-chandra-deva (the same with Jaya-chand),* son 
of Govinda-chandra ; is stated in the inscription as issuing his 
commands to all public officers, and to the inhabitants of 
N&guli assembled at Devapallipattana, enjoining them to ob- 
serve and obey his patent ; which is recited as a grant of land 
to two Brdhmanas, conferred by him on the day of frill moon 
in M&gha 1220, 3 subsequently to his inauguration as Yuva- 

1 [Rather Yarfovigraha.] 

* [This is an error, see p. [294]. Jayachandra was the son of Vijayachandra. 
We have the authority of inscriptions for the following dates, in this list of kings ; 
Madanapala, a.d. 1097; Govindachandra, 1120 and 1125; Vijayachandra, 1163; 
Jayachandra, 1177, 1179, and 1186. Jayachandra's grandson S'iraji became the 
first Raja of Jodhpur. See Dr. Hall, B.A.S. Jonrn. 1868.] 

8 Corresponding to a.d. 1164. 


r&ja or designated successor and associate in the empire. The 
inscription concludes by quoting, from a Purina, four stanzas 
to [287] deprecate the resumption of the grant : and by a 
signature importing " this copper was engraved by Jayapala." 

Without having seen the original, no opinion can be offered 
on the probable genuineness of this monument. But it will be 
observed, that the inscription is consistent with chronology ; 
for Jaya-chand, who is described in the jLjini Akbari, 1 as 
supreme monarch of India, having the seat of his empire at 
Kanoj, is there mentioned as the ally of Shah&buddin in the 
war with Prithavir&ja of Pithord, about the year of the Hijra 
588, or a,d. 1192 : twenty-eight years after the date of this 


A few observations on the general subject under considera- 
tion will terminate this essay. 

Most of the ancient monuments, which have been yet dis- 
covered, contain royal grants of land ; framed, commonly, in 
exact conformity to the rules delivered by Hindu writers who 
have treated of this subject. 9 That durable memorials have 
been usually framed to record other events or circumstances, 
there is no reason to suppose ; and this consideration is suf- 
ficient to explain the comparative frequency of monuments 
which recite royal grants. It was the interest, too, of persons 
holding possession under such grants, to be careful in the pre- 
servation of the evidence of their right. But this circum- 
stance, while it accounts for the greater frequency of monu- 
ments of this description, suggests a reason for particular 
caution in admitting their genuineness. Grants may have 
been forged in support of an occupant's right, or of a claimant's 
pretensions. It will [288] be, therefore, proper to bring a 
considerable portion of distrust and jealousy to the examina- 
tion of any inscription on stone or metal, alleged to be ancient, 

1 Gladwin's Translation, rol. ii. p. 119. 

* As. Bea., toL iii. p. 60. Digest of Hindu Law, yoI. ii. p. 278. 


and now possessed by persons who have any claims or pre- 
tensions under the grant which it contains. But no such 
cause of jealousy exists, where the monument in question 
favours no one's pretensions, and especially where it is acci- 
dentally discovered after being long buried. It is, indeed, 
possible, that such a monument, though now casually found, 
may have been originally a forgery. But even where that may 
be suspected, the historical uses of a monument fabricated so 
much nearer to the times to which it assumes to belong, will 
not be entirely superseded. The necessity of rendering the 
forged grant credible would compel a fabricator to adhere to 
history, and conform to established notions : and the tradition 
which prevailed in his time, and by which he must be guided, 
would probably be so much nearer to the truth, as it was less 
remote from the period which it concerned. 

In the present state of researches into Indian antiquities, 
the caution here suggested appears to be that which it is most 
requisite to observe. When a greater number of monuments 
shall have been examined and compared, more rules of criticism 
may be devised ; and will, at the same time, become particu- 
larly requisite, should the practice arise of purchasing ancient 
monuments ; or of giving rewards for the discovery of them. 
At present no temptation exists for modern fabrications, and 
little caution is therefore necessary to avoid imposition. 




[From the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, 

vol. i. pp. 201—206.] 

[289] Dr. Buchanan Hamilton, while engaged in statistical 
researches in the provinces subject to the government of Ben- 
gal, gave attention to the antiquities of the country, as to other 
scientific objects, which he had the opportunity of investigat- 
ing. His reports, comprising the result of his inquiries, are 
deposited in the Library and Museum of the East-India Com- 
pany ; and, at his instance, the Court of Directors have sanc- 
tioned a liberal communication of the information contained 
in them to this Society. Among the antiquities collected by 
him, there are many fac-similes of inscriptions. I purpose 
submitting to the Society explanations of such among them 
as are interesting ; and I now present the translation of one, 
which appears curious. 

It is an inscription upon a rock, denominated, from an idol 
delineated on it, T&r&ch&ndi, in the vicinity of Sahasram, in 
South Bih&r ; and contains the protest of a chieftain, named 
Prat&pa-dhavala-deva, bearing the title of N&yaka, and that 
of Rfij& of Japila, against an usurpation of two villages by 
certain Br&hmanas in his neighbourhood, under colour of a 
grant, surreptitiously obtained through corruption of his 
officers, from the Rajd of Gadhinagara or K&nyakubja (Kanoj), 
who was the celebrated Vijaya-chandra. Its date is 1229 
Samvat, corresponding to a.d. 1173. 

1 Bead at a public meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, December 4, 1824. 


[290] In Dr. Buchanan Hamilton's collection, there are 
copies of two other inscriptions upon rocks, in the neighbour- 
hood, exhibiting the name of the same chieftain, in conjunc- 
tion with many of his kindred in the one ; and followed by a 
long series of his successors in the other. I observe little else 
interesting in them, besides the names and the dates. 

The site of the principal inscription is thus described by Dr. 
Buchanan Hamilton. * In a narrow passage; which separates 
the northern end of the hills from the great mass, and through 
which the road leads from Sahasram to Raut&sghar, is & place 
where T&r&ch&ndi is worshipped. The image is carved on a 
ledge of rock ; and is so small, and so besmeared with oil and 
red lead, that I am not sure of its form. It seems, however, 
to represent a woman sitting on a man's knee ; but not in the 
form usual in Bih&r, which is called Hara-gauri. Adjacent to 
the image, a cavity in the rock has been enlarged by one or 
two pillars in front, supporting a roof, so as to form a shed, to 
which the priest, and a man who sells offerings and refresh- 
ments for votaries and passengers, daily repair. A few per- 
sons assemble in the month of JSr&van. But the chief profit 
arises from passengers ; who are very numerous : and all who 
can afford, give something. The priest is a Sanny&si. Above 
the shed, the Musulm&ns have erected a small mosque, in 
order to show the triumph of the faith : but it is quite neg- 
lected. The image is usually attributed to the Gheros : and 
many small heaps between the place and Sahasram, are said 
to be ruins of buildings erected by the same people. But a 
long inscription, carved on the rock within the shed, refers to 
Vijaya-chandra, sovereign of Kanoj.' 

That inscription was strangely misinterpreted by the Pan- 
dita attached to the survey on which Dr. Buchanan [291] 
Hamilton was engaged. The Pandita supposed the chieftain, 
Prat&pa-dhavala, to premise an intention of commemorating 
his descendants ; and to proceed to the mention of Vijaya- 
chandra, proprietor of Kanoj ; and Satrughna, son of the 

VOL. Ill, [essays II.] 17 


Maharaja: whence Dr. Hamilton inferred, that Yijaya- 
chandra was son of Pratapa-dhavala. Dr. Hamilton observes, 
indeed, that others gave a totally different interpretation : con- 
sidering it as ' an advertisement from Pratdpa-dhavala, that 
he will not obey an order for giving up two villages, which, he 
alleges, had been procured by corruption from the officers of 
Vijaya-chandra, king of Kanoj." 

The Oriental scholar, upon inspection of the facsimile, will 
have no difficulty in perceiving that the latter was the right 
interpretation ; and it is therefore needless to pursue remarks 
which were built upon the Pandita's grossly erroneous trans- 

The style of the protest is singular ; and on that account 
alone, I should have thought it very deserving of notice. It 
serves, however, at the same time to show, that the paramount 
dominion of E&nyakubja extended to the mountains of South 
Bihar : and it presents an instance of the characteristic tur- 
bulence of Indian feudatories. 

The second inscription, bearing the name of the same 
chieftain, Nayaka Pratapa-dhavala-deva, with the date 1219 
(a.d. 1163), Saturday, 4th Jyaishtha-badi, and underneath 
the name of his brother, the prince Tribhuvana-dhavala, the 
prince's wife Sulhi, and another female Somali, and two sons 
Lakshmyaditya and Padmaditya; exhibits a rude figure of 
a goddess Totala-devi, attributed to the family priest Vis- 
warupa. On the other side of the figure are the names of five 
daughters, and, at the foot of it, six sons of the Nayaka, 
These are Yarku, Satrughna, Birabala, Sahasa-dhavala, [292] 
Yami-k&rtikeya and Santayatna-deva. Beneath are names of 
K&yasthas, Yajnadhara, and Yidy&dhara, sons of Kusuma- 
hara : the treasurer Devaraja, and the door-keeper (pratihdra) 

The site of this inscription is described by Dr. Buchanan 
Hamilton : f Where the Tutrahi, a branch of the Kudura 
river, falls down the hills of Tilothu, is a holy place, sacred to 


the goddess TotalJL The recess, into which this stream Mis, 
is about half a mile deep; and terminates in a magnificent, 
abrupt rock, somewhat in the shape of a horse-shoe, and from 
180 to 250 feet high. In the centre is a deep pool, at all 
times filled with water, and which receives the stream, that 
fells from a gap in this immense precipice. This gap may be 
thirty feet wide ; and the perpendicular height there 180 feet. 

1 The image is said to hare been placed by the Cheros, about 
eighteen centuries ago ; and, in fact, resembles one of the 
images very common in the works attributed to that people in 
Bihar. But this antiquity is by no means confirmed by the 
inscription, the date of which is evidently in Samvat 1389, or 
a.d. 1332. 

' In another inscription it is said, that the family priest of 
a neighbouring prince, Pratapa-dhavala, had, in a.d. 1158, 
made the image of the goddess : alluding evidently to a rude 
figure, carved on rock, and now totally neglected. 

* The image now worshipped is, as usual, a slab carved in 
relief and represents a female with many arms, killing a man 
springing from the neck of a buffalo. 1 It is placed on the 
highest ledge of the sloping part of the rock, immediately 
under the waterfall. From two to three hundred votaries, at 
different times in the month of Sravan, go to the place, to pray/ 

[293] The third inscription is upon a rock at Bandughata, 
on the Soiie river, opposite to Japila, which was the chieftain's 
principality. The date assigned to Maba-nripati (i.e. Maha- 
raja) Pratapa-dhavala, besides the number of twenty-one 
years (apparently the duration of his reign, as chief of Japila), 
is, in the fee-simile, written 2219 Samvat ; but the first digit 
being clearly wrong, it must be corrected to 1219, or 1229 : 
most likely the latter. No date is assigned to his predecessor 
Udaya-dhavala ; nor to the line of his successors, beginning 
with Vikrama, who is perhaps the same with Yarku (the first 
among his sons, named in the second inscription), and who 

1 It figures HsJrisbtani» Tnlg. Bhaaubsmr, flam by BtariaL 


appears from the epithet of vijayin^ ' victorious/ to have been 
the reigning prince, when his name was here set down. The 
rest must have been subsequently, from time to time, added ; 
and the first among them is Sahasa-dhavala, perhaps the 
fourth son of Prat&pa-dhavala, mentioned in the second in- 

Above all this, there have been inscribed, at a much later 
period, other names, viz. ' Mah&r&ja Nyunat-rai or Nyunta- 
r&ya, who went to heaven (surapura, i.e. the city of the gods) 
in the year 1643 Sam vat ; ' and ' Mah&r&ja Prat&pa-r&ya, or 
Pratapa-rudra, who went to heaven in the year 1653 Samvat. 9 

In another part of the inscription, there occurs the name 
of Mah&r&ja M&nasinha, with the dates of 1652 and 1653 
Samvat ; and lower down, a string of three names, Mah&r&ja 
Kansar&ja, Prat&pa-dhavala-deva, and Madana-sinha. Be- 
tween the two last, there is interposed the date of 1624 

The name of Prat&pa appears then to have been of frequent 
recurrence. The family, which yet possesses the principality 
of Bilonja, the representative of which, when visited by Dr. 
Hamilton, was R4ja Bhupan&tha-[294]s&, claims descent from 
Prat&pa-dhavala, chief of Japila. 

Japila is a large estate south of Raut&s (Rohit&swa), in the 
district of R&maghar. But the territories of the ancient chief- 
tain seem to have extended beyond its present limits, and to 
have reached the vicinity of Sahasram. 

These inscriptions have no other chronological value, but 
as they corroborate the date of one possessing more historical 
interest, noticed in the Researches of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal (vol. ix. p. 441). l It records a grant of land by the 
same R&j& of K&nyakubja, Yijaya-chandra j and, as usual, 
recites the names of his ancestors, tracing his genealogy 
through no less than six generations. The original was said 
to have been transmitted to Great Britain by the late Sir 

1 See page [286] of the present yolume. 


John Murray McGregor ; but I am unable to say where it has 
been deposited. 1 It would be an acceptable communication, 
as serving to authenticate the history of a prince among the 
most conspicuous in the annals of his country ; on which he 
inflicted the same calamity which Count Julian did on Spain, 
by assisting a Musulm&n conquest of it, in revenge for the 
[295] abduction of his daughter. 8 The analogy indeed is not 
quite complete; for it was seduction of a daughter which Count 
Julian sought to revenge. 

Concerning the inscription at T&r&ch&ndi, of which a 
translation is here presented, it is to be remarked, that the 
denunciation or protest which it records, is first expressed in 
verse, 3 and is then repeated in prose. This repetition has 
much assisted the deciphering of it, and the correction of 
some errors, either of the original, or of the copy. A few 
explanatory notes will be found annexed. 

Translation of the Inscription at Tdrdchdndu 

" Prat&pa-dhavala, wholly divine (deva), possessor of happily 
risen and celebrated glory, addresses his own race. In these 
villages, contiguous to Kalahandi, 4 that contemptible ill cop- 
per 5 [grant], which has been obtained by fraud and bribery* 

1 It appears from an inscription (a grant on plates of copper) published, with a 
translation, in the fifteenth volume of Asiatic Researches (p. 447), that Jaya- 
chandra was son of Vijayachandra ; and that there has been a mistake in con- 
sidering Vijayachandra and Jayachand to be equivalent Sanskrit and Hindi 
appellations of the same individual. The error originated with the pandit 
Sarvoru Trivedi, who communicated a copy of the inscription noticed in the 
ninth volume of the Asiatic Researches (see pages [240] and [286] of the present 
volume), as relative to Jayachand, whom he identified (erroneously, as now 
appears) with Vijayachandra. 

The series of princes who reigned at Gadhipura or K&nyakubja, ancestors of 
Jayachandra, is now completely and accurately determined ; and the reading of 
the inscription in question ceases to be a matter of any interest. [Note from 
Transact. M. A. S. p. 462.] 

3 Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 147. 
8 In two stanzas of Yasantatilaka metre. 

4 Kalahandi ; written Kalahari, with a long vowel, in the prose paraphrase. 

* The text exhibits, in two places, kutdmbra : which, I conjecture, should be 


from the thievish slaves of the sovereign of G&dhinagara, 1 by 
priests sprung from Suvalluhala : * there is no ground of faith 
to be put therein by the people around. Not a bit of land, so 
much as a needle's point might pierce, is theirs. 

"Sam vat 1229. Jyeshtha-badi 3rd, Wednesday. 

[296] " The feet of the sovereign of Japila, the great chief- 
tain, the fortunate Prat&pa-dhavala-deva, declare the truth to 
his sons, grandsons, and other descendants sprung of his race: 
this ill copper [grant] of the villages of Kalahandi and Bada- 
yita, obtained by fraud and bribery, from the thievish slaves 
of the fortunate Vijaya-chandra, the king, sovereign of Kinya- 
kubja, by Swalluhaniya folks : no faith is to be put therein. 
Those priests are every way libertines. Not so much land, 
as might be pierced by a needle's point, is theirs. Knowing 
this, you will take the share of produce and other dues ; or 

" [Signature] of the great Rajaputra (king's son), the for- 
tunate &atrughna." 

ku-tdmra, from kit, Mil,' and tdmra, 4 copper;" alluding to a grant inscribed, as 
usual, upon copper. There may be an allusion to Kutamba, the name of a dis- 
trict in that vicinity. 

1 G&dhinagara, the same with Gadhipura, is identified with Kanyakubja, — See 
As. Res., vol. ix. p. 441 (p. [286] of the present volume). 

* Suvalhihala ; written Swalluhaniya in the prose paraphrase ; it appears to be 
the designation of the Brahma^as, who had obtained the grant of land in question. 




[Fran the jfransactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
yoL L pp. 230—239, and 462—466.] 

[297] The translations, which accompanied the 
inscriptions on copper, presented to the Society by Major Tod, 
haying been made through the medium of an interpreter, I 
hare thought it right to re-examine the originals, at the same 
time that I undertook the deciphering of a third inscription, 
likewise presented by Major Tod, but unaccompanied by a 

Neither of the three inscriptions in question is complete. 
They had originally consisted of a pair of plates in each in- 
stance ; as is evident, both from the contents, and from the 
very appearance ; for they exhibit holes, through which rings 
were no doubt passed to hold the plates together. In one 
instance, it is the last of the pair, which has been preserved. 
In the two others, the first of each remains, and the last has 
been lost. Enough, however, subsists, in these fragments of 
inscriptions, to render them useful historical documents ; as is 
amply shown in the very interesting comments on them which 
Major Tod has communicated,* 

1 Bead at a public meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, December 4, 1824. 
7 [Transact. K. A. S., vol. L pp. 207-226.] 


I now lay before the Society a transcript of the contents of 
each plate, as read by me ; and copies, fac- simile, of the 
originals. My own translations follow ; and notes will be 
found annexed. 

[298] On collating the fac-simile with the transcript, the 
learned reader will observe that errors (for engravers are not 
less apt, than ordinary copyists, to commit blunders) have 
been in several places corrected. Where the mistake and 
requisite correction seem quite obvious, I have in general 
thought it needless to add a remark. But, wherever it has 
appeared necessary to give a reason for an emendation, an 
explanatory note is subjoined. 

All these inscriptions are grants of land, recorded upon 
copper, conformably with the usage of the Hindus, and the 
direction of the law, which enjoins that such grants should 
either be written upon silk, or inscribed upon copper. 1 

One of these grants or patents records a donation of land 
made by the reigning sovereign of Dhar^ on the anniversary 
of the death of his father and predecessor, in 1191 of the 
Samvat era ; confirmed by the prince his son, at the time of 
an eclipse of the moon, in Srava^a 1200 Samvat. It appears 
from calculation that a lunar eclipse did occur at the time ; 
viz. on the 16th of July a.d. 1144, about 9 J p.m. apparent 
time, at Ujjayani. 

This date, so authenticated, becomes a fixed point, whence 
the period, in which the dynasty of sovereigns of Dh&rfi, 
flourished, may be satisfactorily computed. The series of four 
princes, whose names are found in these patents, two of them 
anterior to a.d. 1134 (1190 Samvat), and two of them sub- 
sequent to that date (for the anniversary of Nara-varma's 
funeral rites in 1191 determines his demise in 1190 Samvat), 
may be taken to extend from the latter part of the eleventh 
century of the Christian era to near the close of the twelfth. 
It is carried retrospectively, through a line of three more 

1 Digest of Hindu Law, vol. ii. p. 278. As. Res., yol. ii. p. 50. 


princes, to Sindhu, grandfather of R&j& Bhoja, by the marble 
at Madhukara-ghar, and other evidence ; as shown by Major 

[299] The earliest of the three patents inscribed upon 
copper, which were procured by Major Tod at Ujjayani, bears 
the date of 3rd M&gha-sudi 1192 Samvat, answering to 
January a.d. 1137. It has the signature of Yasovarma- 
deva, who, in the preceding year, 1191 Samvat, had made a 
donation of land on the anniversary of the demise of his father 
Nara-varma-deva, which was confirmed (apparently in Yaso- 
varma's lifetime) by his son Lakshmi-varma-deva, in 1200 
Samvat : as above noticed. The latest of the three grants is 
by his successor Jaya-varma-deva, and being incomplete, ex- 
hibits no date. Both these patents agree in deducing the line 
of succession from Uday&ditya-deva, predecessor of Nara- 
varma. There is consequently this series perfectly authen- 
ticated : l 





Jaya-varma-deva. Lak$hmi-varma-deva. 

No. 1. 
A Grant of Land inscribed on Copper, found at Ujjayani. 2 


fwfiS wr i lfc^ft fiiTST iNt vr^hrtycratwi i "<M*g 

1 [For a further list of this dynasty see Journal of the Bombay branch of 
R.A.8. 1843, p. 263.] 
3 See Plate iv. [omitted in this edition]. 


'ft ^fl^n^^n^T^rnr ^^Jw^^fl4wfviJM*hi*<iMii*<i- 
^ufaTwrrc *i|i*^K *ft mn^^: i 'ft'nrriT^r- 

WTO%'ft <J*^ W«1*fi Jl^TTWt WW 41^l<V|4t^HT^<4 

JitKwiftwi *tc^tt 'ft *isft*jA^vi 'ft fww wrnfhi 

fafafifc^farit *m a *n*i% vsi fireni ^ifxi[30i]wf f»: 

MMmwg^t f^nRfhnfm: i MiiiyMwwffrywi wit 

fafa*Jld ^rwwfaro mttw *uft<<i ^nfw f^nwrra 
luraurawiftA <iftnm«jm ^rJtz ^mro f^fir^ *fnc ^ft 
iffWTftniH 'ftftw<t|4 iiwOm ^ft*i«iMi«Hi*j ^rf^c 
flrfvt 4i^< vn? ^ptof* TT*ft w^RTTTfrcft f*i(vif*i^u 
*ff*ft wft ^n ^▼Rrrf^TTft ^rp^razf'T^ft ^sfi&^iq^*- 

^r^jrt ^fa? *njw irfftr 'ftrfw^ShWf jpi^nwrfw ipft 
*n*ft v*<*^«M*ir w«N *^ft ■ ^^Mw^f ftiTfir 

1 [^RWf^TftRh ? Cf. J. Am. 0. S. vii. 45.] 2 [JTWT?] 


4mjf<fii: i to *rar ^R[T ^jfiwro to n^T wr: i ^r^rt 

" Om ! Well be it ! Auspicious victory and elevation ! l 

" Victorious is he, whose hair is the ethereal expanse; 3 
who, for creation, supports with his head that lunar line 8 
which is a type of the germ in the seed of the universe. 

** May the matted locks of love's foe, 4 reddened by the 
lightning's ring, that flashes at the period of the world's end, 
spread for you nightless 5 prosperity. 

"The great prince, 6 resplendent with the decoration of 
[303] five great titles, 7 with which he is thoroughly and ex- 
cellently imbued and possessed, the fortunate Lakshmi-varma- 
deva, son 8 of his Majesty, 9 the great king, sovereign, and 
supreme lord, the fortunate Yaso-varma-deva, son of Nara- 
varma-deva, son of Udayaditya-deva, acquaints the Pat- 

1 Both this and the following inscription begin alike, and contain several other 
parallel passages. There are grow errors in both; but one has helped to correct 
the other. 

* Vyomakes'a, a title of S'iva, whose hair is the atmosphere. 

3 The crescent, which is S'iva's crest 

4 Smararati, a title of S'iva. He is represented with his hair clotted and 
matted in a long braid rolled round his head, in the manner in which ascetics • 
wear theirs. Hair in that state has a tawny hue. 

* Nightless, endless : eternal. 

6 Mahakumara : a royal youth, a young prince. 

7 I am not entirely confident of the meaning of this passage. [Cf. Journ. Amer. 
0. 8. vi. WO.] 

, • Pdddnudhydta, an ordinary periphrasis for son and successor: literally, 

" whose feet are meditated, i.e. revered, by " [But cf. Journ. Bombay 

Branch R. A. 8., Jan. 1851, pp. 219 and 220.] 

9 The additions are those usually borne by sovereign princes among the Hindus. 
Bhattaraka answers to the title of majesty. Adhiraja is a sovereign or superior 
prince. S'ri, signifying fortunate or auspicious, is prefixed to every name. 

Varman is the customary designation of a Rajaputra ; as S'arman is of a Brah* 
mana. The term enters into composition in the names of many of this family. 


takila 10 and people, Brahraanas and others, inhabiting 
Badauda-gr&ma, 11 dependent on Sur&sani, and Uthavanaka- 
grama 18 appertaining to Teptd-suvarna-prds&dikd, 13 both sit- 
uated in the twelve great districts u held by royal patent ; be 
it known unto you : Whereas, at the fortunate Dh&ra, 15 the 
great king, sovereign, supreme lord, the fortunate Yaso-varma- 
deva, upon the anniversary 16 of the great king, the fortunate 
Nara-varrna-deva, which [304] took place on the 8th of 
K&rttika-sudi, years eleven hundred and ninety-one elapsed since 
Vikrama, having bathed with waters of holy places, having 
satisfied gods, saints, men and ancestors with oblations, 17 
having worshipped the holy Bhaw&nipati, 18 having sacrificed 
to fire offerings of iami, sacrificial grass, sesamum* and boiled 
rice, 19 having presented an arghya w to the sun, having thrice 
perambulated Kapild, 21 seeing the vanity of the world, deem- 
ing life a tremulous drop of water on the leaf of a lotus, and 
reckoning wealth despicable : — As it is said : 

10 Pa^takila is probably the Paftail of the moderns. The term occurs again 
lower down ; and also in the next grant (No. 2). 

11 Pronounce Buraud-gram. Surasanf appears to be the district, or province, 
in which it is situated. 

12 Perhaps Ughavan rather than Uthavan. 
18 This seems to be the name of a district. 

14 An apanage, comprising twelve great districts. Maha-dwadarfaka-mandala 
seems to have been held by this prince, under a royal grant from his father. He 
did not become his successor: for Jaya-varma is, in another inscription, named 
immediately after Tas'o-varnia ; and was reigning sovereign. 

14 Dhara was the capital of this dynasty. 

16 Anniversary of the death. It appears, therefore, that Nara-varma died in 
1190 Samvat. 

11 The allusion is to the five great sacraments, which a Hindu is bound to per- 
form. — See Manu, iii. 67. 

18 Bhawanfpati is a title of S'iva, husband of Bhawani. In the following 
inscription, the name again occurs in a similar manner, with the further desig- 
nation of Varavara-guru. 

19 The dhuti, or burnt offering ; consisting of boiled rice, with tila (Sesamum 
orientale), kuta (Poa cynosuroides), and iamt (Adenanthera or Prosopis aculeata). 

30 An arghya is a libation or oblation, in a conch, or vessel of a particular form, 
approaching to that of a boat. — As. Res., vol. vii. p. 291. 

11 Kapila probably is fire, personified as a female goddess. [Bather a red cow, 
— "when applied to a cow, this term signifies one of the colour of lac-dye, with 
black tail and white hoofs." Colebr. Two Treatises on the Hindu Law of In* 
heritance, quoted by Dr. F. Hall, Sdnkhya S, pref. p. 20.] 


" This sovereignty of the earth totters with the stormy 
blast ; ** the enjoyment of a realm is sweet but for an instant ; 
the breath of man is like a drop on the tip of a blade of grass : 
virtue is the greatest friend in the journey of the other world. — 

" Considering this, did grant by patent, preceded by gift of 
water, 83 tor as long as the sun and moon shall endure, [305] 
unto the Avasathika 2 * the fortunate Vana-p&la, 84 * son of the 
fortunate Viswarupa, grandson of the fortunate Mahirar 85 
sw&mi, a venerable Br&hmana of Karn&ta in the south, who 
studies two vedas 26 and appertains to the ^iswal&yana ** S&kh&, 
sprung from the race of Bharadw&ja, 88 and tracing a triple 
line of descent, Bh&radw&ja, Angirasa, and V&rhaspatya, 29 
settled at Adrelavaddh&varisth&na, 30 the aforesaid Badaiida- 
gr&ma and TJthavar^aka-gr&ma, with their trees, fields and 

22 Abhra is a 'cloud' ; and vdta, 'wind' : whence vdtdbhra, * a windy cloud.' 
Or abhra may signify the ethereal fluid (dJuUa). The stanza is repeated in the 
next inscription. 

23 A requisite formality in a donation of land. — See Digest of Hindu Law, vol. 
ii. p. 276. Treatises on Law of Inheritance, p. 258. 

34 Erroneously written A'vasthika in the text. Its derivation is from dvasatha, 
1 a house ' : and it bears reference to the householder's consecrated fire (gdrhapatya). 
Halayudha, author of the Brahmana-sarvaswa, has, in the epigraph of his work, 
the title of AVasattika-maha-dharmadhyaksha. 

2l * On a reperusal of the grant No. 1, it appears probable that the grantee's 
name was Dhanapala instead of Vanapala. Throughout the inscription, the letter 
T£f has for the most part the appearance of 1, the detached stroke t being defaced : 
and Dhanapala is doubtless the more ordinary name. 

25 This probably should be Mihira, which is a name of the sun. 

24 Dwivid is one who studies two vedas : as Trivid, one who studies three. [The 
facsimile has dwiveda.'] 

27 The text exhibits Aildyana ; doubtless for A&waldyana, by which name one 
of the idkhds of the veda is distinguished. AVwalayana is author of a collection 
of aphorisms on religious rites (Kalpa-sutra). 

28 GotrOj ( descent from an ancient sage ' (Rishi), whence the family name is 
derived. There are four such great families of Br&hmanas; comprehending 
numerous divisions. 

29 Dravara, ' lineage traced to more of the ancient sages.' The distinction be- 
tween gotra and pravara is not very clear. Madhava on the Mimansa, 2, 1, 9, 
names these very three families as constituting a gotra : and gives it as an example 
of pravara. [On pravara 9 see Prof. M tiller, Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 386, 
and Prof. Haug, Ait. Brahm. vol. ii. p. 479.] 

80 This, which seems to be the name of a country, is differently written in 
the next inscription. Perhaps it may be a branch of the gotra, or family, from 
which the donatory derived his descent. 


habitations, 31 together [306] with hidden treasure, and de- 
posits, and adorned with ponds, wells and lakes. 

u On the 15th of Sr&vana-sudi in the year 1200, at the time 
of an eclipse of the moon, 89 for our father's welfare, we have 
again granted those two villages by patent with the previous 
gift of water ; therefore all inhabitants of both villages, as 
well the Pattakila and other people, as husbandmen, being 
strictly observant of his commands, must pay unto him all dues 
as they arise, tax, money-rent, share of produce, 88 and the rest. 

" Considering the fruit of this meritorious act as common, 
future princes sprung of our race, and others, should respect 
and maintain this virtuous donation accordingly. 84 

" By many kings, Sagara as well as others, the earth has 
been possessed. Whose-soever has been the land, his has then 
been the fruit. 35 

"He, who resumes land, whether given by himself, or 
granted by others, is regenerated a worm in ordure, for 60,000 
years. 88 

[307] " R&mabhadra again and again exhorts all these 
future rulers of the earth: this universal bridge of virtue . . • 

• • 


(The remainder, upon another plate, is wanting.) 

31 Mdla signifies 'field' ; and kula y 'abode.' The passage may admit a different 
interpretation. [For ehatuh-kanka^a-visuddha see J. Am. O. S. vi. 42.] 

Mdla implies (as I learn from Major Tod), according to the acceptation of the 
country, land not artificially irrigated, bnt watered only by rain and dew. 

82 An eclipse of the moon appears, from calculation, to have taken place at the 
time here assigned to it: viz. 16th July, 1144; as in the preceding year, 28th 
July, 1143. — Art de verifier lee Dates, vol. i. p. 73. 

33 Hiranya, ' gold ' : ' rent in money/ 

Bhdga-bhoga; in another place, bhdgdbhoga, — 'share of produce,' 'rent in kind/ 

34 This stanza, a little varied, recurs in the third grant (No. 3). 

85 This also recurs in the same (No. 3) ; and is likewise found in a grant trans- 
lated by Sir William Jones. — As. Res., vol. i. p. 365, st. 1. 

34 A quotation. — See Digest of Hindu Law, vol. ii. p. 281, and As. Ees , vol. 
ii. p. 53. Also vol. i. p. 366 ; and vol. viii. p. 419. 

87 The remainder of the stanza (which may be easily supplied from the other 
inscriptions : see the next grant ; and As. Res., vol. i. p. 365, st 3, and vol. iii. 
p. 53, and vol. viii. p. 419) was probably followed, in the second plate, by further 


No. 2. 
A Grant of Land, inscribed on Copper, found at Ujjayani. 1 

firofir m*u ^wf f^ff iNrt ^ i flqiyjafaji i *aftj 
ftrrra irc$vc *ft w^M^nn^pjrarnf *nj? [308] m$\\* 

^rt *njnrt wv tot *pwit mmiivih q wwrer^wrr- 

" Om ! Well be it ! Auspicious victory and elevation ! 

" Virtuous is he, whose hair is the ethereal expanse ; who, 
for creation, supports with his head that lunar line [309] 
which is a type of the germ contained in the seed of the 

quotations, deprecating the resumption of the gift by future sovereigns : and to 
which was subjoined the sign manual, with the names of attesting officers ; as in 
the accompanying grant by Yarfo-varma (No. 3). 

The bridge of virtue, which signifies " the maxim of duty," bears an allusion 
to Rama's bridge, to cross the sea to Lank&. 

1 See Plate y. [omitted in this edition]. 

8 [Ckardcharagurum f Cf. J. Am. 0. S. tl 532.] 


" May the matted locks of love's foe, reddened by the 
lightning's ring, that flashes at the period of the world's end, 
spread for you nightless prosperity. 1 

" From his abode at the auspicious Bardham&napura, his 
Majesty, the great king, sovereign, and supreme lord, the for- 
tunate Jaya-varma-deva, whom victory attends, son of Taso- 
varma-deva, son of Nara-varma-deva, son of Udaydditya-deva, 
acquaints all king's officers, Br&hmanas and others, and the 
Pattakila and people, etc., inhabiting the village of M&yamo- 
daka which appertains to the thirty-six villages of Vata : • Be 
it known unto you : Whereas we, sojourning at Chandrapuri, 
having bathed, having worshipped the holy, beneficent and 
adorable Bhaw&nipati : — 

Considering the worlds vanity : 

"This sovereignty of the earth totters with the stormy 
blast ; 3 the enjoyment of a realm is sweet but for an instant ; 
the breath of man is like a drop of water on the tip of a blade 
of grass : virtue is the greatest friend in the journey of the 
other world. — 

" Having gained prosperity, which is the receptacle of the 
skips and bounds 4 of a revolving world, whoever give not 
donations, repentance is their chief reward.— 

" Reflecting on the perishable nature of the world, prefer- 
[310]ring unseen (spiritual) fruit, [do grant] to be fully pos- 
sessed, so long as moon and sun, sea and earth, endure 
[unto sprung from the race] of Bharadw&ja 5 

1 These two stanzas occur also in the preceding inscription. 

* Vafa-khedaka-shat-triniat, ' thirty-six villages of Vata ' : for it should pro- 
bably be read khefaka (which signifies a village) instead of khedaka. 

8 [Or "like a cloud driven by the wind."] 

* Valgdgra-dhdrd-dhdrd : an allusion is probably intended to Bhara the seat 
of government of this dynasty. Volga signifies a ' leap ' ; and ddkra, a * horse's 
pace.' [The true reading for valga is chakra, see B. A. S. J. 1861, p. 207, 
" having gained prosperity, which abides on the topmost edge of the revolving 
world's wheel."] 

* The grantee was either the same person, or one of the same family, as in the 
preceding grant ; for the designations are identical, so far as this reaches. 


settled at Adriya-lambi-d&vari-sth&na, situated within the 

southern region, at R&ja-brahma-puri " 

(The remainder, inscribed on a separate plate, is wanting.) 

No. 3. 
A Grant qf Land, inscribed on Copper, found at Ujjayani} 

*H% *TO ^rft fwfa* ^ ^fUlM^UHHI^l f*T«fW*rT- 

*rnfa ^efon ^RTfir' vft^K *r*h<n H^vmnfrar: *ffTWT- 

[311] T|5hFiR I HUIHl % *r*J*PWl 3ST«<*K(»l«k3<jM *TT- 
TO jt^t ^WR« *TT^f ^fnf*r *JTT «i\4^l*!lf'T W^T- 

Hill ?RfT ^ft: 1 

1 See plate vi. [omitted in this edition]. 

3 [^JH^Td? Bengal A. S. Jonrn. 1868, p. 230.] 

8 [^ HT* See Ben ^ al *• S ' Journ - 1861 ' P* 210 '1 
tol. m. [bsbatb ii.] 18 


[312] . T 

(The beginning, inscribed upon another plate, is wanting). 

" In respect of two portions l of Br&hmana's allowance, by 
exchange for two portions allotted to the attendant of the 
temple and the reader, to be held as assigned for the anni- 
versary of the auspicious Momala-devi ; * and in respect of 
seventeen nivartanas* of land, with eleven ploughs of land, 
assigned to both persons in a partition of Vikarika-grama ; 4 
the whole of the aforesaid little Vainganapadra-gr&ma, also a 
moiety of Vikkarika-grama within the proper bounds, extend- 
ing to the grass and pasture, with trees, fields and habitations, 
with money-rent, and share of produce, with superior taxes, 
and including all dues ; for increase of merit and fame of my 
mother, of my father, and of myself, are granted by patent, 
with the [313] previous gift of water. Aware of this, and 
obedient to his commands, they must pay all due share of 
produce, taxes, money-rent, etc. to them both. 

" Considering the fruit of this meritorious act as common, 
future princes, sprung of our race, and others, should respect 
and maintain this virtuous donation, as by us given. 

" And it is said, — By many Kings, Sagara as well as others, 

1 For want of the first plate of this patent, the beginning of the second is 
▼err obsoure ; and, perhaps, not rightly intelligible, without divining what has 
gone before. I have endeavoured to make sense of it, but am far from confident 
of haying succeeded. 

* Moraala-deyi was not improbably the name of Yarfo-varma's mother ; and 
the anniversary is that of her obsequies : as in the preceding patent for a grant 
on the anniversary of the obsequies of Yas'o-vanna's father. Else it may be the 
annual festival of an idol of that name. 

8 Nivartana is a land-measure containing 400 square poles of ten cubits each, 
according to the Lildvatu See Algebra of the Hindu*. 

4 The name is written Vikarika-grama in one place ; and Vikkarika-grama in 

Major Tod observes that the ancient name of Burhanpura is Kan-grama. 


the earth has been possessed. Whose-soever has been the 
land, his has then been the fruit. 

ct The gifts, which have been here granted by former 
princes, producing virtue, wealth, and fame, are unsullied re- 
flections. 5 What honest man would resume them ? 

"This donation ought to be approved by those who exemplify 
the hereditary liberality of our race, and by others. The 
flash 6f lightning from Lakshmi swoln with the rain-drop,* is 
gift ; and the fruit is preservation of another's fame. 

"R&mabhadra again and again exhorts all those future rulers 
of the earth : this universal bridge of virtue for princes is to 
be preserved by you from time to time. 

" Considering therefore prosperity to be a quivering drop 
of water on the leaf of a lotus ; and the life of man is such ; 
and all this is many ways 7 exemplified ; men therefore should 
not abridge the fame of others. 

" Samvat 1192, 3rd of M&gha-badi (dark half) ; witness 
[314] the venerable purokita, Y&mana ; the venerable swdmi, 
Purushottama ; the prime minister and king's son, Devadhara ; 
and others. 

" Auspiciousness and great prosperity. 


" This is the sign manual of the fortunate Yasovarma-deva." 

Adhi. Sri. 

* [Nirmdlt/avanti pratimdni, bat the fac-simile has vdnti. Other inscriptions 
read nirmdlya-vdnta-pratimdni, " Gifts once given are like the remains of an 
offering or vomitings," i.e. are not to be used again, see B. A. S. J. 1868, p. 238.] 

* I hare here hazarded a conjectural emendation ; being unable to make sense 
of the text, as it stands. Perhaps the transcriber had erroneously written 
tundald for tundild; and the engraver, by mistake, transformed it into the un- 
meaning vandald, which the text exhibits. Lakshmi is here characterized as a 
thunder-cloud pregnant with fertilizing rain. [The true reading is Chanchaldydh. 
Cf. B. A. S. J. 1861, p. 210. li Fruitful is the giving away of fortune, which 
is transient as a bubble or the lightning-flash ; and so too the preservation of 
another's fame."] 

7 Chanudhd, in the text, is an evident mistake; it should undoubtedly be 
bahudhd. [The true reading is cha buddhwd.] Several other gross errors in this 
inscription have been corrected ; too obviously necessary to require special notice : 
as a short vowel for a long one, and vice versd. 





[From the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, 

vol. i. pp. 520-523.] 

[315] As connected with the subject of an essay on the 
Srawaks or Jainas, 8 read at a former meeting, I lay before the 
Society copies of inscriptions found by Dr. Buchanan Hamilton 
in South Bihar. Though not ancient, they may be considered to 
be of some importance, as confirming tho prevalence of a Jaina 
tradition relative to the site of the spot where the last of the 
Jinas terminated his earthly existence, and as identifying the 
first of his disciples with Gautama, whose death and apotheosis 
took place, according to current belief, in the same neighbour- 

In the Kalpa-sutra and in other books of the Jainas, the 
first of Mahavira's disciples is mentioned under the name of 
Indra-bhuti : but, in the inscription, under that of Gautama- 
swamL The names of the other ten precisely agree : whence 
it is to be concluded, the Gautama, first of one list, is the 
same with Indra-bhuti, first of the other. 

It is certainly probable, as remarked by Dr. Hamilton and 
Major Delamaine, that the Gautama of the Jainas and of the 
Bauddhas is the same personage : and this [316] leads to the 
further surmise, that both these sects are branches of one 

1 Read at a Public Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society, Noyember 18th, 1826. 

2 By Major James Delamaine. Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
voL i. pp. 413—438. 


stock. According to the Jainas, only one of Mahavira's 
eleven disciples left spiritual successors: that is, the entire 
succession of Jaina priests is derived from one individual, 
Sudharraa-swami. Two only out of eleven survived Mahavira, 
viz. Indrabhtiti and Sudharma: 1 the first, identified with 
Gautama-swamf, has no spiritual successors in the Jaina sect. 
The proper inference seems to be, that the followers of this 
surviving disciple are not of the sect of Jina, rather than that 
there have been none. Gautama's followers constitute the 
sect of Bauddha, with tenets in many respects analogous to 
those of the Jainas, or followers of Sudharma, but with a 
mythology or fabulous history of deified saints quite different. 
Both have adopted the Hindu Pantheon, or assemblage of 
subordinate deities ; both disclaim the authority of the vedas; 
and both elevate their pre-eminent saints to divine supremacy. 

In a short essay on their philosophical opinions, which will 
be likewise submitted to the Society, it will be shown that a 
considerable difference of doctrine subsists on various points : 
but hardly more between the two sects, than between the 
divers branches* of the single sect of Bauddha. 

It deserves remark, that the Bauddhas and the Jainas agree 
in placing within the limits of the same province, South 
Bihar, and its immediate vicinity, the locality of the death 
and apotheosis of the last Buddha, as of the last Jina, and of 
his predecessor and his eldest and favourite disciple. Both re- 
ligions have preserved for their sacred language the same 
dialect, the Pali or Prakrit, closely resembling the Magadhi 
or vernacular tongue of Magadha (South Bihar). Between 
those dialects (Pali [317] and Prakrit) there is but a shade of 
difference, 9 and they are often confounded under a single name. 

The traditional chronology of the two sects assigns nearly 
the same period to their Gautama respectively : for, according 
to the Bauddhas, the apotheosis of Gautama-buddha took 

1 Page [216] of the present volume. 

* Buraouf et Lassen, Essai sur U Pdli, p. 154. 


place 543 years before the beginning of the Christian era; and 
according to the Jainas, the apotheosis of Mah&vira, Gautaraa- 
sw&mi's teacher, was somewhat earlier, adz. about 600 years 
before the Christian era. The lapse of little more than half a 
century is scarcely too great for the interval between the death 
of a preceptor and of his pupil ; or not so much too great as to 
amount to anachronism. 

Without relying much upon a similarity of name, it may 
yet not be foreign to remark, that the Buddha, who preceded 
Grautama-buddha, was K&syapa: and that Mah&vira, the 
preceptor of Gautatna-sw&mi, was of the race of K&syapa. 

I take P&rswan4tha to have been the founder of the sect of 
Jainas, which was confirmed and thoroughly established by 
Mah&vira and his disciple Sudharma; by whom, and by his 
followers, both Mah&vira and his predecessor P&rswan&tha 
have been venerated as deified saints ( Jinas), and are so wor- 
shipped by the sect to this day. 

A schism, however, seems to have taken place, after 
Mah&vira, whose elder disciple, Indra-bhuti, also named 
Gautama-sw&mi, was by some of his followers raised to 
the rank of a deified saint, under the synonymous designation 
of Buddha (for Jina and Buddha bear the same meaning, 
according to both Buddhists and Jainas). The preceding 
Buddha, according to this branch of the sect, was K&syapa, 
who is not improbably the same with [318] Sramana Var- 
dharmana Mah&vira, son (born of the wife) of Siddh&rtha, 
a Suryavansi prince of the K&syapa race. 

It is to be observed, without, however, attaching much 
weight to this coincidence, that the name of Siddh&rtha is 
common to Mahavira's father and to Grautama-buddha, whom 
I suppose to be the same with the Jina's disciple, Gautama- 

The appellative Gautama is unquestionably a patronymic 
(derived from Gotama), however JSakya-sinha may have 
come by it, whether as descendant of that lineage, nearer 


or remoter, or for whatever other cause. His predecessor 
among Buddhas is, in like manner, designated by a patro- 
nymic as above noticed, viz. K&syapa* 

The name of Gautama occurs also as an appellative in other 
instances besides that of the sixth Buddha, or of the twenty- 
fourth Jina's eldest disciple. One of the legislators of the 
Hindus is Gautama, whose aphorisms of law are extant. 1 

The gentile name of the last Buddha has prevailed in China 
and Japan, where he is best known under the designation 
of S&kya. His appellation of Gautama remains current in 
countries bordering upon India. 2 

Inscription at Nakhatjr. 3 

3° fro* ^wr in$* 3° u*$t ^ro n?ff 3° <*n* *Fr«Nhi 
^re totttt 3° *frfnft ra wfii z° - - ^rr [319] Jttim 
^ttfawx ^vs vr - - 4KifMW jjnhmk *r% tot ^ 

" In the year 1686 Samvat, on the 15th day of Vaisakha- 
sudi, the lotus of Gautama -swam i's feet was here placed by 
Nf halo mother of Tha. (Thakkur) Sangr&ma-govardhana-d&sa, 
son of Tha* Tulasi-dasa, son of Tha. Vimala-d&sa, of the 
race of Chopara and lineage of [Bharata Chakravartfs] prime 
councillor: the fortunate Jina-r&ja-suri, the venerable guide 
of the great Kharatara tribe, being present/' 

The same pious family, which is here recorded for erecting, 
or more probably restoring, the representation of Gautama- 
sw&mfs feet at Nakhaur, is in like manner commemorated by 
three inscriptions, bearing date six years later (viz. 1692 

1 Preface to Two Treatises on the Hindu Law of Inheritance, p. z. 
1 [The Chinese, however, know the name Kiu tan.] 
8 See plate vii. [omitted in this edition]. 


Samvat), 1 for the like pious office of erecting images of the 
feet of Mah&vira and of his eleven disciples, at P&w&puri, 
which, or its vicinity, is in those inscriptions stated to be the 
site of that saint's extinction (nirvdna) or translation to bliss. 

The same names recur, with those of many other persons, 
inhabitants (as this family was) of the town of Bih&r, where a 
numerous congregation of Jainas seems to have then dwelt ; 
and with the same additions and designations more fully set 
forth : whence it appears, that the designation of " descendant 
of a prime councillor " bears reference to a supposed descent 
from the prime minister of the universal or paramount sove- 
reign, Bharata, son of the first Jina Rishabha. 

[320] Sangr&ma and G-ovardhana, here joined as an ap- 
pellation of one person, are in those inscriptions separated 
as names of two brothers, sons of Tulasi-d&sa and his wife 
Nih&lo. In other respects, the inscriptions confirm and explain 
each other. 9 

1 The largest of those inscriptions names likewise the reigning Emperor, Shah 

* Copies of those at Pawapuri were not taken in fac-simile, but are merely 






[From the Asiatic Researches, vol. ix. pp. 323 — 376. 

Calcutta, 1807. 4 to.] 

[321] The researches, of which the result is here laid before 
the Asiatic Society, were undertaken for the purpose of ascer- 
taining correctly the particular stars, which give names to the 
Indian divisions of the zodiac. The inquiry has, at intervals, 
been relinquished and resumed : it was indeed attended with 
considerable difficulties. None of the native astronomers, 
whom I consulted, were able to point out, in the heavens, all 
the asterisms for which Aey had names : it became, therefore, 
necessary to recur to their books, in which the positions of the 
principal stars are given. Here a fresh difficulty arose from 
the real or the seeming disagreement of the place of a star, 
with the division of the zodiac, to which it was referred : and I 
was led from the consideration of this and of other apparent 
contradictions, to compare carefully the places assigned by the 
Hindus to their nakshatras, with the positions of the lunar 

1 [For a full discussion of the history of the Indian Nafohatrasy see Biot's 
articles in the Journal dea Savant, 1840, 1845, 1869, 1860 ; Whitney's notes to 
Burgess's translation of the Surya-siddhdnta, pp. 176-210 (I860), and his paper 
in the Journ. A. 0. 8. f toI. viii. and Journ. R. A. S. t vol. i. (n. s.) ; Weber's 
Di$ Veduche Nachrichtm von den Naxatra, 1860, 1862; Miiller, Pre/. Rig Voda, 
yol. iv. pp. xxxviii-lxx; Burgess, Journ. A. 0. 8, vol. viii Biot maintained 
that the Indian nakihatras and the Arabian mandzil were derived from the 
28 Chinese Sieu, 24 of which were fixed about b.o. 2367, and the other 4 about 
b.c. 1100. The 8ieu, according to him, form an integral part of the Chinese 
system, and they were carefully chosen by the aid of the best instruments at their 


mansions, 1 as determined by the Arabian astronomers. After 
repeated examination of this subject, with the aid afforded by 
the labours of those who have preceded me in the same in- 
quiry, I now venture to offer to the perusal of the Asiatic 
Society the following remarks, with the hope that they will be 
found to contain a correct ascertainment of the stars [322] by 
which the Hindus hare been long accustomed to trace the 
moon's path. 

The question, which I proposed to myself for investigation, 
appeared to me important, and deserving of the labour be- 
stowed upon it, as obviously essential towards a knowledge 
of Indian astronomy, and as tending to determine another 
question ; namely, whether the Indian and Arabian divisions of 
the zodiac had a common origin. Sir William Jones thought 
that they had not ; I incline to the contrary opinion. The 
coincidence appears to me too exact, in most instances, to be 
the effect of chance : in others, the differences are only such 
as to authorize the remark, that the nation, which borrowed 
from the other, has not copied with servility. I apprehend 

command. Prof. Whitney accepted Biot's Yiew in the main, but suggested " that 
a knowledge of the Chinese astronomy, and with it the Chinese system of division 
of the heavens into 28 mansions, was carried into Western Asia at a period not 
much later than 1100 B.C., and was there adopted by some Western people, either 
Semitic or Iranian. In their hands it received a new form, such as adapted it to 
a ruder and less scientific method of observation, the limiting stars of the mansions 
being converted into zodiacal groups or constellations, and in some instanoes 
altered in position, so as to be brought nearer to the general path of the ecliptic" 
It maintained itself in Iran, as we find traces of it in the Bundehesh under the 
Sassanians ; but it also spread into India, and ultimately became known to the 
Arabs. Prof. Weber held that Babylon was the original birth-place of astronomy, 
and that the Hindus derived their nahahatrat from thence, as also probably the 
Chinese and Arabs respectively their tieu and mandail (of. Jnd. Stud, ix.). Prof. 
Miiller, on the contrary, maintained that the nakshatras were an original Indian 
idea, suggested by the moon's sidereal revolution; that they were intended to mark 
certain equal divisions of the heavens ; and that their number was originally 27, 
not 28. The Rev. £. Burgess held that the nakthatras originated in India, 
whence they were derived by the Arabians, but that the Chinese sieu have no 
genetic relation with them.] 

1 [The manziU are mentioned in the Koran x. 5 ; xixvi. 89 ; and they are pro- 
bably alluded to in the mazzaroth of Job xzxviii. 82, and the maasdloth of 
2 Kings xxiii. 6.] 


that it must have been the Arabs who adopted (with slight 
variations) a division of the zodiac familiar to the Hindus. 
This, at least, seems to be more probable than the supposition, 
that the Indians received their system from the Arabians : we 
know that the Hindus have preserved the memory of a former 
situation of the Golures, compared to constellations, which 
mark divisions of the zodiac in their astronomy; but no 
similar trace remains of the use of the lunar mansions, as 
divisions of the zodiac, among the Arabs, in so very remote 

It will be found that I differ much from Sir William Jones 
in regard to the stars constituting the asterisms of Indian as- 
tronomy. On this, it may be sufficient to remind the reader, 
that Sir William Jones stated only a conjecture founded on a 
consideration of the figure of the nakshatra and the number 
of its stars, compared with those actually situated near 
the division of the ecliptic, to which the nakshatra gives 
name. He was not apprised that the Hindus themselves 
place some of these constellations far out of the limits of 
the zodiac. 

[323] I shall examine the several nakshatras and lunar 
mansions in their order ; previously quoting from the Hindu 
astronomers the positions assigned to the principal star, 
termed the yogatdrd. This, according to Brahmagupta, (as 
cited by Lakshmid&sa in his commentary on the Siromani), 
or according to the Brahma-siddh&nta (cited by Bhudhara), is 
the brightest star of each cluster. But the Stirya-siddh&nta 
specifies the relative situation of the Yogatdrd in respect of 
the other stars; and that does not always agree with the 
position of the most conspicuous star. 

The number of stars in each asterism, and the figure under 
which the asterism is represented, are specified by Hindu 
astronomers: particularly by &ripati in the Ratnamal&. These, 
with the positions of the stars relatively to the ecliptic, are 
exhibited in the annexed table. It contains the whole purport 


of many obscure and almost enigmatical verses, of which a 
verbal translation would be nearly as unintelligible to the 
English reader as the original text. 

The authorities, on which I have chiefly relied, because 
they are universally received by Indian astronomers, are the 
Stirya-siddh&nta, Siromani, and Graha-l&ghava. They have 
been carefully examined, comparing at the same time several 
commentaries. The Ratnamild of Sripati is cited for the 
figures of the asterisms; and the same passage had been 
noticed by Sir William Jones. 1 It agrees nearly with the 
text of Yasishtha cited by Muniswara, and is confirmed in 
most instances by the Muhdrta-chint&mani. The same au- 
thority, confirmed with rare exceptions by Yasishtha, S&kalya, 
and the j^bharana, is quoted for the number of stars in each 
asterism. The works of [324] Brahmagupta have not been 
accessible to me : but the Marichi, an excellent commentary 
on the Siddh&nta-siromani, by Muniswara, adduces from that 
author a statement of the positions of the stars ; and remarks, 
that it is founded on the Brahma-siddh&nta, contained in the 
Yishnudharmottara.* Accordingly, I have found the same 
passage in the Brahma-siddh&nta, and verified it by the gloss 
entitled Y&san& ; and I therefore use the quotation without 
distrust. Later authorities, whose statements coincide exactly 
with some of the preceding (as Kamal&kara in the Tattwa- 
viveka), would be needlessly inserted : but one (Muniswara in 
the Siddh&nta-s&rvabhauma), exhibiting the position of the 
stars differently, is quoted in the annexed table. 

The manner of observing the places of the stars is not ex- 
plained in the original works first cited. The Surya-siddh&nta 
only hints briefly, ' that the astronomer should frame a sphere, 
and examine the apparent longitude and latitude.' 8 Com- 

1 As. Bee., yol. ii. p. 294. 

3 Another Brahma-siddhanta is entitled the S'akalya-sanhita. The. author of 
the Marichi, therefore, distinguishes the one to which he refers. [Colebrooke 
always writes this as Sakalya-sanhita.] 

8 Sphufavikshepa and Sphufadhruvaka ; which will he explained further on. 
[Cf. Burgess, Transl. p. 214.] 

i- - - 






80 c 

J 3 S. 

L83 4 





mentators, 1 remarking on this passage, describe the manner of 
making the observation : and the same description occurs, with 
little variation, in commentaries on the Siromani. 8 They 
direct a spherical instrument (Golayantra) to be constructed, 
according to instructions contained in a subsequent part of the 
text. This, as will be hereafter shown, is precisely an armil- 
lary sphere. An additional circle, graduated for degrees and 
minutes, is directed to be suspended on the pins of the axis as 
pivots. [325] It is named Vedhavalaya, or intersecting circle, 
and appears to be a circle of declination. After noticing this 
addition to the instrument, the instructions proceed to the 
rectifying of the Golayantra, or armillary sphere, which is to 
be placed, so that the axis shall point to the pole, and the 
horizon be true by a water-level. 

The instrument being thus placed, the observer is instructed 
to look at the star Revati through a sight fitted to an orifice 
at the centre of the sphere ; and having found the star, to 
adjust by it the end of the sign Pisces on the ecliptic. The 
observer is then to look, through the sight, at the yoga star of 
Aswini, or at some other proposed object ; and to bring the 
movable circle of declination over it. The distance in degrees, 
from the intersection of this circle and ecliptic, to the end of 
Mina or Pisces, is its longitude (dhruvakd) in degrees ; and 
the number of degrees on the movable circle of declination, 
from the same intersection to the place of the star, is its lati- 
tude (vikshepa) north or south. 3 

The commentators 4 further remark, that ' the latitude, so 
found, is (jtphuta) apparent, being the place intercepted be- 

1 Ranganatha and Bhtidhara. 

3 In the Vasana-bhashya, and in the Marichi. 

9 Father Patau, and, after him, Bailly, for reasons stated by them (TJranol. 
Dissert 2. 2. Ask Anc. p. 428), are of opinion, that the ancient astronomers re- 
ferred stars to the equator ; and that Eudoxus and Hipparchus must be so under- 
stood, when speaking of the longitudes of stars. Perhaps the Greek astronomers, 
like the Hindus, reckoned longitudes upon the ecliptic intersected by circles of 
declination, in the manner which has been here explained. 

* Bhudhara is the most explicit on this point. 


tween the star and the ecliptic, on a circle passing through the 
poles ; but the true latitude (asphuta) is found on a circle 
hung upon the poles of the celestial sphere, as directed in 
another place.' The longitude, found as above directed, is, in 
like manner, the space intercepted between the origin of the 
ecliptic and a circle of declination passing [326] through the 
star : differing, consequently, from the true longitude. The 
same commentators add, that the longitudes and latitudes, 
exhibited in the text, are of the description thus explained : 
and those, which are stated in the Surya-siddh&nta, are ex- 
pressly affirmed to be adapted to the time when the equinox 
did not differ from the origin of the ecliptic in the beginning 
of Mesha. 

It is obvious that, if the commentators have rightly under- 
stood the text of their authors, the latitudes and longitudes 
there given require correction. It will indeed appear, in the 
progress of this inquiry, that the positions of stars distant from 
the ecliptic, as there given, do not exactly correspond with the 
true latitudes and longitudes of the stars supposed to be in- 
tended : and the disagreement may be accounted for, by the 
circumstance of the observations having been made in the 
manner above described. 

Another mode of observation is taught in the Siddh&nta- 
sundara, cited and expounded by the author of the Siddh&nta- 
s&rvabhauma. ' A tube, adapted to the summit of a gnomon, 
is directed towards the star on the meridian : and the line of 
the tube, pointed to the star, is prolonged by a thread to the 
ground. The line from the summit of the gnomon to the base 
is the hypotenuse ; the height of the gnomon is the perpendi- 
cular ; and its distance from the extremity of the thread is 
the base of the triangle. Therefore, as the hypotenuse is to 
its base, so is the radius to a base, from which the sine of the 
angle, and consequently the angle itself, are known. If it 
exceed the latitude, the declination is south ; or, if the con- 
trary it is north. The right ascension of the star is ascer- 


4 m 

tained by calculation from the hoar of the night, and from the 
right ascension of the sun for that time. The declination 
of the corresponding point of the ecliptic being found, the 
sum or difference [327] of the declinations, according as they 
are of the same or of different denominations, is the distance 
of the star from the ecliptic. The longitude of the same 
point is computed ; and from these elements, with the actual 
precession of the equinox, may be calculated the true longi- 
tude of the star; as also its latitude on a circle passing 
through the poles of the ecliptic/ 

Such, if I have rightly comprehended the meaning in a 
single and not very accurate copy of the text, is the purport 
of the directions given in the Siddh&nta-sundara and s&rva- 
bhauma : the only works in which the true latitudes and lon- 
gitudes of the stars are attempted to be given. All the rest 
exhibit the longitude of the star's circle of declination, and its 
distance from the ecliptic measured on that circle. 

I suppose the original observations, of which the result is 
copied from Brahmagupta and the Surya-siddhanta, with 
little variation, by successive authors, to have been made about 
the time, when the vernal equinox was near the first degree 
of Mesha. 1 The pole then was nearly seventeen degrees and 
a quarter from its present position, and stood a little beyond 
the star near the ear of the Cameleopard. On this supposi- 
tion it will be accordingly found, that the assigned places of 
the nakshatras are easily reconcilable to the positions of stars 
likely to be meant. 

I shall here remark, that the notion of a polar star, common 
to the Indian and Grecian celestial spheres, implies consider- 
able antiquity. It cannot have been taken from our present 
pole-star (a Ursae minoris), which, as Mons. Bailly has 

1 Brahmagupta wrote soon after that period; and the Sarya-siddh&nta is pro- 
bably a work of nearly the same age. Mr. Bentley considers it as more modern 
(As. Res., vol. vi.) : it certainly cannot be more ancient ; for the equinox must 
have past the beginning of Mesha, or have been near it, when that work was 


observed, 1 was remote from the pole, when [328] Eudoxus de- 
scribed the sphere ; at which time, according to the quotation 
of Hipparchas, there was a star situated at the pole of the 
world. 2 Bailly conjectures, as the intermediate stars of the 
sixth magnitude are too small to have designated the pole, 
that k Draconis was the star meant by Eudoxus, which had 
been at its greatest approximation to the pole, little more than 
four degrees from it, about 1326 years before Christ. It must 
have been distant, between seven and eight degrees of a great 
circle, when Eudoxus wrote. Possibly the great star in the 
Dragon (a Draconis), which is situated very near to the circle 
described by the north pole round the pole of the ecliptic, had 
been previously designated as the polar star. It was within 
one degree of the north pole about 2836 years before Christ. 
As we know, that the idea could not be taken from the star 
in the tail of Ursa minor, we are forced to choose between 
Bailly's conjecture or the supposition of a still greater an- 
tiquity. I should, therefore, be inclined to extend to the 
Indian sphere, his conjecture respecting that of Eudoxus. 

I shall now proceed to compare the nakshatras with the 
manzih of the moon, or lunar mansions. 

I. Aswini, now the first nakshatra, but anciently the last 
but one, probably obtained its present situation at the head 
of the Indian asterisms, when the beginning of the zodiac was 
referred to the first degree of Mesha* or the Bam, on the 
Hindu sphere. As measuring a portion of the zodiac, it 
occupies the first 13° 20' of Mesha : and its beginning follows 
immediately after the principal star in the last nakshatra 
(Revati), reckoned, by some exactly, by others nearly, opposite 
to the very conspicuous one, which forms the fourteenth 
asterism. Considered as a constellation, [329] Aswini com- 
prises three stars figured as a horse's head ; and the principal, 
which is also the northern one, is stated by all ancient au- 
thorities, in 10° N. and 8° E. from the beginning of Mesha. 

1 Astronomic Ancienne, p. 511. 

* HipparchiiB, Comment, on Aratus, lib. i. p. 179. 



The first manzil, or lunar mansion, according to the Arabs, 
is entitled Sharat&n, (by the Persians corruptly called, as in 
the oblique case, Sharatain), and comprises two stars of the 
third magnitude on the head of Aries, in lat. 6° 36' and 
7° 51' N., and long. 26° 13' and 27° 7'. 1 With the addition 
of a third, also in the head of the Bam, the asterism is de- 
nominated Ashr&t. The bright star of the second or third 
magnitude, which is out of the figure of the Bam according 
to Ulugh-beg, but on the nose according to Hipparchus cited 
by this author from Ptolemy, is determined N&tih: it is 
placed in lat. 9° 30' N. and long. I s 0° 43', and is apparently 
the same with the principal star in the Indian asterism ; for 
Muhammad of Tizin, in his table of declination and right 
ascension, expressly terras it the first star of the Sharatain. 9 

Many pandits, consulted by me, have concurred in point- 
ing to the three bright stars in the head of Aries (a ft and 7) 
for the Indian constellation Aswini. The first star of Aries 
(a) was also shown to Dr. Hunter, at Ujjayinf, for the prin- 
cipal one in this asterism 5 and Mr. Davis 8 states the other 
two, as those which were pointed out to him by a skilful 
native astronomer, for the stars that distinguish Aswini. 
The same three stars, but with the addition of three others, 
were indicated to Le Gentil, for this constellation. 4 I enter- 
tain, therefore, no doubt that Sir [330] William Jones 5 was 
right in placing the three stars of Aswini in, and near, the 
head of the Bam ; and it is evident, that the first nakshatra of 
the Hindus is here rightly determined, in exact conformity with 
the first lunar mansion of the Arabs ; although the longitude 
of a Arietis exceed, by half a degree, that which is deduced, 
for the end of Aswini, from the supposed situation of the 
Virgin's spike opposite to the beginning of this nakshatra; 

1 Hyde's Ulngk-beg, p. 68. 

* Hyde's Com. on Ulugh-bqf* Tables, p. 97. 
8 As. Res., vol. ii. p. 226. 

4 Mem. Acad. Scien., 1772, P. ii., p. 209. 

* As. Res., vol. ii. p. 298. 

VOL. HI. [B6SAYB II.] 19 


and although its circle of declination be 13 3 instead of S 3 from 
the principal star in Revati. 

II. Bharani, the second Indian asterism, comprises three 
stars figured by the Yoni or pudendum mutiebre : and all 
ancient authorities concur in placing the principal and southern 
star of this nakshaira in 12° N. The second manziL, entitled 
Batain, is placed by Ulagh-beg 1 in lat. 1° 1? and 3° 1?; 
and this cannot possibly be reconciled with the Hindu con- 
stellation. But Muhammad of Tizin* assigns to the bright 
star of Batain a declination of 23° N. exceeding by nearly 2° 
the declination allotted by him to Natih, or his first star in 
Sharatain. This agrees with the difference between the prin- 
cipal stars of Aswini and Bharani ; and it may be inferred, 
that some among the Mahammadan astronomers have con- 
curred with the Hindus, in referring the second constellation 
to stars that form Musca. There were no good grounds for 
supposing Bharani to correspond with three stars on the tail 
of the Ram ; 8 and I have no doubt, that the stars, which 
compose this nakshatra^ have been rightly indicated to me, as 
three in Musca, forming a triangle almost equilateral : their 
brightness, and their equal distance from the first 'and third 
asterisms, corroborate this opinion, which will be confirmed by 
showing, as will be done in the progress of [331] this com- 
parison, that the nakshatras are not restricted to the limits of 
the zodiac. 

III. Krittik&, now the third, but formerly the first, nak- 
shatra, consists of six stars figured as a knife or razor, and 
the principal and southern star is placed in 4J° or 5° N. and 
in 65 sixths of degrees (or 10° 50') from its own commence- 
ment, according to the Sdrya-siddhanta, or 37° 28' to 38° 
from the beginning of Mesha, according to the Siddh&nta- 
siromani, and Graha-l&ghava, respectively. This longitude of 
the circle of declination corresponds nearly with that of the 

1 Hyde, p. 61. • See Hyde's Commentary, p. 97. 

* As. Res., tol. ii. p. 298. 


bright star in the Pleiades, which is 40^ of longitude distant 
from the principal star of Revati. 

The stars indicated by Ulugh-beg for Thurayya\ also cor- 
respond exactly with the Pleiades ; and these were pointed 
out to the Jesuit missionaries, 1 as they have since been to 
every other inquirer, for the third ndkshatra. If any doubt 
existed, Mythology might assist in determining the question ; 
for the Krittikas are six nymphs, who nursed Skanda, the god 
of war, named from these, his foster-mothers, K&rtikeya or 

IV. We retain on our celestial globes the Arabic name of 
the fourth lunar mansion Dabaran (or with the article, Alda- 
baran) : applied by us, however, exclusively to the bright star 
called the Bull's-eye ; and which is unquestionably the same 
with the principal and eastern star of Rohini, placed in 4£° or 
5° S. and 49£° E. by the Hindu writers on Astronomy. 
This nakshatra, figured as a wheeled carriage, comprises five 
stars, out of the seven which the Greeks named the Hyades. 
The Arabs, however, like the Hindus, reckon five stars only 
in the asterism ; and Sir William Jones rightly supposed 
them to be in the head and neck of the Bull ; they probably 
are a p y B e Tauri, agreeably to Mons. Bailly's conjecture. 9 

[332] Hindu astronomers define a point in this constella- 
tion, of some importance in their fanciful astrology. Accord- 
ing to the Sfirya-siddh&nta, when a planet is in the 7th 
degree of Yrisha (Taurus), and has more than two degrees of 
south latitude, or, as commentators expound the passage, 
2° 40' ; the planet is said to cut the cart of Rohini. This is 
denominated iahatabheda, or the section of the wain. Lalla 
and the Graha-l&ghava give nearly the same definition ; and it 
is added, in the work last mentioned, that, when Mars, Saturn, 
and the Moon, are in that position (which occurs, in regard to 
the moon, when the node is eight nahshatras distant from 

1 Coetwd's Hist, of Astr., p. 51. Bailies Attr. Ind^ p. 134. 
1 Astr. Ind., p. 129. 


Punarvasu, and might happen in regard to the rest during 
another yuga), the world is involved in great calamity. Ac- 
cordingly, the puranas contain a legendary story of Dasa- 
ratha's dissuading Saturn from so traversing the constellation 

Y. Mrigasiras, the fifth nakshatra, represented by an ante- 
lope's head, contains three stars: the same which constitute the 
fifth lunar mansion Hak'ah ; for the distance of 10° S. assigned 
to the northern star of this nakshatra will agree with no other 
but one of the three in the head of Orion. The difference of 
longitude (24° to 25£°) from Krittika corresponds with suffi- 
cient exactness; and so does the longitude of its circle of 
declination (62° to 63°) from the end of Revati; since the true 
longitude of X Ononis from the principal star in Revati 
(f Piscium) is 63£°. It was a mistake to suppose this asterism 
to comprise stars in the feet of Gemini, or in the Galaxy. 1 

YI. Jirdr&y the sixth nakshatra, consists of a single bright 
star, described as a gem, and placed in 9° S. by one authority, 
but in 11° by others, and at the distance of 4}° to 4° in 
longitude from the last asterism. This indicates the star in 
the shoulder of Orion (a Ononis) ; not, as [333] was con- 
jectured by Sir William Jones, the star in the knee of Pollux. 2 

The sixth lunar mansion is named by the Arabs, Han ah ; 
and comprises two stars in the feet of the second Twin, 
according to TJlugh-beg, though others make it to be his 
shoulder. 3 Muhammad of Tizln allots five stars to this 
constellation : and the Kamus, among various meanings of 
Han'ah, says, that it is a name for five stars in the left arm 
of Orion ; remarking, also, that the lunar mansion is named 
Tah&yi, comprising three stars called Tahyat. Either way, 
however, the Indian and Arabian asterisms appear in this 
instance irreconcilable. 

VII. The seventh nakshatra, entitled Punarvasu, and re- 

1 Afl. lies., yoI. ii. p. 298. * As. Res., vol. ii. p. 298. 

* Hyde, Com. pp. 7 and 44. 


presented by a house, or, according to a Sanskrit work cited 
by Sir William Jones, 1 a bow, is stated by astronomers as 
including four stars, among which the principal and eastern 
one is 30° or 32° from the fifth asterism ; but placed by all 
authorities in 6° N. This agrees with (/3 Geminorum) one of 
the two stars in the heads of the Twins, which together 
constitute the seventh lunar mansion Zir&', according to 
Muhammad of Tus and Muhammad of Tiztn and other 
Arabian authorities. 2 

It appears from a rule of Sanskrit grammar, 8 that Punar- 
vasu, as a name for a constellation, is properly dual, implying, 
as it may be supposed, two stars. On this ground, a conjecture 
may be raised, that Punarvasu originally comprised two stars, 
though four are now assigned to it. Accordingly, that number 
is retained in the &&kalya-sanhit&. 

It may bo further observed, that the seventh lunar [334] 
mansion of the Arabs is named Zir&' ul asad according to 
Jauhari and others cited by Hyde ; 4 and that the K&miis makes 
this term to be the name of eight stars in the form of a bow. 

Upon the whole, the agreement of the Indian and Arabian 
constellations is here apparent, notwithstanding a variation in 
the number of the stars ; and I conclude, that Punarvasu 
comprises, conformably with Sir William Jones's supposition, 5 
stars in the heads of the twins ; viz. a, y8, Geminorum ; and 
which were indicated to Dr. Hunter by a Hindu astronomer 
at Ujjayini: to which* perhaps, 6 and t may be added to 
complete the number of four. 

VIII. Pushya, the eighth asterism, is described as an 
arrow ; and consists of three stars, the chief of which, being 
also the middlemost, has no latitude, and is 12° or 13° distant 
from the seventh asterism, being placed by Hindu astronomers 
in 106° of longitude. This is evidently 8 Gancri ; and does 
not differ widely from the eighth lunar mansion Nathrah, which, 

1 Ai. Res., vol. ii. p. 295. 9 Hyde on Ulvgk-beg, p. 43. 

3 Pfcnini, I. ii. 63. * Com. on Uhigh-beg, p. 44. 

* As. Rat., toL ii. p. 299. 


according to TJlmgh-beg and others, 1 consists of two stars, 
including the nebula of Cancer. The Indian constellation 
comprises two other stars, besides 8 Gancri, which are perhaps 
7 and ft of the same constellation ; and Sir William Jones's 
conjecture, that it consists of stars in the body and claws of 
Cancer, was not far from the truth. 

IX. The ninth asterism, Xsleshd, contains five stars 
figured as a potter's wheel, and of which the principal or 
eastern one is placed in 7° S., and according to different 
tables, 107°, 108°, or 109°, E. This appears to be intended 
for the bright star in the southern claw of Cancer (a Cancri), 
[335] and cannot be reconciled with the lunar mansion Tarf 
or Tarfah, which comprises two stars * near the lion's eye ; the 
northernmost being placed by Muhammad of Tizin in 24° of 
N. declination. 8 The Jesuit missionaries, if rightly quoted 
by Costard, 4 made Aslesh& correspond with the bright stars 
in the heads of Castor and Pollux, together with Procyon. 
This is evidently erroneous. Sir William Jones's supposition 
that Ksleahk might answer to the face and mane of Leo, nearly 
concurs with the Arabian determination of this lunar mansion, 
but disagrees with the place assigned to the stars by Hindu 
astronomers. Bailly committed the same mistake, when he 
affirmed, that Xsleshfi is the lion's head. 5 

X. The tenth asterism, Maghd, contains, like the last, five 
stars ; but which are figured as a house. The principal or 
southern one has no latitude; and, according to all au- 
thorities, has 129° longitude. This is evidently Regulus 
(a Leonis):: which is exactly 129|° distant from the last 
star in fievati. 

According to the Jesuits cited by Costard, Maghd answers 
to the lion's mane and heart ; and the tenth lunar mansion of 
the Arabians, Jabhah, comprises three (some say four) stars, 

1 Hyde's Com., p. 46. 2 Hyde's Com., p. 8. 

8 Hyde's Com., p. 101. * Hist, of Astr., p. 51. 

* Attr. Ind. p. 328. 


nearly in the longitude of the lion's heart. 1 In this instance, 
therefore, the Indian and Arabian divisions of the zodiac coin- 
cide : and it is owing to an oversight that Sir William Jones 
states the nakshatra as composed of stars in the lion's leg and 
haunch. It appears to consist ofay Jt? and v Leonis. 

XI. Two stars, constituting the eleventh nakshatra, or pre- 
ceding Ph&lguni, which is represented by a couch or [336] 
bedstead, are determined by the place of the chief star (the 
northernmost according to the Surya-siddh&nta) in 12° N. 
and 144° E. or, according to Brahmagupta, the &iromani and 
the Graha-l&ghava, 147° or 148° E. They are probably 8 and 
Leonis : the same which form the lunar mansion Zubrah or 

It may be conjectured, that Brahmagupta and Bh&skara 
selected the southern for the principal star ; while the Surya- 
siddh&nta took the northern : hence the latitude, stated by 
those several Hindu authorities, is the mean between both 
stars ; and the difference of longitude, compared to the pre- 
ceding and subsequent asterisms, may be exactly reconciled 
upon this supposition. 

XII. Two other stars, constituting the twelfth nakshatra, or 
following Ph&lguni, which is likewise figured as a bed, are 
ascertained by the place of one of them (the northernmost) 
in 13° N. and 155° E. This indicates ft Leonis ; the same 
which singly constitutes the Arabian lunar mansion Sarfah, 3 
though Muhammad of Tizin seems to hint that it consists of 
more than one star. 4 By an error regarding the origin of the 
ecliptic on the Indian sphere, Sir William Jones refers to the 
preceding nakshatra the principal star of this asterism. 

XIII. Hasta, the thirteenth nakshatra, has the name and 
figure of a hand ; and is suitably made to contain five stars. 
The principal one, towards the west, next to the north- 

1 Hyde's TJlngh-beg, p. 74, and Com., p. 46. 
9 Hyde's Ulugh-beg, p. 76, and Com., p. 47. 
3 Hyde** Ulugh-beg, p. 78, and Com., p. 47. 
* Hyde, p. 102. 


western star, is placed according to all authorities in 11° S. and 
170° E. This can only belong to the constellation Corvus : 
and accordingly five stars in that constellation (a fi y 8 € 
Corvi) have been pointed out to me by Hindu astronomers 
for this nafohatra. 

[337] ' Awwfi, the thirteenth lunar mansion of the Arabs, 
is described as containing the same number of stars, situated 
under Virgo, and so disposed as to resemble the letter Alif. 
They are placed by Ulugh-beg in the wing. 1 

In this instance the Indian and Arabian divisions of the 
zodiac have nothing in common but the number of stars and 
their agreement of longitude. It appears, however, from a 
passage cited from Sufi by Hyde, 8 that the Arabs have also 
considered the constellation of Corvus as a mansion of the 

XIY. The fourteenth nak&hatra, figured as a pearl, is a 
single star named Chitr&. It is placed by the Surya-siddh&nta 
in 2° S. and 180° E., and by Brahmagupta, the S'iromani and 
Graha-l&ghava, in 1|° or 2° S. and 183° E. This agrees with 
the Virgin's spike (a Virginia) ; and Hindu astronomers have 
always pointed out that star for Ohitri. The same star consti- 
tutes the fourteenth lunar mansion of the Arabs, named from 
it Sim&k ul a'zil. Le Gentil's conjecture, 3 that the fourteenth 
nakshatra comprises the two stars 8 and 6 Virginia, was 
entirely erroneous. And Mons. Bailly was equally incorrect 
in placing Virginia in the middle of this asterism. 4 

XV. Another single star constitutes the fifteenth nakshatra, 
Sw&ti, represented by a coral bead. The Surya-siddh&nta, 
Brahmagupta, the Siromani and Graha-l&ghava, concur in 
placing it in 37° N. They differ one degree in the longitude 
of its circle of declination ; three of these authorities making 
it 199°, and the other 198°. 

The only conspicuous star, nearly in the situation thus 

1 Hyde's Ulugh-beg, p. 80. * Com. v p. 82. 

3 Bailly, Astr. Ind., p. 227. * Aatr. Ind., p. 227. 



assigned to Sw&tf (and the Indian astronomers would hardly 
travel so far from the zodiac to seek an obscure [338] star), 
is A returns, 33° N. of the ecliptic in the circle of declination, 
and 198° E. from the principal star of Revatf. I am there- 
fore disposed to believe, that Swati has been rightly indicated 
to me by a native astronomer who pointed out Arcturus for 
this nakshatra. The longitude, stated by Muniswara (viz. 
1£° less than Chitra), indicates the same star : but, if greater 
reliance be placed on his latitudes, the star intended may 
be e Bootis. At all events, Mons. Bailly mistook, when he 
asserted, on the authority of Le Gentil, that the fifteenth 
nakshatra is marked by a Yirginis ; and that this star is 
situated at the beginning of the nakshatra. 1 

The Indian asterism totally disagrees with the lunar 
mansion Ghafr, consisting of three stars in the Virgin's foot, 
according to Ulugh-beg, 8 but in, or near, the balance, accord- 
ing to others. 

XYI. Yisakha, the sixteenth nakshatra, consists of four 
stars described as a festoon. Authorities differ little as to the 
situation of the principal and northernmost star: placing it in 
1°, 1° 20', or 1° 30' S., and in 212°, 212° 5' or 213° E. The 
latitude seems to indicate the bright star in the southern 
Scale (a Libra), though the longitude disagree : for this sug- 
gests a remote star (possibly tc Librae). I apprehend the first 
to be nearest the truth ; and hence conclude the four stars to 
be a v i Librae and 7 Scorpii. 

The sixteenth lunar mansion, named Zubanah or Zuba- 
niyah, 8 is, according to Muhammad of Tizin, 4 the bright star 
in the northern Scale (/3 Librae), which Sir William Jones 
supposed to be the fifteenth nakshatra. 

Father Souciet, by whom Corona Borealis is stated [339] 
for the asterism Yisfikha, is censured by Sir William Jones, 
under an impression, that all the nakshatras must be sought 

1 Aitr. Ind., p. 139 and 227. s Hyde, p. 82, and Com., p. 50. 

* [ZuMna' or Zubdniydn t] * Hyde, Com., p. 104. 


within the zodiac. The information, received by Father 
Souciet, does appear to have been erroneous ; bat the same 
mistake was committed by a native astronomer, who showed 
to me the same constellation for Yis&kh& ; and the nakshatras 
are certainly not restricted to the neighbourhood of the ecliptic. 

XVII. Four stars (or, according to a different reading, 
three), described as a row of oblations, that is, in a right 
line, constitute the seventeenth nakshatra named Anur&dh&. 
Here also authorities differ little as to the situation of the 
chief and middlemost star; which is placed in 3°, or 2°, 
or 1° 45' S., and in 224° or 224° 5' E. This must intend the 
star near the head of the Scorpion (S Scorpionis) : and the 
asterism probably comprises ft & ir and p Scorpionis. 

The seventeenth lunar mansion of the Arabs, called Iklil 
or Iklilu'ljabhah, contains four (some say three, and others 
six l ) stars lying in a straight line. Those assigned by Ulugh- 
beg 2 for this mansion are ft 8 v ir Scorpionis. 

Here the Indian and Arabian divisions appear to concur 
exactly ; and Sir William Jones, 3 as well as the missionaries 
cited by Costard, 4 have apparently understood the same stars ; 
though the latter extend the nakshatra to the constellation 

XVIII. Jyeshtfia, the eighteenth nakshatra, comprises 
three stars figured as a ring. In regard to this, also, authorities 
are nearly agreed in the position of the principal and middle- 
most star, placed in 4°, 3J°, or 3° S., and in 229°, 229° 5', 
or 230° £. This position clearly indicates Antares or the 
Scorpion's heart (a Scorpionis) ; which is [340] also the 
eighteenth lunar mansion, named Kalb or KalbuTakrab. The 
three stars of the Indian asterism may be a a and r Scorpionis. 

XIX. The nineteenth asterism, Mula, represented by a 
lion's tail, contains eleven stars, of which the characteristic 
one, the easternmost, is placed in 9°, 8£°, or 8° S., and in 241° 

1 Hyde, Com., p. 51. * Hyde, p. 87. 

3 Ab. Res., ii. p. 299. * Mitt, Attr. f p 61. 


or 242° E. Although the latitude of v Scorpionis be five 
degrees too great, there seems little doubt that either that 
or the star east of it, marked z>, must be intended ; and this 
determination agrees with the eighteenth lunar mansion of 
the Arabs called Shaulah, consisting of two stars near the 
Scorpion's sting. The Hindu asterism probably includes all 
the stars placed by us in the Scorpion's tail, viz. e p £$i i k 
X v and v Scorpionis. 

XX. The twentieth nakshafra^ entitled preceding Ash&dha, 
figured as an elephant's tooth, or as a couch, consists of two 
stars, of which the most northern one is placed in 5£°, 5}°, or 
5° S., and 254° or 255° E. This suits with 8 Sagittarii, 
which is also one of the stars of the twentieth lunar mansion 
called Na'iim. It consists of four, or, according to some 
authorities, of eight stars. The Indian asterism seemingly 
comprises 8 and € Sagittarii. 

XXI. Two stars constitute the twenty-first asterism, named 
the subsequent Ash&dha, which is represented by a couch or 
by an elephant's tooth. The principal star, which also is the 
most northerly one, is placed in 5° S., and 260°, or 261° E. 
This agrees with a star in the body of Sagittarius (t Sagit- 
tarii), and the other star is perhaps the one marked f. 

The twenty-first lunar mansion of the Arabians, named 
Baldah, comprises six stars, two of which are placed by 
Muhammad of Tizin in declination 21° and 16°. One of 
these must be a star in the head of Sagittarius. Some 
authors, on the contrary, describe the lunar mansion as [341] 
destitute of stars. 1 At all events, the Hindu and Arabian 
divisions appear, in this instance, to be but imperfectly re- 

XXII. Three stars, figured as a triangle, or as the nut of 
the floating Trapa, form the twenty-second asterism, named 
Abhijit ; which, in the modern Indian astronomy, does not 
occupy an equal portion of the ecliptic with the other nak- 

1 Hyde, Com. on Ulugh-beg, p. 9. 



shatras, but is carved out of the contiguous divisions. Its 
place (meaning that of its brightest star) is very remote from 
the zodiac ; being in 60° or 62° N. The longitude of its 
circle of declination, according to different authorities, is 265°, 
266° 40', or 268°. Probably the bright star in the Lyre is 
meant. It was shown to Dr. Hunter, at Ujjayinf, for the chief 
star in Abhijit ; and the same was pointed out to me for the 
asterism, by a Hindu astronomer at this place. 

The Arabian lunar mansion Z&bih consists of two stars 
(some reckon four l ) in the horns of Capricorn, totally dis- 
agreeing with the Indian nakshatra. 

XXIII. &ravan&, the twenty-third nakshatra, represented 
by three footsteps, contains three stars, of which one, the 
middlemost, is by all authorities placed in 30° N., but they 
differ as to its longitude; the Surya-siddh&nta placing it 
in 280° ; Brahmagupta and the S'iromani in 278° ; and the 
Graha-l&ghava in 275°. The assigned latitude indicates the 
bright star in the Eagle, whence the three may be inferred to 
be a ft and 7 Aquilee. 

The twenty-third mansion of the moon, called by the Arabs 
Bula', consists of two stars in the left hand of Aquarius. 
Consequently the Arabian and Hindu divisions are here at 

[342] XXIV. Dhanishthd, the twenty-fourth asterism, is 
represented by a drum or tabor. It comprises four stars, one 
of which (the westernmost) is placed in 36° N., and according 
to the Surya-siddh&nta, Brahmagupta and the 6iroma^i, in 
290° E., though the Graha-lfighava state 286° only. This 
longitude of the circle of declination, and the distance of the 
star on it from the ecliptic, indicate the Dolphin ; and the four 
stars probably are a ft y and 8 Delphini. The same constella- 
tion is mentioned by the Jesuit missionaries as corresponding 
to DhanishthA ; * and there can be little doubt that the ascer- 
tainment is correct. The longitude stated by Muniswara 

1 Ulugh-beg, p. 9*, and Hyde's Com., p. 54. 3 Costard, p. 81. 



(viz. 294° 12') supports the conclusion, though his latitude 
(26° 25') be too small. To determine accurately the position 
of this nakshatra is important, as the solstitial colure, accord- 
ing to the ancient astronomers, passed through the extremity 
of it, and through the middle of Aslesh&. 

The twenty-fourth mansion, called by the Arabs Sif tid, 
comprises two stars in Aquarius (/S and £ Aquarii) ; totally 
disagreeing with the Hindu division. 

XXY. §atabhish&, the twenty-fifth natohatra, is a cluster 
of a hundred stars figured by a circle. The principal one, or 
brightest, has no latitude ; or only a third, or at the utmost 
hal£ a degree of south latitude ; and all the tables concur in 
placing it in long. 320°. This will suit best with X Aquarii. 
These hundred stars may be sought in the stream from the 
Jar, where Sir William Jones places the nakshatra; and in 
the right leg of Aquarius. 

Akhbiyah, the twenty-fifth lunar mansion, is stated to con- 
sist of three stars only, which seem to be the three in the 
wrist of the right hand of Aquarius. 1 However, it appears 
from Ulugh-beg's tables, as well as from Mu[343]hammad of 
Tizin's, that four stars are assigned to this mansion. 8 

The Hindu and Arabian asterisms differ here less widely 
than in the instances lately noticed : and a passage, cited by 
Hyde from Firtiz&b£di, even intimates the circular figure of 
the constellation. 3 

XXVI. The twenty-sixth of the Indian asterisms, called 
the preceding Bh&drapada, consists of two stars represented 
by a couch or bed, or else by a double-headed figure ; one of 
which is placed by Hindu astronomers in 24° N., and 325° or 
326° E. The only conspicuous star, nearly in that situation, 
is the bright star in Pegasus (a Pegasi) ; and the other may 
be the nearest considerable star in the same constellation 
(f Pegasi). I should have considered /3 Pegasi to be the 

1 Hyde's Com., p. 66. 9 Hyde, p. 99, and Com., p. 96. 

* Com., p. 10. 



second star of this nafokatra, were not its yoga or chief star 
expressly said to be the most northerly. Mukaddam, the 
twenty-sixth lunar mansion, consists of the two brightest stars 
in Pegasus (a and f$) 1 ; and thus the two divisions of the 
zodiac nearly concur. 

XXVII. Two other stars constitute the twenty-seventh 
lunar mansion named the subsequent Bh&drapada. They are 
figured as a twin, or person with a double face, or else as a 
couch. The position of one of them (the most northerly) is 
stated in 26° or 27° N., and 337° E. I suppose the bright 
star in the head of Andromeda to be meant ; and the other 
star to be the one in the extremity of the wing of Pegasus 
(7 Pegasi). This agrees exactly with the twenty-seventh 
lunar mansion of the Arabians, called Muakhkhar. For 
TJlugh-beg assigns those stars to it. 8 

XXVIII. The last of the twenty-eight asterisms is named 
Revati, and comprises thirty-two stars figured as [344] a 
tabor. AIL authorities agree that the principal star, which 
should be the southernmost, has no latitude, and two of them 
assert no longitude ; but some make it ten minutes short of 
the origin of the ecliptic, viz. 359° 50'. This clearly marks 
the star on the ecliptic in the string of the Fishes (f Piscium) ; 
and the ascertainment of it is important in regard to the 
adjustment of the Hindu sphere. 

The Arabic name of the 28th mansion, Rish&, signifying a 
cord, seems to indicate a star nearly in the same position. 
But the constellation, as described by Jauhari cited by Golius, 
consists of a multitude of stars in the shape of a fish, and 
termed Batnu'lhtit ; in the navel of which is the lunar 
mansion : and Muhammad of Tizin, with some others, also 
makes this lunar mansion to be the same with Batnu'lhtit, 
which appears, however, to be the bright star in the girdle of 
Andromeda (Ji Andromedae) ; though others describe it as 

1 Hyde's Ulugh-beg, p. 58, and Com., p. 84. 

2 Hyde, p. 53, and Com., pp. 34 and 85. 


the northern Fish, extending, however, to the horns of the 
Bam. 1 The lunar mansion and Indian asterism are, therefore, 
not reconcilable in this last instance. 

The result of the comparison shows, I hope satisfactorily, 
that the Indian asterisms, which mark the divisions of the 
ecliptic, generally consist of nearly the. same stars, which con- 
stitute the lunar mansions of the Arabians : but, in a few 
instances, they essentially differ. The Hindus have likewise 
adopted the division of the ecliptic and zodiac into twelve 
signs or constellations, agreeing in figure and designation with 
those of the Greeks ; and differing merely in the place of the 
constellations, which are carried on the Indian sphere a few 
degrees further west than on the Grecian. That the Hindus 
took the hint of this mode of dividing the ecliptic from the 
Greeks, is not perhaps altogether improbable ; but, if such be 
the origin of it, they [345] have not implicitly received the 
arrangement suggested to them, but have reconciled and 
adapted it to their own ancient distribution of the ecliptic into 
twenty-seven parts. 8 

In like manner, they may have either received or given the 
hint of an armillary sphere as an instrument for astronomical 
observation: but certainly they have not copied the instrument 
which was described by Ptolemy, for the construction differs 

In the Arabic epitome of the Almijast entitled Tahriru'l- 
mijasti, 3 the armillary sphere (Zdt ul halk) is thus described. 
u Two equal circles are placed at right angles; the one re- 
presenting the ecliptic, the other the solstitial colure. Two 
pins pass through the poles of the ecliptic ; and two other pins 

1 Hyde's Com., pp. 10, 35, and 96. 

1 According to the longitude of the three brightest stars of Aries, as stated by 
Ptolemy, viz. 10° 40', 7° 40', and 6° 40', (I quote from an Arabic epitome of the 
Almijast), the origin of the ecliptic, in the Greek book which is most likely to 
have become known in India, is 6° 20' from the star which the Hindus hare 
selected to mark the commencement of the ecliptic. 

3 By the celebrated Nasiruddin Tusi ; from the Arabic version of Ishak ben 
Honain, which was revised by Thabit. 


are placed on the poles of the equator. On the two first pins 
are suspended a couple of circles, moving the one within, the 
other without, the first mentioned circles, and representing 
two secondaries of the ecliptic. On the two other pins a circle 
is placed, which encompasses the whole instrument, and within 
which the different circles turn; it represents the meridian. 
Within the inner secondary of the ecliptic a circle is fitted to 
it,- in the same plane, and turning in it. This is adapted to 
measure latitudes. To this internal circle, two apertures, or 
sights, opposite to each other, and without its plane, are 
adapted, like the sights of an instrument for altitudes. The 
armillary sphere is complete when consisting of these six 
circles. The ecliptic and secondaries are to be gra[346]duated 
as minutely as may be practicable. It is best to place both 
secondaries, as by some directed, within the ecliptic (instead 
of placing one of them without it), that the complete revolu- 
tion of the outer secondary may not be obstructed by the pins 
at the poles of the equator. The meridian, likewise, should 
be doubled, or made to consist of two circles ; the external one 
graduated, and the internal one moving within it. Thus the 
pole may be adjusted at its proper elevation above the horizon 
of any place. The instrument so constructed consists of seven 

" It is remarked, that when the circle representing the 
meridian is placed in the plane of the true meridian, so that 
it cuts the plane of the horizon at right angles, and one of the 
poles of the equator is elevated above the horizon conformably 
with the latitude of the place ; then the motions of all the 
circles round the poles represent the motions of the universe. 

" After rectifying the meridian, if it be wished to observe 
the sun and moon together, the outer secondary of the ecliptic 
must be made to intersect the ecliptic at the sun's place for 
that time : and the solstitial colure must be moved until the 
place of intersection be opposite to the sun. Both circles are 
thus adjusted to their true places; or if any other object but 

^nB^jmi^JBr^^^^&IK^w^iT^—^W^^^r^^^^r-w^w^-^WTtw^rT^i-ir-irwrm- r^-^^^^T^' x ^ *»-»'.-»*;«▼.» «'.<*«-•., 


the sun be observed, the colure is turned, nntil the object be 
seen in its proper place, on that secondary referred to the 
ecliptic : the circle representing the ecliptic being at the same 
time in the plane of the true ecliptic and in its proper situation. 
Afterwards, the inner secondary is turned towards the moon 
(or to any star intended to be observed), and the smaller circle 
within it, bearing the two sights, is turned, until the moon be 
seen in the line of the apertures. The intersection of the 
[347] secondary circle and ecliptic is the place of the moon in 
longitude ; and the arc of the secondary, between the aperture 
and the ecliptic, is the latitude of the moon on either side 
(north or south)." 

The same instrument, as described by Montucla from the 
text of Ptolemy (1. 3, c. 2), 1 consists of six circles: first, 
a large circle representing the meridian; next, four circles 
united together, representing the equator, ecliptic and two 
colures, and turning within the first circle on the poles of the 
equator ; lastly, a circle turning on the poles of the ecliptic, 
furnished with sights and nearly touching, on its concave side, 
the circumference of the ecliptic. 

The armillary sphere, described by the Arabian epitomiser, 
differs, therefore, from Ptolemy's, in omitting the equator 
and equinoctial colure, and adding an inner secondary of the 
ecliptic, which, as well as the meridian, is doubled. 

According to Lalande, the astrolabe of Ptolemy, from which 
Tycho Brahe derived his equatorial armillary, consisted only 
of four circles: two placed at right angles to represent the 
ecliptic and solstitial colure ; a third turning on the poles of 
the ecliptic and serving to mark longitudes; and a fourth, 
within the other three, furnished with sights to observe 
celestial objects and measure their latitudes and longi- 
tudes. 8 

Whether the ancient Greeks had any more complicated 

1 Hist, dei Mathtm., i. p. 301. 
* Lalande, A»lnm. t L 13. (J 2279). 

VOL. HI. [E88AYB II.] 20 


instrument formed on similar principles, and applicable to 
astronomical observations, is perhaps uncertain. We have no 
detailed description of the instrument which Archimedes is 
said to have devised to represent the phenomena and motions 
of the heavenly bodies ; nor any sufficient [348] hint of its 
construction; 1 nor does Cicero's account of the sphere ex- 
hibited by Posidonius 8 suggest a distinct notion of its 

Among the Arabs, no addition is at present known to have 
been made to the armillary sphere, between the period when 
the Almijast was translated, 3 and the time of Alh&zin, who 
wrote a treatise of optics, in which a more complicated instru- 
ment than that of Ptolemy is described. Alh&zin's armil- 
lary sphere is stated to have been the prototype of Tycho 
Brahe's; 4 but neither the [349] original treatise, nor th# 
Latin translation of it, are here procurable ; and I am there- 
fore unable to ascertain whether the sphere, mentioned by the 
Arabian author, resembled that described by Indian astro- 

1 If Claudian's epigram on the subject of it was founded upon airy authority, 
the instrument must have been a sort of orrery, enclosed in glass. 
Tide Claud, epigr. 18. Cic. Tunc. Quest, i. 25. De Nat. Deor. it 85. 

* Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 34. 

3 In the Hijra year 212, or a.d. 827, by Alhazin ben Yuaaf, with the aid of 
Sergius (Montucla, ii. p. 304) ; or rather by Ishak ben Honain, whose death is 
placed about the Hijra year 260 (D'Herbelot, p. 456). According to the 
Kashf ul zunan, Ish&k's version was epitomized by Hajjaj ben Yusaf, by Thabit 
ben Korrah, and by Nasiruddin Tuei. Other versions, however, are mentioned : 
particularly one by Hajjaj, said to have been corrected first by Honain ben Ishak, 
and afterwards by Thabit ; another by Thabit himself ; and a third by Mum* ben 
Yahya. A different account is likewise given of the earliest translation of the 
Almijast, which is ascribed to Aba Hisan and Salman, who are said to have com- 
pleted it, after the failure of other learned men, who had previously attempted 
the translation. Mention is also made of a version by Ibrahim ben Salat, re- 
vised by Honain. But none of these translations are anterior to the ninth 
century of the Christian era. 

* Adhibuit (Tycho) armillare quoddam instrumentum, quod tamen comperi ego 
positum et adhibitum olim fuisse ante Tychonem ab Alhazeno, lib. 7. opt. C. 1. 
prop. 15. et a VitelL lib. 10. propos. 49. cujus instrument! astronomice collooati 
ope atque usu, (vide instrumentum multiplex armillare apud Tycho. in Mechanicis 
Astronomic), eandem elevationem falsam 9 scrupulorum invenit, quam per alia 
duo divena instrumenta compererat. — Bettini, Apiaria, vol. ii. p. 41. 



nomers. At all events, he is more modern l than the oldest of 
the Hindu writers whom I shall proceed to quote. 8 

The construction of the armillary sphere is briefly and 
rather obscurely taught in the Sdrya-siddhfinta. The fol- 
lowing is a literal translation. 

" Let the astronomer frame the surprising structure of the 
terrestrial and celestial spheres. 

" Having caused a wooden globe to be made, [of such size] 
as he pleases, to represent the earth ; with a staff for the axis 
passing through the centre, and exceeding the globe at both 
ends; let him place the supporting hoops, 3 as also the 
equinoctial circle. 

" Three circles must be prepared (divided for signs and 
degrees), the radius of which must agree with the respective 
diurnal circles, in proportion to the equinoctial : the three 
circles should be placed for the Bam and following signs, re- 
spectively, at the proper declination in degrees, N. or S. ; the 
same answer contrariwise for the Grab and other signs. In 
like manner, three circles are placed in the southern hemisphere, 
for the Balance and the rest, and contrariwise for Capricorn 
and the remaining signs. Circles are similarly placed on both 
hoops for the asterisms in both hemispheres, as also for Abhijit ; 
and for the seven Rishis, Agastya, Brahma, and other stars. 

[350] " In the middle of all these circles is placed the 
equinoctial. At the intersection of that and the supporting 
hoops, and distant from each other half the signs, the two 
equinoxes should be determined ; and the two solstices, at the 
degrees of obliquity from the equinoctial ; and the places of 
the Bam and the rest, in the order of the signs, should be 
adjusted by the strings of the curve. Another circle, thus 

1 He wrote his treatise on optics and other works about the year 1100. — Biogr. 

2 BhAskara flourished in the middle of the twelfth century ; being born, as he 
himself informs us, in the S'&ka year 1036, answering to a.d. 1114. But tbe 
Surya-siddhanta is more ancient 

8 They are the colures. 


passing from equinox to equinox, is named the ecliptic ; and 
by this path, the sun, illuminating worlds, for ever travels. 
The moon and the other planets are seen deviating from their 
Bodes in the ecliptic, to the extent of their respective greatest 
latitudes [within the zodiac]." 

The author proceeds to notice the relation of the great 
circles before mentioned to the horizon ; and observes, that, 
whatever place be assumed for the apex of the sphere, the 
middle of the heavens for that place is its horizon. He 
concludes by showing, that the instrument may be made to 
revolve with regularity, by means of a current of water ; and 
hints, that the appearance of spontaneous motion may be 
given, by a concealed mechanism, for which quicksilver is to be 
employed. The manner of using this instrument for astronomi- 
cal observations has been already explained (p. [324], etc.) 

More ample instructions for framing an armillary sphere 
Are delivered in the Siddh&nta-siromani. The passage is too 
long for insertion in this place ; and I reserve it for a separate 
article, on account of the explanations which it requires, and 
because it leads to the consideration of other topics, 1 which 
cannot be sufficiently discussed in the pre[351]sent essay. A 
brief abstract of Bh&skara's description may here suffice. In 
the centre he places a small globe to represent the earth 
encompassed with circles for the orbits of the planets arranged 
like the curved lines in a spider's web. On an axis passing 
through the poles of the earth, and prolonged on both sides, a 
sphere, or assemblage of circles, is suspended, by means of 
lings or tubes adapted to the axis, so that the sphere may 
move freely on it. This assemblage of circles comprises a 
horizon and equator adjusted for the place, with a prime verti- 
cal and meridian, and two intermediate verticals (intersecting 

1 Among others, that of the precession of the equinoxes ; respecting which 
different opinions are stated by Bhaskara. It appears, from what is said by him, 
that the notion of a libration of the equinoxes has not universally prevailed 
among Hindu astronomers. The corrector opinion of a revolution of the 
equinoctial points was advanced by some authors, but has not obtained the 
general suffrage of Hindu writers on astronomy. 



the horizon at the N.E. and S. W. and N. W, and S.E. points) ; 
as also the equinoctial colure. Another circle is suspended 
within this sphere on the poles of the horizon, apparently 
intended to measure the altitude and amplitude of an object. 

Another sphere or assemblage of circles is in like manner 
suspended on the pole of the equator. It consists of both 
colures, and the equinoctial, with the ecliptic adjusted to it ; 
and six circles for the planetary orbits duly adjusted to the 
ecliptic : as also six diurnal circles parallel to the equinoctial, 
and passing through the extremities of the several signs. 

This, though not a complete description of Bh&skara's 
armillary sphere, will convey a sufficient notion of the in- 
strument for the purpose of the present comparison ; and will 
justify the remark, that its construction differs greatly from 
that of the instrument specified by Ptolemy. 

In the description of the armillary sphere cited from the 
Surya-siddh&nta, mention is made of several stars not in- 
cluded in the asterisms which mark the divisions of the 
ecliptic. The following table exhibits the positions of [352] 
those, and of the few other stars which have been particularly 
noticed by Hindu astronomers. 


siddhdnta and 







76° S. 



ir i6* s. 

86° 6' 

80° 8. 


Lubdhaka, or) 
the hunter ) 

40° S. 


40° S. 


40° 4'SJ84°36' 


40° 8. 






8 14'nJ67° 4' 






81° N. 



68° 36' 

30° N. 

62° » 

Prqjdpati, or) 
Brahmd ) 



39° N. 


38° 88' N. 

66° 63' 

38° N. 





183 9 

8° N. 




— 1 9°N. 


1 The S'&kalya-sanhit* and Tattwa-yiyeka agree with the Stirya-siddhanta aa 
to the poaitioni of the first four stars. They omit the other three. 


The Seven Rishis, according to the S'dkalya-sanhitd, 


Kratu 55° N. 

Pulaha 50° N. 


Atri 56° N. 

Angtras 57° N. 

Vasishtha 60° N. 

MarIchi 60° N. 

Here Agastya is evidently Canopus ; as Lubdhaka is Sinus. 
Brahmahridaya seems to be Oapella, which was shown, under 
that Indian name, to Dr. Hunter at Ujja[353]yini. Agni 
may be the bright star in the northern horn of the Bull 
0? Tauri) : Prajapati is perhaps the star on the head of the 
Waggoner (8 Aung®). The distances of the three last 
mentioned stars from the ecliptic do not exactly agree with 
the places stated : but no conspicuous stars are found nearer 
to the assigned positions : and it may be remarked, that they 
are all nearly in the longitude of the nakshatra Mrigasiras, 
corresponding to the head of Orion ; and that the latitude 
assigned to them by Hindu astronomers is as much too small, 
as that of Mrigasiras is too great. 

The star, mentioned in the Surya-siddhanta under the name 
of Apas or water, is doubtless 8 Yirginis ; and Ap&mvatsa 
comprises the nebulous stars in the same constellation, marked 
b. 1. 2. 3. 

Astronomers give rules for computing the heliacal rising 
and setting of the star Agastya, on account of certain religious 
ceremonies to be performed when that star appears. Varaha- 
mihira says, ' Agastya is visible at Ujjayini, when the sun is 
7° short of the sign Virgo/ But he afterwards adds, that 
4 the star becomes visible, when the sun reaches Hasta, and 
disappears when the sun arrives at Rohini/ His commen- 
tator remarks, that the author has here followed earlier 



writers ; and quotes Par&sara, saying, ( When the sun is in 
Hasta, the star rises ; and it sets when the sun is in Rohini." l 
Bhattotpala cites from the five Siddh&ntas* a rule of com- 
putation, analogous to that which will be forthwith quoted 
from the Bh&swati; and remarks, that three periods of 
Agastya's heliacal rising [354] are observed, viz. 8th and 15th 
of Aswina and 8th of K&rttika. 

The Bh&swati directs the day of Agastya's rising for any 
particular latitude to be found by the following rule. ' The 
length of the shadow of a gnomon 8 at a particular latitude, 
on the day of the equinox, is multiplied by 25 ; and to the 
product 900 are added ; the sum, divided by 225, gives in 
signs and degrees the place of the sun, on the day when 
Agastya rises or appears in the south, at the close of night/ 
The commentator adds, that ' the day of the star's setting 
may be competed by deducting the sum found as above, from 
1350 ; the difference reduced to signs and degrees, is the place 
of the sun, on the day when Agastya sets in the southwest. 4 
According to these rules, Agastya in latitude 26° 34', rises 
when the sun is in 4 B 20° and sets when the sun is in 1" 10°. 

The Graha-l&ghava teaches another method of calculation. 
The length of the shadow of the gnomon is multiplied by 8, 
and the product is added to 98 for the sun's place in degrees, 
on the day when Agastya rises ; or is deducted from 78, to 
find the sun's place when that star sets. By this rule, the 
star should rise, in latitude 26° 34', when the sun is at the 
26th degree of the Lion, and should set when the sun quits 
the Bam. Accordingly, the Bhavishya and the Brahma- 
vaivarta-pur&nas ordain oblations for Agastya three days 
before the sun reaches the zodiacal sign Virgo ; though the 
inhabitants of the province of Oauda, as observed in the last- 
mentioned purdna> perform this ceremony three days earlier. 

* Pancha-siddhanta, a treatise by Varahamihira. 
3 In duodecimal parts. 


In regard to the passages above quoted, it may remarked, 
that the rale, stated in the Bh&swati, implies the distance of 
three signs, from the beginning of Aries, to [855] Agastya,* 
and supposes the star to become visible when distant one sign 
from the sun. But the rule delivered in the Graha-l&ghava 
places the star at the distance of 88° from the beginning of 
Mesha, and supposes it visible in the right sphere, when 10° 
distant from the sun. According to the quotation from 
Par&sara, the right ascension of the star must have been, in 
his time, not less than 100° reckoned from the beginning of 
Mesha ; and the star, rising cosmically, became visible in the 
oblique sphere, at the distance of 60° from the sun ; and dis- 
appeared setting acronychally, when within that distance. 
Making allowance, therefore, for the star's proper motion, and 
change of declination and right ascension, it remains probable , 
that Par&sara's rule was framed for the north of India, at a 
period when the solstitial points were, as stated by that author, 
in the middle of Asleshfi, and beginning of Dhanishtha. 1 

I have purposely reserved for separate consideration the 
seven Rishis, who give name to seven stars in Ursa major ; 
not only because their positions are not stated by Brah- 
magupta, Bh&skara, and the Surya-siddh&nta, but also because 
the authors, who give their positions, ascribe to them a 
particular motion, or variation of longitude, different from 
other stars, and apparently unconnected with the precession of 
the equinoxes. 

Var&hamihira has a chapter in the V&r&hi-sanhitA ex- 
pressly on the subject of this supposed motion of the Rishis. 
He begins by announcing the intention of stating their 
revolution conformably with the doctrine of Yriddha Garga, 
and proceeds as follows : * When king Yudhishthira ruled the 
earth, the Munis were in Magha, and the period of the era of 
that king is 2526 years. They [356] remain for a hundred 
years in each asterism, being connected with that particular 

1 As. Res., vol. ii. p. 893. 

• «• 1 *** ■- ^^^^^mgmmm^rmmBfwtiBmvwmnBwmieasgi 


nafohatra, to which, when it rises in the eas£, the line of their 
rising is directed. 9 1 

The commentator, Bhattotpala, supports the text of his 
author by quotations from Yriddha Garga and K&syapa. 
4 At the junction of the Kali and Dw&para ages/ says Garga* 
'the virtuous sages, who delight in protecting the people, 
stood at the asterism, over which the Pitris preside/ That is 
at Magh&. ' The mighty sages/ says E&syapa, ' abide during 
a hundred years in each asterism, attended by the virtuous 

The author next states the relative situation of the seven 
Bishis, with Arundhati near her husband Vasishtha ; and the 
remainder of the chapter is devoted to astrology. 

The revolution of the seven Bishis, and its periods, are 
noticed in purdnas. The following passage is from the Sri 
BhAgavata. 9 

1 From your birth (Parikshit is addressed by &uka) to the 
inauguration of Nanda, 1115 years will elapse. 

[357] ' Of the seven Bishis, two are first perceived, rising 
in the sky ; and the asterism, which is observed to be at night 
even with the middle of those two stars, is that with which 
the Bishis are united, and they remain so during a hundred 
years of men. In your time, and at this moment, they are 
situated in Maghd. 

' When the splendour of Vishnu, named Krishna, departed 
for heaven, then did the Kali age, during which men delight 

According to a different reading noticed by the commentator, the concluding 
hemistich signifies "they constantly rise in the north-east; together with 

[Dr. Kern's ed. reads (p. 85) nfynaieha for r<fjy<uyaJ] 
* Book xiL.c. 2. 



in sin, invade the world. So long as he continued to touch 
the earth with his holy feet, so long the Kali age was unable 
to subdue the world. 

'When the seven Rishis were in Magh&, the Kali age 
comprising 1200 [divine] years 1 began; and when, from 
Maghd, they shall reach Pdrv6sh&dha, then will this Kali age 
attain its growth under Nanda and his successors." 

The commentator §ridhara-sw&mi remarks, that the con- 
stellation, consisting of seven stars, is in the form of a 
wheeled carriage. Marichi, he observes, is at the extremity ; 
and next to him, Yasishtha in the arched part of the yoke ; 
and beyond him Angiras : next to whom are four stars in a 
quadrangle: Atri at the north-east corner; south of him 
Pulastya ; next to whom is Pulaha ; and Kratu is north of 
the last. Such being their relative position, the two stars, 
which rise first, are Pulaha and Kratu ; and whichever 
asterism is in a line south from the middle of those stars, is 
that with which the seven Rishis are united ; and they so 
remain for 100 years. 

A similar passage is found in the Vishnu-pur&na, 8 and a 
similar exposition of it is given by the commentator Rat- 
nagarbha : but the period, there stated to elapse between the 
birth of Parikshit and the inauguration of Nanda, is 1015 
years only. 

[358] The Matsya-pur&gia contains a passage to the like 
effect ; but allows 1050 years from the birth of Parikshit to 
the inauguration of Mah&padma ; and the seven Rishis are 
stated as being in a line with the constellation sacred to fire 
(that is Krittik&), 836 years later, in the time of the Andhra 

In the Brahma-siddh&nta of £&kalya, denominated from its 
reputed author S&kalya-sanhit&, the supposed motion of the 
seven Rishis is thus noticed : 3 'At the commencement of the 

1 432,000 common yean. 3 Part 4, ch. xxiii. t. 32, etc 

3 Pratfna 2, ch. ii. 


yuga, Kratu was near the star sacred to Vishnu (Sravan&), at 
the beginning of the asterism. Three degrees east of him 
was Pulaha ; and Pulastya at ten degrees from this ; Atri 
followed at three degrees from the last ; and Angiras at 
eight degrees from him ; next came Yasishtha, at the distance 
of seven degrees ; and lastly, Marichi at ten. Their motion 
is eight liptds (minutes) in a year. Their distances from the 
ecliptic, north, were respectively 55°, 50°, 50°, 56°, 57°, 60°, 
and 60°. For, moving in the north into different positions, 
the sages employ 2700 years in revolving through the assem- 
blage of asterisms ; and hence their positions may be easily 
known at any particular time/ 

Lalla, cited by Muniswara in his gloss on the Siromani, 
says, ' If the number of years of the Kali age, less fourteen, 
be divided by 100, the quotient, as the wise declare, shows 
the asterisms traversed by Marichi and other celestial sages, 
beginning from the asterism of Viranchi (Brahm&y 

Here Lalla is generally understood to mean Bohini, which 
is sacred to Praj&pati (or Brahm&). But Muniswara has 
remarked, in another place, that Lalla may intend Abhijit, 
which is sacred to Yidhi or Brahmd ; [359] and consequently 
may mean Sravand, of which Abhijit forms a part : and thus 
Lalla and S&kalya may be reconciled. 

Most of the commentators on the Surya-siddh&nta and 
Siromani are silent on the subject of the seven Rishis. But 
Nrisinha, in his v&rttikd to the Y6san&-bh&shya, or gloss on 
the Siromani, quotes and expounds the &&kalya-sanhit&, and 
rejects Yar&ha's rule of computation, as disagreeing with 
purdnas. Muniswara, in his commentary on the Siromani, 
cites some of the passages above noticed, and remarks, that 
Bhaskara has omitted this topic on account of contradictory 
opinions concerning it, and because it is of no great use. 

The same author, in his own compilation entitled Siddh&nta- 
s&rvabhauma, has entered more fully into this subject. He 
observes, that the seven Rishis are not, like other stars, 


attached by spikes to the solid ring of the ecliptic, bat revolve 
in small circles round the northern pole of the ecliptic, 
moving by their own power in the ethereal sphere above 
Saturn, but below the sphere of the stars. He places the 
Bishis in the same relative positions, which S&kalya had 
assigned to them ; states in other terms the same distances 
from the ecliptic, and the same annual motion ; and directs 
their place to be computed by deducting 600 from the years 
of the Kali age, doubling the remainder and dividing by 
fifteen : the quotient, in degrees, is divided by 80, to reduce 
it into signs. Muniswara supports this mode of calculation 
on the authority of Sakalya, against Yar4hamihira and 
Lalla; and affirms, that it agrees with the phenomena, as 
observable at the period of his compilation. It appears, how- 
ever, to be a correction of &&kalya's rule. 

Kamal&kara, in the Tattwaviveka, notices the opinion de- 
livered in the Siddh&nta-s&rvabhauma ; but observes, [360] 
that no such motion of the stars is perceptible. Remarking, 
however, that the authority of the purdnas and wnhitds, 
which affirm their revolution, is incontrovertible, he reconciles 
faith and experience by saying, that the stars themselves are 
fixed ; but the seven Bishis are invisible deities, who perform 
the stated revolution in the period specified. 

If Kamal&kara's notion be adopted, no difficulty remains : 
yet it can hardly be supposed, that Yar&hamihira and Lalla 
intended to describe revolutions of invisible beings. If then 
it be allowed, that they have attributed to the stars themselves 
an imaginary revolution grounded on an erroneous theory, a 
probable inference may be thenoe drawn as to the period when 
those authors lived, provided one position be conceded 4 
namely, that the rules, stated by them, gave a result not 
grossly wrong at the respective periods when they wrote. 
Indeed it can scarcely be supposed, that authors, who, like the 
celebrated astronomers in question, were not mere compilers 
and transcribers, should have exhibited rules of computation, 


which did not approach to the truth, at the very period when 
they were proposed. 

If this reasoning be admitted, it would follow that Yar&ha- 
mihira composed the Y6r&hi-sanhit& about 2800 years after 
the period assigned by him to the commencement of the reign 
of Yudhishthira, or near the close of the third century after 
the expiration of Yudhishthira's era as defined by him. For 
the circle of declination passing between Kratu and Pulaha 
(the two first of the seven Rishis), and cutting the ecliptic 
only 2° short of the beginning of Magh&, was the solstitial 
colure, when the equinox was near the beginning of Krittikd ; 
and such probably was the reason of that line being noticed 
by ancient Hindu astronomers. It agrees with the solstitial 
[361] colure on the sphere of Eudoxus, as described by 
Hipparchus. 1 A similar circle of declination, passing between 
the same stars, intersected the ecliptic at the beginning of 
Madid when the solstitial colure was at the middle of 
Asleshd; and a like circle passed through the next asterism, 
when the equinox corresponded with the first point of Mesha. 
An astronomer of that period, if he were apprised of the 
position assigned to the same stars by Garga, reputed to have 
been the priest of Krishna and the P&ndus, might conclude 
with Yar&hamihira, that one revolution had been completed, 
and that the stars had passed through one nakshatra of the 
second revolution. In corroboration of this inference respect- 
ing the age of Yar&hamihira's astrological treatise, it may 
be added, that he is cited by name in the Panchatantra, the 

1 "Hipparchus tells us, that EudoxuB drew the colure of the solstices through 
the middle of the Great Bear; and the middle of Cancer; and the neck of Hydros; 
and the star between the poop and mast of Argo ; and the tail of the South Fish ; 
and through the middle of Capricorn, and of Sagitta ; and through the neck and 
right wing of the Swan ; and the left hand of Cepheus ; and that he drew the 
equinoctial colure through the left hand of Arctophylax ; and along the middle of 
his body ; and cross the middle of Chela? ; and through the right hand and fore-* 
knee of the Centaur ; and through the flexure of Eridanus and head of Cetus ; 
and the back of Aries across, and through the head and right hand of Perseus.*' 
Sir I. Newton's Chronology, § 29. Hipparch. ad Fhanom. in Petavii Uranologia, 
pp. 207, 208. Bailly, Attr. Anc, p. 606. Costard, p. 136. 


original of the fables of Pilpay, which were translated for 
Nushirv&n more than 1200 years ago. 1 

The theory being wholly unfounded, Varihamihira's rule 
of computation soon ceased to agree with the phenomena, and 
other rules have been successively introduced by different 
authors, as Lalla, 6&kalya, and lastly, [362] Muniswara; 
whose rule, devised less than two hundred years ago, does not 
yet grossly betray its insufficiency. 

This pretended revolution of the stars of Ursa Major is 
connected with two remarkable epochas in Indian chronology ; 
the commencement of the Kali yuga or sinful age, in the 
reign of Yudhishthira ; and its prevalence, on the failure of 
the succession of Kshatriya princes, and establishment of a 
different dynasty, 1015 years after the birth of Parikshit, 
according to the Yishnu-pur&na ; or 1115 years, according 
to the Bh&gavata; but 1498 years, if a correction, which 
has been proposed by &ridhara-sw&mi and some other com- 
mentators, be admitted. This subject has been already noticed 
by Capt. Wilford in his Essay on Yikram&ditya ; * and it is, 
therefore, unnecessary to enlarge upon it in this place. 

It has been noticed, towards the beginning of the present 
essay, that the principal star of each nakshatra is denominated 
Yogat&r&. Perhaps it may not be superfluous to caution the 
reader against confounding these yoga stars with the yogas, of 
which a list is inserted in Sir William Jones's Treatise on 
the Indian Zodiac. 8 They are mentioned by him as divisions 
of the eoliptic : but it will presently appear, that they cannot 
in strictness be so denominated. Their principal purpose 
regards astrology ; but they are also employed in regulating 
certain movable feasts; and they are of such frequent use 
that every Indian almanac contains a column specifying the 
yoga for each day, with the hour of its termination. 

1 Preface to the Sanskrit edition of the Hitopadria, p. xi. [page 153 of the 
present volume.] 
3 As. Res., vol. ii. p. 117, etc. 3 As. Res., toL ii. p. 302. 


The yoga is nothing else than a mode of indicating the 
sum of the longitudes of the sun and moon. The rule for its 
computation, as given in the Surya-siddh&nta, Bh&swati, and 
Grahfr-T&ghava, directs that the longitude of the [363] sun be 
added to the longitude of the moon ; and the sum, reduced to 
minutes, is to be divided by 800 (the number of minutes in 
13° 20') : the quotient exhibits the elapsed yogas, counted 
from Yishkumbha. 1 It is obvious, therefore, that the yogas 
are twenty-seven divisions of 360° of a great circle, measured 
upon the ecliptic. But, if they be represented on a circle, it 
must be a movable one in the plane of the ecliptic. 

Astrologers also reckon twenty-eight yogas, which corre- 
spond to the twenty-eight nakshatras or divisions of the moon's 
path; varying, however, according to the day of the week. 
As the Indian almanacs sometimes appropriate a column to 
the moon's yoga for e&ch day, I shall insert in a note a list of 
these yogas, with the rule by which they are determined. 8 

1 1. Vishkumbha. 2. Priti. 3. Ayushmat. 4. Sanbh&gya. 5. 8'obhana. 
6. AtiganoX 7. Sukarman. 8. Dhriti. 9. S'ula. 10. Gaotfa. 11. Vriddhi. 
12. Dhruva. 13. Vyaghata. 14. Harshana. 16. Vajra. 16. Siddhi. 17. 
Vyatipata. 18. Varlyas. 19. Parigha. 20. Siva. 21. Siddha. 22. Sadhya, 
23. S'ubha. 24. S'ukla. 25. Brahman. 26. Aindra. 27. Vaidhriti. 

2 1. Ananda. 2. Kaladanga. 3. Dhumra. 4. Praj&patL 6. Saumya. 6. 
Dhwanksha. 7. Dhwaja. 8. S'riyatsa. 9. Vajra. 10. Mudgara. 11. Chhatra. 
12. Maitra. 13. Manasa. 14. Padma. 15. Lambuka. 16. Utpata. 17. 
Mrityu. 18. Kana. 19. Siddhi. 20. S'ubha. 21. Amrita. 22. Musula. 23. 
Gada. 24. Matanga. 25. Kakshasa. 26. Chara. 27. Sthira. 28. Pravardha, 

The foregoing list is extracted from the Ratnamala of S'ripati. He adds the 
rale by which the yogas are regulated. On a Sunday the nakshatras answer to 
the yogas, in their natural order ; yiz. Arfwinf to Ananda, Bharagi to Kaladancla, 
etc. But on a Monday the first yoga (Ananda) corresponds to Mrigaslras, the 
second to Ardra, and so forth. On a Tuesday, the nakshatra, which answers to 
the first yoga, is Aslesha; on Wednesday, Hasta; on Thursday, Anuradha; on 
Friday, TTttarashacJha ; and on Saturday, S'atabhisha.* 

Almanacs usually contain another set of astrological divisions of the lunar 

• [The regulation of the yogas evidently depends on the role which is given at the close of 
the essay on weights and measures for the planetary regulation of the hours and days of the 
week. If Aafwinf correspond with A'nanda, or the first ghurri of Sunday, and the list he 
carried through the sixty gharris of the day, the list of twenty-eight mansions will have 
been gone through twice, and the four first on the list three times. Mrigas'iras is the fifth 
mansion, and thus becomes regent of the first ghurri of Monday. It is' by a similar process 
that the names of the days of the week in modern usage are determined. Bee Dion Casdus. 
—Si* £. T. C.) 


[364] Another topic relative to the zodiac, and connected 
with astrology, remains to be noticed. I allude to the Dresh- 
kdnas answering to the Decani of European astrologers. The 
Hindus, like the Egyptians and Babylonians, from whom that 
vain science passed to the Greeks and Romans, divide each 
sign into three parts, and allot to every such part a regent 
exercising planetary influence under the particular planet 
whom he there represents. 

The description of the thirty-six dreshkdnas is given to- 
wards the close of Yar&hamihira's treatise on the casting 
of nativities, entitled Vrihat-j&taka. It is here translated 
conformably with the gloss of Bhattotpala: omitting, how- 
ever, some variations in the reading of the text, which are 
noticed by him ; but which can be of no use, unless occasion 
should arise for reference to them in comparing the description 
of the dreshkdnas with some amulet or' ancient monument in 
which the Decani may be supposed to be figured. Even for 
that purpose the following description will probably suffice. 
: 1. [Mars] A man with red eyes, girt round the waist [365] 
with a white cloth, of a black complexion, as formidable as 
able to protect, holds a raised battle-axe. 

2. [The Sun] A female, clad in red apparel, with her 
mind fixed on wearing ornaments, having a mare's head, and 

month, which it may be proper to explain. They are denominated Karana ; and 
consist of seven variable and four invariable, as in the subjoined list : 
Variable Karanas. Invariable Karanas. 

1. Bava. 1. S'akuni. 

2. Balava. 2. Chatushpad. 

3. Kaulava. 3. Naga. 

4. Taitila. 4. Kintughna. 
6. Gara. 

6. Vanij. 

7. Vishti. 

They answer successively to half a tilhi or lunar day ; Kintughna being always 
assigned to the first half of the first lithi; and the variable karanas afterwards 
succeeding each other regularly, through eight repetitions : they are followed by 
the three remaining invariable karanas, which conclude the month ; Chatushpad 
and Naga appertaining to Amav&sya or the new moon, and S'akuni being ap- 
propriated to the latter half of the preceding tithu 


a belly like a jar, thirsty and resting on one foot, is exhibited 
by Yavana as the figure of the dreshkdna in the middle of 
Mesha. 1 

3. [Jupiter] A fierce and wrathful man, conversant with 
arts, of a tawny complexion, solicitous of action, but unsteady 
in his resolves ; holds in his hands a raised stick, and wears 
red clothes. He is the third in the tripartite division of 

4. [Ventjs] A woman with hair clipped and curled, a body 
shaped like a jar, her clothes burnt, herself thirsty, disposed 
to eat, and fond of ornaments : such is the figure of the first 
in Yjrishabha. 

5. [Mercury] A man with the head of a goat, and a 
shoulder like a bull, clothed in dirty apparel, skilful in regard 
to the plough and the cart, acquainted with field, grain, house, 
and kine, conversant with arts ; and in disposition voracious. 

6. [Saturn] A man with a body vast as an elephant's, 
and feet great as a Sarabha's,* with white teeth and a tawny 
body, his mind busied upon the wool of wild sheep, occupies 
the extremity of the sign Taurus. 

7. [Mercury] Such as are conversant with the subject 
declare the first in the tripartite partition of the third sign 
to be a woman fond of working with the needle, beautiful, 
delighting in ornaments, childless, amorous, and with her 
arms elevated. 

[366] 8. [Venus] In the middle of the sign Gemini is a 
man, with the face of a garuda? standing in a grove ; he is an 
archer clad in armour, and holds a bow; he meditates on 
sport, his children, ornaments, and wealth. 

9. [Saturn] At the end of the sign Gemini is a man 
decorated with ornaments, having as many gems as the ocean 

1 " Meshamadhye dreshkdnaHipam yavanopaeUthfam" Bhaftotpala expounds 
this "declared by Yavanacharya," " Yavandchdryaih kathitam." 

2 A monster with eight legs, who destroys elephants. 

8 An eagle, or else a gigantic crane. Perhaps a Yulture. 

tol. m. [essays n.] 21 


contains ; clad in armour and furnished with bow and quiver ; 
skilled in dance, music, and song, and practising poetry. 

10. [The Moon] The wise declare the first in Gancer to be 
an animal with the body of an elephant, the feet of a Sarabha, 
a boar's head and horse's neck, standing in a grove under a 
sandal-wood tree, 1 and upholding leaves, root, and fruit. 

11. [Mars] In the middle of the sign Cancer, a woman, in 
prime of youth, with blossoms of lotus on her head, attended 
by a serpent, cries while standing in a forest, resting against 
the branch of ipalaia* tree. 

12. [Jupiter] Last in Gancer is a man with his head in- 
clined; he is decorated with golden ornaments, and, embarking 
on a vessel and encompassed by serpents [twined round him], 
he traverses the ocean to seek ornaments for his wife. 

13. [The Sun] A vulture and shakal stand on a cotton 
tree: 8 a dog is near: and a man, in a squalid dress, laments 
for his father and mother. This representation is pronounced 
to be the first of the Lion. 

14. [Jupiter] A man formed like a horse, bearing on his 
head a garland of yellowish-white flowers, wears a leather 
dress : unconquered like a lion ; armed with a bow, and 
[367] distinguished by a hooked nose ; he is placed in the 
middle of Leo. 

15. [Mars] The third in the tripartite division of Leo is a 
man having the head of a bear, with a long beard and curled 
hair ; in disposition similar to an ape ; and holding a staff, 
fruits, and flesh. 

16. [Mercury] A damsel, bearing ajar filled with blossoms, 
(her person clothed in apparel soiled with dirt,) solicitous for 
the union of dress with opulence, is going towards the family 
of her spiritual parent : such is the first of Virgo. 

17. [Saturn] A man of a dark complexion, with a cloth 
on his head, holds a pen, and is casting up accounts of receipts 

1 Sanialum album 9%ve Sirnm myrtifolittm. 

* BuUafrondoM. 3 Bombax heptaphyUum, 


and disbursements : he bears a large bow, and his body is 
covered with hair : he is placed in the middle of the sign. 

18. [Venus] A woman of a fair complexion, dressed in 
bleached silk, tall, holding in her hand a jar and ladle ; is 
devoutly going towards a temple of the gods. The wise pro- 
nounce this to be the last of Virgo. 

19. [Venus] A man is proceeding along the middle of a 
highway ; holding a balance, and having weights in his hand ; 
he is skilled in measuring and meting, and meditates on com- 
modities and their prices. The Yavanas declare this form to 
be the first of Libra. 1 

20. [Satubn] A man with the head of a vulture, carrying 
a water-pot, is anxious to proceed, being hungry and thirsty ; 
in thought he visits his wife and son. He is middlemost of 
the balance-bearer (Libra). 

[368] 21. [Mercury] A man, in figure like an ape, adorned 
with gems, bearing a golden quiver and armour, and carrying 
fruits and flesh, is scaring deer in a forest : such is the figure 
exhibited by the Yavanas. 8 

22. [Mars] A woman, without clothes or ornaments, comes 
from the great ocean to the shore; she has fallen from her 
place ; round her feet are serpents entwined ; but she is pleasing : 
such is the first of the sign Scorpio. 

23. [Jupiter] A woman, with a body like a tortoise and a 
jar, and with serpents entwined round her person ; is solicitous 
to prepare local comforts for her husband. This figure the 
wise pronounce to be the middle one of Scorpio. 

24. [The Moon] The last of the Scorpion is a lion with a 
large and stooping head, resembling that of a tortoise ; he 
guards the place where sandal-wood grows, terrifying dogs, 
deer, boars, and shakals. 

» " Tadrttpam vadanti Yavandh prathamam tuldydA." This might signify 
" Yayana declares)" for the plural is used in Sanskrit respectfully, and Bhagot- 
pala has before expounded Yavana as intending Yaranacharya ; but a different 
explanation occurs a little lower. 

2 " Yavanair midhrttah," which Bhaftotpala expounds "declared by 
ancient Yavanas," u purd^ayavanaih, u j __ 



25. [Jupiter] An animal with the body of a horse and 
head of a man, holding a large bow, stands near a hermitage 
and devoutly guards the implements of sacrifice : such is the 
first of the three divisions of the bow (Sagittarius). 

26. [Mars] A pleasing female, of golden complexion, like 
the champaka, 1 moderately handsome, sits on a throne, dis- 
tributing marine gems. This is described as the middle 
division of the bow. 

27. [The Sun] A man with a long beard, of a complexion 
yellow like the champaka, is sitting on a throne with a staff 
in his hand ; he wears silk raiment and a deer's skin : such 
is the third figure of the ninth sign. 

28. [Saturn] A man, of a terrible aspect, with the [369] 
body of a hog, hairy, having tusks like a Makara, 8 holds a 
yoke, a net, and fetters. He is first of Capricorn. 

29. [Venus] In the middle of Makara is a woman skilled 
in music, with eyes large like the petals of the lotus, and with 
a dark complexion. She seeks various things; she is decorated 
with jewels ; and wears metallic ornaments in her ears. 

30. [Mercury] A man, shaped like a Kinnara, 8 clothed in 
a woollen cloth, and furnished with quiver, bow, and armour, 
bears on his shoulder a jar adorned with gems : he is last 
of the sign Makara. 

31. [The Sun] The first of the jar (Aquarius) is a man 
with the head of a vulture, clothed in silk and wearing an 
antelope's hide with a woollen cloth: his mind is busied in 
obtaining oil, ardent spirits, water, and food. 

32. [Mercury] In a burnt carriage, a woman clad in soiled 
apparel, bearing vessels on her head, is collecting metals in a 
forest containing cotton trees. 

33. [Venus] A man of a dark complexion, with hairy ears, 
adorned with -a diadem, carries and transports vases with 

1 Michclia Champac*. 

* A sea monster. Perhaps the Narwhal may be intended. 

8 A human figure with the head of a hone. 


articles of metal, and with bark, leaves, gam, and fruit. He 
is last of Kumbha. 

34. [Jupiter] The first of the fish (Pisces) navigates the 
sea in search of ornaments for his wife ; he has jewels, and 
his hands are full of vessels used in sacrifice, together with 
pearls, gems, and shells. 

35. [The Moon] A woman, surpassing in complexion the 
blossom of the champaka, ascends a ship with lofty masts and 
flags, and approaches the shore of the sea, accompanied by 
her retinae. This is declared by sages to be the second in 
the tripartite division of Mina. 

[370] 36. [Mars] Near a cavern, in a forest, a naked man, 
with serpents entwined round his body, and tormented by 
robbers and fire, laments. He is the last of the fish. 

Arabian astronomers in like manner divide each sign of the 
zodiac into three parts, denominated Wajh (tery), or in the 
plural "Wujtih (^Tj), which severally belong to the different 
planets 1 thence called Babb ul wajh. The proper import of the 
term (<k*-j) is face or countenance ; agreeing with the Greek 
irpoa-cnrovy which is similarly employed in this acceptation. 8 

The near correspondence of the dreshkdnas with the Decani 
of Roman authors and AacavoX of Grecian writers will be 
evident from the following passage of Manilius, supported 
by quotations from other authors, which I shall insert on the 
faith of Saumaise ; 8 the original works from which they are 
taken not being here procurable. 

Manilius says : 4 

Quam partem decimam dixere Decania gentes ; 
A uumero nomen positum est, quod partibus astra 
Condita tricenis propria sub sorte feruntur, 
Et tribuunt denas in se coeuntibus astris, 
Inque vicem terris habitantur sidera Signis. 

1 In the following order, beginning from Aries, viz. Han, the Son, Venus, 
Mercury, the Moon, Saturn, Jupiter, Man, the Sun, etc. — Ikkwdnu'l Sa/d. 

2 Firmici Mathuto seu Astrm., Tide infra. 

* Salmasii Pliniana Bxvrcitation**, p. 460, etc. 

* Lib. iy., 298-302. 


Hephaestion expressly declares, 1 that "each sign of the 
zodiac is divided into three Decani comprising ten [371] 
degrees each ; the first division of Aries is named Chontare ; 
the second Cbontachre ; and the third Sicet." 

Firmicus differs in the names, and does not allow ten eomr 
plete degrees to each Decanns. Thus, in the sign Aries, the 
three first degrees are, according to him, unappropriated; 
the five next belong to the first Decanus Aaitan; the next 
nine are vacant ; and the four following appertain to the 
second Becanus Senacher ; five degrees are again unoccupied ; 
and the four last belong to the third Decanus Sentacher.* 

We learn from Psellus 3 that the several Decani were 
figured with different attributes and dresses ; and from Demo- 
philus and Firmicus* that they represent the planets. The 
first appertained to Mars; the second to the Sun; and the 
third to Yenus (the Hindu author says, Jupiter). 

This astrological notion was confessedly received from 
foreign nations. The doctrine seems to be ascribed by 
Firmicus to Nekepso, king of Egypt ; 5 and Psellus cites a 
Babylonian author, whom he calls Teucer, and who is also 
noticed by Porphyrius; besides, the names of [372] the Decani, 
stated by Hephffistion and Firmicus, are decidedly barbarous. 
It was not, therefore, without reason, that Sammaise and 
Kirch er sought a derivation of the word Decanu* itself from 
a foreign language. It cannot be deduced, as Soaliger pro- 
poses, from the similar term for an inferior officer commanding 

1 Ka\ i<rr\v 6 ply Tp&rot x°rr*plt & "W fafotpos x orTa XP^i & rffaos <ruc4r. 

* Salmasii, Plin. JBxerc, p. 460. 

8 Ei<r\ yhp 4v jjcfbrry t»v (otltlcov rpus KceruXeyfihot AckopoI troiKi\6fjLOfxp<Hy 6 
fikv kot4x*»v vtKcKWy 6 8* tls &\Ao ri Ivyjwugrioy&vQ* fficcur/Aa. &r tl t& tthj iced 
r& axflfuvra HatcrvXtoov iyyXfyus <r$*v%6vtus, tororpfacua Htw&v <parfi<rerai. ravra 
pukv »$y 6 TtvKpos Ktd ol jarr" fativoy viptrrol rh furfopcu 

* "Primum xp6aumw est is planeta cujus signum est: secundum xp6<ruvov 
planeta sequens, et sic deinceps. Aries est Martis primum *p6awKov % secundum 
Solis, tertium Veneris, juita seriem errantium." This agrees precisely with the 
Arabian <tsj- ■ . 

4 Sic et Nekepso, JEgypti justissimns imperator, et astrologus valde bonus, 
per ipsos Decanos omnia vitia yaletudinesque oollegit, ostendens quam raletudinem 
quia Decanus effioeret, etc 


ten men j 1 since this office and its designation were first 
introduced later than the time of Manilius, by whom the 
astrological term is employed ; and Porphyrins expressly 
affirms that the word was used by those whom he denominates 
' ancients/ 8 Huet, not concurring in either of the opinions 
above mentioned, supposes the term to have been corruptly 
formed by the astrologers of Alexandria from the Greek 
numeral with a J^tin termination. 3 If this be admitted, it 
still remains not improbable that some affinity of sound, in 
the Egyptian or in the Chaldaic name, may bOT* suggested the 
formation of this corrupt word. 

The Sanskrit name apparently comes from the same source. 
I do not suppose it to he originally Sanskrit, since in that 
language it bears no etymological signification. For the same 
reason, it is likely that the astrological doctrine itself may be 
exotic in India. One branch of divination, entitled T&jaka, 
has been confessedly borrowed from the Arabians; and the 
technical terms used in it are, as I am informed by Hindu 
astrologers, Arabic. The casting of nativities, though its 
practice is of more ancient date in India, may also have been 
received from Western astrologers : Egyptians, Chaldeans, or 
even Greeks. If so, it is likely that the Hindus may have 
received astronomical hints at the same time. 

[373] By their own acknowledgment, 4 they have cultivated 
astronomy for the sake of astrology ; and they may have 
done so with the aid of hints received from the same quarter, 
from which their astrology is derived. In the present instance 
Yar&hamihira himself, as interpreted by his commentator, 
quotes the Yavanas (meaning perhaps Grecian authors), in a 

1 Erant Decani denis militibus propositi, Veget. 2. 8. 

* Off* riyas 4icd\*<rcw &c jcapofa ol raXatoi. 

* Huetii Animadvereionet ad Maniiium, lib. iv. v. 298. 

4 Bhaskara expressly says, "By ancient astronomers, the purpose of the 
science is declared to be judicial astrology ; and that, indeed, depends on the 
influence of configurations ; and these, on the apparent places of the planets." — 
Qolddhydya, 1. y. 6. [Vide Note 0. to the Dissertation on the Algebra of the 
Hindus, where this question is further inyestigated.] 


manner which indicates, that the description of the dreshkdnas 
is borrowed from them. 

The name of Yavan&ch&rya, who is cited by Bhattotpala, 
would not be alone decisive. He is frequently quoted by 
Hindu astronomers : and it is possible, though by no means 
certain, that, under this name, a Grecian or an Arabian author 
may be intended. To determine that point, it will be requisite 
(unless the work attributed to him be recovered) to collect all 
the passages, in which Yavan&ch&rya is cited by Sanskrit 
authors ; and to compare the doctrines ascribed to him with 
those of the Grecian and Arabian writers on astronomy. Not 
being prepared for such a disquisition, I shall dismiss this 
subject for the present, without offering any positive opinion 
on the question, which has been here proposed. 

ii i ■■ i ■ ■■ ■■. vmm w^mmmmmmKmmsnraKi 




[Prom the Asiatic Researches, vol. xii. pp. 209 — 250. 

Calcutta, 1816. 4to.] 

[374] In an essay on the Indian and Arabian divisions of 
the Zodiac, inserted in the ninth volume of the Asiatic Re- 
searches, I adverted to a passage of Bh&skara, on the pre- 
cession of the equinoxes, and intimated an intention of further 
noticing this subject in a separate essay. 1 The passage which 
I had then in view, occurs in Bh&skara's description of the 
armillary sphere. 8 It appears to me deserving of distinct 
examination for the information which it contains, the diffi- 
culties which it presents, and the variety of topics which it 
suggests. I shall here quote the original, and add a verbal 

' The intersection of the ecliptic and equinoctial circles is 

1 As. Ees. toI. iz. p. 353 (p. [350] of the present volume.) 
* Gol&dhy&ya, c. 6. v. 17 and 18. 




the Kr&ntip&ta, or intersecting point of the sun's path. [375] 
Its revolutions, as declared on the authority of Surya (Saurok- 
t&h), are retrograde three myriads in a kalpa. This is the same 
with the motion of the solstice, as affirmed by Munj&la, and 
others. But, according to their doctrine, its revolutions are 
199,669 in a kalpa. 9 

This is the very passage to which the commentator on the 
Surya-siddh&nta, cited by Mr. Davis, 1 alludes, where he says, 
' the meaning of Bh&skara-&eh&rya was not that Surya [in 
the Surya-siddh£nta] gave 30,000 as the revolutions of the 
places of the colures, in a kalpa ; the name he used being 
Saura, not Surya, and applied to some other book/ 

It is certainly true, as here observed by this commentator, 
that Bh&skara's quotation does not agree with the text of the 
Surya-siddh&nta, which expresses, ' The circle of the asterisms 
moves eastward thirty scores in a yuga. Multiplying the 
number of elapsed days by that, and dividing by the terrestrial 
days, [which compose the cycle], the quantity obtained is an 
arc, which, multiplied by three, and divided by ten, 8 gives 
degrees (ania) termed ayana [or the place of the colure]/ 

Here the number of revolutions is 600 in a yuga, answering 
to 600,000 in a kalpa ; and not, as stated by Bh&skara, 
30,000. But the commentator's mode of reconciling the con- 
tradiction, by supposing a different book from the Surya- 
siddh&nta to have been intended, is incom[376]patible with 
Bh&skara's own explanation of his text in the V4san&-bh&shya, 
containing annotations by himself on his own treatise. He 
there says in express words, ' the revolutions of the intersecting 

1 As. Bet. toI. ii. p. 267. ' Ratio of 2T to 90°. 


point of the sun's path are stated in the Surya-aiddh&nta as 
amounting to 30,000 in a kalpa' l 

His commentator, Muniswara, has therefore recourse to 
other expedients for reconciling the contradiction between 
Bh&skara's quotation and the text of the Surya-siddh&nta* 
Some, he observes, have proposed to read niyuta ' a hundred 
thousand/ for ayuta 'a myriad*' 8 Others have supposed the 
kalpa to be a twentieth part only of the period usually so 
denominated. The commentator further suggests the re- 
solution of the term vyastdh, translated ' retrograde/ into vi 
for viniati * twenty/ and astdh which he makes to signify 
' multiplied/ and expounds the phrase, c thirty thousand mul- 
tiplied by twenty." But, dissatisfied with this and with 
another exposition, by which trayam ' three ' is construed into 
4 sixty/ he gives the [377] preference to an equally strained 
interpretation, which divides the sentence into two members : 
' its revolutions are declared by Surya, and [according to a 
different authority] are retrograde three myriads in a kalpa* 

However unsatisfactory these explanations of the text may 
be, they prove the concurrence of the commentators of both 
works, in the received interpretation of the obscure passage of 
the Surya-siddh&nta, which is the subject of their discussion. 
That interpretation is supported by corresponding passages of 
the Soma-siddh&nta, Laghu-vaetehtha, and fi&kalya-sanhitd, in 
which the number of six hundred revolutions is explicitly 

1 Bhaskara's Yasana-bhashya on the astronomy and spheric* of his Siddhanta- 
slromaoi. This volume of annotations is commented, with the S'iroma^i, by 
Nrisioha in the Vasana-Y&rttika, as proceeding from the same writer ; and is 
expressly acknowledged to be a work of the author of the text (as it actually 
purports) by the scholiast Munib'wara, in this very place, where he is endeavouring 
to support his own interpretation of the text, against the apparent and natural 
sense of a passage in the author's notes. 

2 He alludes either to the Vasana-Tarttika, in which that emendation of the 
text is actually suggested by the annotator Nrisinha, or to some earlier com- 
mentary in which the same conjectural emendation may hare been originally 


stated : 1 as well as by other quotations, which clearly demon- 
strate that a libration of the equinoxes, at the rate of six 
hundred in a yuga, was there meant. For, in all the passages 
quoted, the revolution, as it is termed, of the equinoctial 
points, consists in a libration of them within the limits of 
twenty-seven degrees east, and as many west, of the be- 
ginnings of Aries and Libra : and that such is the meaning 
conveyed in the text of the Surya-siddh&nta, is distinctly 
shown by the [378] commentator cited by Mr. Davis, 8 as well 
as by the other commentators on that work. 

The same doctrine is taught in the P&r&sara-siddh&nta, as 
quoted by Muniswara ; and, if we may rely on the authority 
of a quotation by this author from the works of Aryabhatta, 
it was also maintained by that ancient astronomer; but, 
according to the first-mentioned treatise, the number of libra- 
tions amounts to 581,709, and according to the latter, 578,159 
in a kalpa, instead of 600,000 ; and Xryabhatta has stated the 
limits of the libration at 24° instead of 27 . 8 

Bh&skara himself, adopting the doctrine for which be quotes 
the authority of Munj&la, in the passage above cited, mentions 
a complete revolution of the places of the colures through the 

ii m it * ti 

twelve signs of the zodiac, at the rate of 59 54 2 31 12 per 
annum, or 199,669 complete revolutions in a halpa. Having 
computed, upon the same principle, the quantity of the pre- 


STdhalya-xmhitdy L 286-291. 

cited by Dadabhai and Nrisinna on the Sbya-tiddhdnta. 

* As. Bes., toL ii. p. 267. The commentator is Nrisinha. 
A'ryabhafta, in the A'ryaahtaiata; quoted by Munlrfwara, It is especially neces- 


m. to z ir in im t n 

cession in his own time at 91,189 10 54 35 23 55 40 48, 
he thence, for the sake of facility in calculation, assumes 
in his practical treatise, named Karana-kuttihala, the actual 
precession in whole numbers at eleven degrees, and allows the 
annual motion to be taken at one minute. 1 The time for 
which this [379] computation was made is the same with 
the epocha of the Karana-kutdhala ; 2 which is the year 
1105 §aka, 8 thirty-three years after the Siromagi was com- 
pleted. 4 

Bh&skara's authority, supporting that of Munj&la, and 
countenanced by Vishnuchandra's, 5 has not availed with 
Indian astronomers. Even his commentator Muniswara re- 
jects the notion of a complete revolution; and, in his own 
treatise, entitled Siddh&nta-s&rvabhauma, asserts the doctrine 
of libration, and attempts to refute the other opinion, not 
indeed by argument, but in deference to the Surya-siddh&nta, 
and other authorities to which it is opposed. Upon the same 
ground, Kamal&kara, in the Siddh&nta-tattwaviveka, says, 'The 

sary to distinguish the particular work of this author, to which reference is made : 
for Brahmagupta reproaches him for his inconsistency in affirming revolutions of 
the nodes in the Aryashtaiata, which he denied in the Dasa-gitaka. It is there- 
fore probable that the libration of the equinoxes (considered as nodes), for which 
the first-mentioned work is quoted, may not be stated in the other. 

1 Munfswara, in his commentary on the S'iromanL 

2 The Graha-laghava, written in 1442 S'aka, deducts 444 from the expired 
years of the S'aka, and divides by sixty, reckoning the precession at a minute a 
year. This agrees nearly with the Karana-kutuhala ; for, if the same number 
(444) be deducted from the years expired (1105 S'aka), the remainder gives but 
one minute above 1 1°, the quantity there assumed by Bhaskara. 

Ramachandra, who in the Kala-nirnaya states the quantity of precession as 
amounting to 12°, and reckons the precession at a minute of a degree a year, 
Beems also- to have followed the same authority. He may therefore have 
written about sixty years subsequent to the date of the Karana-kuttihala ; or 
S'aka 1165. This ascertainment of the age of Ramachandra-acharya is a step 
towards investigating the age of writers in other branches of science who have 
quoted this author, or who are cited by him. They are numerous. 

3 Faizf, in his translation of Bhaskara' s Lilavati. 

* For it was finished when the author was thirty-six years of age ; and he was 
born in 1036 S'aka : as he informs us. 

6 Author of the Vasishtha-siddhanta, a distinct work from the Laghu-yasishtha 
cited by Dadabhai, and (under the title of Vasishtha-siddhanta) by Nriainha, 


degrees of the colures, as stated by Munj&la, and taught in 
the &iromani, contrary to what is declared by Arka (Surya) 
and others, from not rightly understanding what was by them 
declared, [380] must be rejected by the wise/ He certainly 
here expresses the prevalent opinion of the Hindu astronomers, 
which is decidedly in favour of a libration of the places of the 

Besides Munj&la mentioned by Bh&skara, the only other 
ancient author, whose name I find quoted for a complete 
revolution of the equinoctial and solstitial points, is Vishnu- 
chandra, from whose works a passage is cited by Prithudaka- 
swami, declaratory of a solstitial yuga, or period of the ayana. 
The text is corrupt in respect of the lowest digits of the 
number ; and, having found no other quotation of it, I shall 
not attempt to state the period from a conjectural emendation 
of this passage. 

It is necessary to observe that some of the ancient writers 
on astronomy have not admitted a periodical motion of the 
equinoxes. This is adverted to by Bh&skara himself, 1 who 

L^b^w* a. -J**, «**.„« 

is supposed by Bh&skara* to have been the inconsiderable 
quantity of the deviation or precession, not then remarkable, 
and consequently unheeded by Brahmagupta; since whose 
time it is become sensible, and therefore it is now taken into 
account. 8 Bh&skara next inquires 'why Brahmagupta and 
the rest did not [381] nevertheless state it on the strength 
of authority, since it had been declared in the Saura-siddh&nta; 

1 In the Vasana-bhashya. * Ibid. 

' Why has it not been stated by Brahmagupta and other skilful astronomers P 
It was not perceived by them, because it was then inconsiderable. Bat it is 
perceived by the moderns, because it is now considerable. Accordingly it is con- 
cluded that there is motion [of the solstice].' Bhaakara in the Vasana-bhashya. 


ill like manner as the numbers of revolutions, the periphery of 
epicycles, etc/ 1 

He replies, ' In mathematical science holy tradition is 
authority so far only as it agrees with demonstration/ He 
goes on to say, 'Such motion as results from the assigned 
revolutions, by which places being calculated agree with those 
which are observed, must be admitted, whether taught by a 
holy sage or by a temporal teacher. If then the same places 
are deducible from other revolutions, which of the assigned 
motions is the true one P The answer is, whichever agrees 
with present observation must be admitted. But if in process 
of time the difference become great, then men of genius, like 
Brahmagupta, will arise, who will acknowledge such motions 
as agree with present observation, and compose books (Sdstras) 
conformable thereto. Accordingly, this mathematical science 
has no end in eternal time/ 

But Brahmagupta's commentator, expounding a passage of 
this author, 8 which he considers to be levelled against those 
who affirmed a periodical revolution of the solstitial points, 
and which does deny such a revolution, and declares the 
solstice to be invariable, because the longest day and shortest 
night occur constantly at the end of Mithuna or Gemini, 
adverts, in the course of his exposition of the text, to passages 
which place the southern and northern solstice respectively 
in the middle of Xsleshd and beginning of Dbanishth&, and 
proceeds to remark, ' This [382] only proves a shifting of the 
solstice, not numerous revolutions of it through the ecliptic/ 
His notion appears, then, to have been, that his author was 
aware of the fact of a change in the positions of the solstitial 
and equinoctial points, but did not admit the inference that 
the motion must be periodical. 



From all that has been said, it appears that some of the 
most celebrated astronomers, as Brahmagupta, have been 
silent on the subject of a change in the places of the colures, 
or have denied their regular periodical motion. That others, 
as Munj&la and Bh&skara (we may add Yishnnchandra), 
have asserted a periodical revolution of -the places of the 
colures. But that the greater number of celebrated writers, 
and all the modern Hindu astronomers, have affirmed a 
libration of the equinoctial points. 

The earliest known author who is cited for the support of 
this doctrine, as for as present research has gone, is iirya- 
bhatta, who is undoubtedly more ancient than Brahmagupta ; 
for he is repeatedly quoted in the Brahma-sphuta-siddh&nta, 
which is ascribed to Brahmagupta, and which there is every 
reason to consider genuine, since the text of the book accords 
with the quotations from that celebrated astronomer to be 
found in treatises of various dates. 

I purposely omit in this place the Surya-siddh&nta, Soma, 
§&kalya, Vasishtha, and P&r&sara, because their authenticity 
and age are subjects of question or of controversy. 

Relying then upon the quotation from the work of iftya- 
bhatta, and on the tendency of Bh&skara's observations, both 
in his text and notes, it may be inferred, that the notion of a 
libration of the equinoxes is of some antiquity in India ; since 
Brahmagupta, by whom j^ryabhatta is repeatedly mentioned, 
is either author or [383] republisher of an astronomical 
system which was copied by Bh&skara in 1150 a.d., but which 
is adapted to a much earlier age. 

The doctrine in question found advocates formerly among 
the astronomers of Europe and of Arabia. Arzael, a Spaniard, 
and a mathematician of the eleventh century, 1 author of a 
treatise entitled Observations on the Obliquity of the Zodiac, 

1 He observed the quantity of the obliquity of the ecliptic about the year 1070 ; 
and is named by Abraham ebn Ezra, who wrote in the twelfth century (a.d. 1144 
or 1150}, as anterior to him by seventy-one yean. Bicoioli, Almag. nov. 



affirmed a libration or trepidation in longitude within the 
limits of 10° E. and W. at the rate of a degree in seventy-five 
years. 1 Two centuries after him, Th&bit ben Korrah, an 
astrologer, 8 assigned to this supposed trepidation the limits 
of 22° E. and W. 3 To the same astrologer, by some supposed 
to have lived as much earlier, as he is here stated to have 
been later, a different doctrine is ascribed, affirming a motion 
of the intersected points of the ecliptic and equinoctial in a 
small circle described with the radius 4° 18' 43". 4 

They were led to that hypothesis (according to a remark 
quoted by the authors who have refuted the notion) 5 by 
considering that * Hermes had found some of the fixed stars 
more distant from the beginning of Aries, than Ptolemy sub- 
sequently did : for instance the bright star of Hydra in 7° of 
Leo, placed by Ptolemy in 30° of Cancer; and the star named 
Vultur Cadens, in 24° of Sagittarius, but by Ptolemy in 17V 

[384] The notion of a trepidation in longitude, but at a 
rate not equable, had been entertained by the astronomers wfio 
compiled the Alphonsine Tables, though Alphonsus himself 
was subsequently led to the adoption of a corrector opinion, 
and to the consequent alteration of the tables first published 
by him. 6 

The earliest mention of a libration in longitude, which 
has been found in any Arabic writer, is. in the work of 
Muhammad ben Jabar, surnamed Alb&tani, and by us called 
Albategnius. This celebrated astronomer, an Arabian by 
birth and Sabian by religion, flourished at the end of the 
ninth century; 7 or, to speak with precision, about the year 

1 TLiceio^Almaffestum novum, 3, 28, 6. 

2 Moreri, Diet 

* Erasmus Reinhold on Purbach ; Rice. Almag. nov. 3, 28, 6. 

4 Montacla, Hitt. dee Math,, vol. i. p. 346. 

» Augustinus Riocius, de tnotu octavm ephara. Regiomontanns, lib. 7. Epi- 
tome* Almageeti. Rice. Aim. now, 3, 28, 6. 

6 Abraham Zacuthus, cited, like the preceding authorities, in Riccioli'fl AlmagetL, 
3, 28, 6* 

' D'Herbelot, Bibl. Orient. 

VOL. IIL [B88ATB II.] 22 


of Christ 879 ;* and from him we learn that certain astro- 
nomers, whom he does not appear to have anywhere named, 
had before him affirmed a libration of the fixed stars within 
the limits of 8° E. and W. at the rate of a degree in eighty 
or eighty-four years. 9 He himself maintained the doctrine of 
a uniform motion at the rate of a degree in sixty-six years. 3 

I have dwelt the longer upon the history of this opinion 
because it appears to me deserving of attention on more than 
one account. Alb&tani is the earliest of the Arabian astro- 
nomers who improved upon Ptolemy (for AHarg&ni, who 
was a century earlier, is not cited as correcting the Greek 
astronomer on this point). It was he, then, who first among 
the astronomers of the west of Asia computed the motion of the 
stars at a degree in sixty-six years ; which is almost the same 
with the rate of the motion of trepi[385]dation according to 
the Surya-siddh&nta, and the herd of Hindu astronomers, who 
reckon a degree and a half in a century. 4 He is the first 
also, as far as can be discovered, in whose works mention is 
made of a motion of trepidation, and we may be permitted to 
conjecture that the earlier astronomers alluded to by him were 
Indian ; since we find Ayabhatta, an author seemingly of an 
earlier age, quoted for a libration of the equinoctial points 
within the limits of twenty-four degrees, at the rate of one 
in seventy-eight years ; and since we know that an Arabian 
astronomer, anterior by nearly a century to Alb&tani, had 
compiled tables in conformity to rules of astronomy apparently 
Indian. 5 

1 He himself furnishes the date, being the year 1627 of the era of Nabonaasar. 
Albategn. c. 61, cited in Biccioti's Almagest., 6, 16, 2. 

* Albategnius, c. 51, as cited by BicciolL * Ibid, c. 51. 

4 This is the rate resulting from the quantity of the motion in trepidation 
stated in the Sdrya-siddhanta : and the same results from the rales of calculation 
given in the Bhaswatl-karana of Satananda and in the Jatakaroava improperly 
ascribed to Varahamihira. They both direct the number 421 to be deducted 
from the expired years of S*aka ; and the one deducts a tenth and reduces the 
remainder into degrees ; the other adds half and divides by a hundred. Another 
rule, producing the same result, is mentioned in Bailly's Attr. Ind. p. 76. 

• 'Ad regxdat Smd Bend: (Siddhdnt f) Abulfarag. Mitt. Dyn*9t« pp. 114 and 
161. Costard's Attronomy, p. 157, and Montucla, Sift, det Math., vol. i. p. 344. 


We may then safely conclude, that, on the subject of the 
precession of the equinoxes, the Hindus had a theory, which, 
though erroneous, was their own ; and which, at a subsequent 
time, found advocates among the astronomers of the west. 
That they had a knowledge of the true doctrine of an uniform 
motion in antecedentia, at least seven hundred years ago, 1 
when the astronomers of Europe also were divided on the 
question. That they had approximated [386] to the true 
rate of that motion much nearer than Ptolemy, before the 
Arabian astronomers, and as near the truth as these have ever 
done since. From this we may perhaps be ted to a further 
conclusion, that the astronomy of the Hindus merits a more 
particular examination than it has yet obtained, not indeed 
with any expectation of advancing the science of astronomy, 
which needs not such aid, and can derive none from the 
labours of astronomers who have recorded no observations ; 
but for the history of the science, and ascertainment of the 
progress which was here made : and that, with this view, the 
works of Hindu astronomers, whose age is precisely known, 
and in particular those of Bh&skara, which contain a com- 
plete course of astronomy and of sciences connected with 
it, should be carefully perused ; as well as those of Brahma- 
gupta, which are full of quotations from earlier astronomers, 
as ifryabhatta,* Yar&hamihira, 3 &rishena, 4 Vishnuchandra, 5 
and some others, who are cited by him for the purpose of 
exposing and correcting their errors. 

In regard to Var&hamihira and the Surya-siddhdnta, both 
separately quoted in theBr&hma-sphuta-siddh&ntaof Brahma- 
gupta, I may here remark that a book entitled Stirya- 
siddh&nta is mentioned by Yar&hamihira himself, in his most 

} Bhaskara, who quotes Munjala, completed the S'iromani in 1072 S'aka, or 
A.D. 1160. 
> Author of the Darfagitika and A'ryashta-rfata. 
8 Named with censure by Brahmagupta. 

* Author of the Romaka-aiddhdnta. 

• Mentioned as the author of the V&iiththa-tutdhdni*. 


undoubted work, the treatise on Astrology, entitled Y&r&hi 
sanhitA, where, describing the qualifications requisite to form 
an accomplished astrologer, he says, ' The astrologer should be 
conversant with divisions of time and geometrioal figures, as 
taught in the five Siddh&ntas, or [387] systems of astronomy, 
called Paulisa, Romaka, V&sishjha, Saura, and Pait&maha.' l 

Yar&hamihira, as appears from the quotations of his own 
commentators Bhattotpala and many other astronomical 
writers, is likewise author of a treatise entitled Pancha- 
siddhdntikd, in, which the five systems above mentioned are 
compared ; and, as far as can be gathered from quotations, 
their agreements and disagreements noticed. A passage of 
this treatise, as cited by Bhattotpala, is sufficiently remarkable 
to be here inserted, since it bears relation to the subject of this 
paper. It corresponds in import to a passage quoted by Mr. 
Davis, and Sir William Jones, 8 from the third chapter of the 
V&r&hi sanhit& ; but refers the actual position of the colures 
to the asterisms instead of the signs of the zodiac. 

4 When the return of the sun took place from the middle of 
Ailesh&, the tropic was then right. It now takes place from 

The same five systems of astronomy from which Yar&ha- 
mihira is understood to have compiled the astronomical treatise 
just now quoted, and which are named by him in [388] 

[For these fire Siddhtatas, cf. Reinaud's M4moire $ur rinde, p. 332 (Memoirti 
de VAcatUmie det InseripL xyiii. 1849). Albfruni positively states that the 
Paulirfa-siddhanta was attributed to Paulus the Greek, a native of Egypt. The 
only Siddhantas he could himself procure were those of Paulirfa and Brahmagupta 
(p. 334).] 
1 As. Res., toI. ii. p. 391. 


the passage of his astrology before cited, are mentioned by 
Brahmagupta also as standard authorities, and enumerated 
by him in the same order : and his names, which are precisely 
the same with those in Yar&hamihira's enumeration, 1 are 
explained by Bhattotpala, as intending the Pulisa-siddh&nta, 
Bomaka-siddh&nta, Vasishtha-siddh&nta, Sfirya-siddh&nta, and 

All these books are frequently cited in astronomical com- 
pilations, and are occasionally referred to their real or sup- 
posed authors. The first is everywhere assigned to Pulisa, 
whose name it bears. The Romaka-siddh&nta is ascribed by 
the scholiast of Brahmagupta, and by a commentator of the 
Surya-siddh&nta, to &risena or Srishena (for the name is 
variously written). The Y&sishtha-siddh&nta is by the same 
authority given to Yishnuchandra. Both these authors are 
repeatedly mentioned with censure by Brahmagupta ; and it is 
acknowledged that they are entitled to no particular deference. 

[389] The Br&hma-siddh&nta, which is the basis of Brahma- 
gupta's work, is not anywhere attributed to a known author; 
but referred in all quotations of it which have fallen under 
observation, either to the Yishnu-dharmottara-pur&na, of 
which it is considered as forming a part, or to Brahm6 (also 
called Pit&maha), who is introduced into it as the speaker in 
a dialogue with Bhrigu ; or it is acknowledged to be the work 

This passage, in which the Paulisha, Rom&ka, Yasishtha, Saura, and Paitainaha 
are specified, is introductory to a division of the lunar asterisms (for astrological 
purposes, it should seem), in unequal portions, by allotting to fifteen of them 
a quantity equivalent to the mean diurnal motion of the moon in minutes of a 
degree (790' 35"), and half as much more to six of those asterisms (1185' 52"), 
and so much less to the like number of nakshatras (395 ; 17") and assigning the 
complement of the circle (254' 18") to the supplementary nakshatra called Abhijit. 
(09° The numbers here set down are copied from the scholiast Bhaftotpala,- 
and from Bhaskara's commentators ; being stated by them at the nearest second : 
for the moon's mean daily motion according to Brahmagupta and Bhaskara is a 
little less than 790' 35".) 


of some unknown person. 1 The true author it may be now 
impracticable to discover, and would be vain to conjecture. 

The Surya-siddh&nta (if the same which we now possess) 
is in like manner ascribed to no certain author, unless in the 
, passage cited by our colleague, Mr. Bentley,' wlio says, that 
4 in the commentary on the Bh&swati, it is declared that 
Yar&ha was the author of the Surya-siddh&nta j ' and who 
adds, that 'Sat&nanda, the author of the Bh&swatf, was a 
pupil of Yar&ha under whose directions he himself acknowledges 
he wrote that work.' 

The concluding remark alludes to the following verse of the 

'Next I will propound succinctly, from Mihira's instruction, 
[this system] equal to the Surya-siddh&nta/ 

[390] It is preceded by an introductory couplet, which will 
be found quoted at the foot of the page, 9 or is omitted in some 
copies ; but the correct reading, as appears from collation of 
text and scholia, retains both. 

Admitting then its authenticity, and supposing, with most 
of the commentators, that Yar&hamihira is here intended by 
the single word Mihira, which, however, is a name of the sun, 

1 Dad&bhai, in his commentary on the Surya-siddh&nta, sayB bo. 
* As. Res., vol. vi. p. 572. 

4 Having bowed to the foot of the foe of Mura, the fortunate Sat&nanda pro- 
pounds, for the benefit of students, the Bhaswati, in the S'aka year 1021/ 

The author Satananda, as he himself informs us in the close of the book, was 
an inhabitant of Purushottama (the site of the temple of Jagannatha) : and dates 
his work there in 4200 of the Kali yuga. In the body of the work he directs the 
difference of longitude to be reckoned from the meridian of Purushottama-kshetra. 

* [■**■ ?] 


and may here allude to the fabled dialogue of Sdrya with 
Maya, as is observed by the scholiast Balabhadra j 1 still the 
passage is not unambiguous. It does not necessarily imply 
oral tuition, and may refer to instruction derived from the 
works of Yar&ha ; especially from the Pancha-siddh&ntik& of 
that author, in which the Surya-siddh&nta was explained 
concurrently with four other treatises termed Siddh&nta. 

To return from this digression. It appears from what had 
been before said, that a work bearing the title of Surya- 
siddh&nta is named as authority by Var&hamihira, in whose 
time, according to his assertion, the place of the [391] sum- 
mer solstice was at the beginning of the sign Karkata, and in 
the asterism Punarvasu. A treatise under the same title is 
similarly mentioned by Brahmagupta, who has likewise noticed 
Var&hamihira himself and who is supposed by Bh&skara to 
have lived when the colures had not sensibly deviated from 
that position. 

It may be questioned whether this testimony be not over- 
thrown by proofs of a more modern date (between seven and 
eight hundred years ago), drawn from internal evidence, as 
set forth by Mr. Bentley, in his ingenious essays inserted in 
the sixth and eighth volumes of our Researches. 8 

Without entering at present into any disquisition on this 
subject, or discussing the accuracy of the premises ; but ac- 
ceding generally to the position, that the date of a set of 
astronomical tables, or of a system for the computation of the 
places of planets, is deducible from the ascertainment of a time 
when that system or set of tables gave results nearest to the 
truth ; and granting that the date above mentioned approxi- 
mates within certain limits to such an ascertainment ; I shall 
merely observe, that supposing the dates otherwise irrecon- 
cilable, still the book which we now have under the name of 

i His commentary is dated in 1466 of Vikramaditya; more than 400 yean ago. 
{This is not the Balabhadra quoted by Albfirfini, cf. Reinand, Mdm. tur Vlndt, 
p. 336.] 

2 As. Res., toL vi p. 672, and vol. nil p. 206. 


Surya; or Saura, siddh&nta, may have been, and probably was, 
modernized from a more ancient treatise of the same name, 
the later work borrowing its title from an earlier performance 
of a different author. We have an instance of this practice 
in the kindred case of the Br&hma-siddh&nta ; for we are ac- 
quainted with no less than three astronomical treatises bearing 
this title; one extracted from the Yishnu-dharmottara; another 
termed the &&kalya ; and the third the Sphuta-siddh&nta of 
Brahmagupta : and an equal number of tracts entitled V&sish- 
tha-siddh&nta may be [392] traced in the quotations of authors ; 
one by Yishnuchandra ; another termed Laghu-v&sishtha, 
which from its name should be an abridgment ; and the third, 
apparently an ample treatise, distinguished as the Yyiddha- 
vdsishtha. This solution of the objection also is entirely 
compatible with the tenor of the references to the Saura, 
which have been yet remarked in the works of Brahmagupta 
and YarAhamihira; none of them being relative to points that 
furnish arguments for concluding the age of the book from 
internal evidence. 

At all events, whatever may be thought of thp Surya-siddh- 
anta, we have the authority of a quotation from Xryabhatta, 
to show that the Hindus had ascertained the quantity of the 
precession more correctly than Ptolemy; and had accounted 
for it by a motion in libration or trepidation, before this 
notion was adopted by any other astronomer whose labours 
are known to us. 

It appears also from a passage of Brahmagupta's refutation 
of the supposed errors of that author, and from his com- 
mentator's quotation of Xryabhatta's text, that this ancient 
astronomer maintained the doctrine of the earth's diurnal 
revolution round its axis. * The .sphere of the stars,' he 
affirms, 'is stationary; and the earth, making a revolution, 
produces the daily rising and setting of stars and planets.' l 

1 WTSTKl fajft IJjfaTfWT^W HlR^qftHh *<*ll«m*ft 

*lMI^*lffl I^JKIflHimj Aryabha^a cited by Prithtidaka. 


Brahmagupta answers, 'If the earth move a minute in a 
prdna^ then whence and what route does it proceed P If it 
revolve, why do not lofty objects fall?' 1 But his commentator, 
Prithtidaka*sw&mi, re[393] plies, ' Aryabhatta's opinion ap- 
pears nevertheless satisfactory; since planets cannot have 
two motions at onoe: and the objection, that lofty things 
would fall, is contradicted; for, every way, the under part 
of the earth is also the upper ; since, wherever the spectator 
stands on the earth's surface, even that spot is the uppermost 

We here find both an ancient astronomer and a later com- 
mentator 8 maintaining, against the sense of their country- 
men, the rational doctrine which Heraclides of Pontus, the 
Pythagorean Ecphantus, and a few others among the Greeks, 
had affirmed of old, but which was abandoned by the astro- 
nomers both of the east and of the west, until revived and 
demonstrated in comparatively modern times. 8 

Brahmagnpta is more fortunate in his reasoning where he 
refutes another theory of the alternation of day and night 
imagined by the Jainas, who account for the diurnal change 
by the passage of two suns, and as many moons, and a double 
set of stars and minor planets, round a pyramidical mountain, 
at the foot of which is this habitable earth. His confutation 
of that absurdity is copied by Bh&skara, who has added to it 
from Prithfidaka's gloss on a different passage of Brahma- 
gupta, a refutation of another notion ascribed by him to the 
same sect, respecting the translation of the earth in space. 

This idea has no other origin than the notion, that the 
earth, being heavy and without support, must perpetually 

T%fl Mflftl WpffTW *WTT*t I Brdhma-iphuta-tiddhdnta. 

* The commentator wrote at least seven centuries ago ; for he is quoted by 
Bhaskara in the text and notes of the ffiromani. 

8 For an outline of A'ryabhafta's system of astronomy, see a note at the close 
of this Essay, p. [414]. 


descend : and has, therefore, no relation whatever to the 
modern opinion of a proper motion of the sun and stars. 

[394] Part of the passage of Bh&skara has been quoted in 
a former essay. 1 What regards the further subject now 
noticed is here subjoined. 

4 The earth stands firm, by its own power, without other 
support in space. 

* If there be a material support to the earth, and another 
upholder of that, and again another of this, and so on, there 
is no limit. If finally self-support must be assumed, why not 
assume it in the first instance P why not recognize it in this 
multiform earth P 

4 As heat is in . the sun and fire, coldness in the moon, 
fluidity in water, hardness in iron ; so mobility is in air ; and 
immobility in the earth, by nature. How wonderful are the 
implanted faculties ! 

' The earth, possessing an attractive force,* draws towards 
itself any heavy substance situated in the surrounding atmo- 
sphere, and that substance appears as if it fell. But whither 
can the earth fall in ethereal space which is equal and alike 
on every side P 

' Observing the revolution of the stars, the Bauddhas 8 
acknowledge, that the earth has no support ; but as nothing 
heavy is seen to remain in the atmosphere, they thence 
conclude that it falls in ethereal space. 

' Whence dost thou deduce, Bauddha, this idle notion, 
that, because any heavy substance thrown into the air, falls to 
the earth, therefore the earth itself descends P ' 4 

He adds this further explanation in his notes : ' For if the 
earth were falling, an arrow shot into the air would not return 
to it when the projectile force was expended, since [395] both 

1 As. Res., toI. ix. p. 322 [p. 201 of the present volume], 
* Like the attraction of the loadstone for iron. Martchi on Bhaskara. 
1 Meaning the Jainas ; as appears from the author's own annotation on this 
4 S'iromani, Goladhyaya, o. i. v. 2, 4, 7 and 0. 


would descend. Nor can it be said that it moves slower, and 
is overtaken by the arrow ; for heaviest bodies fall quickest, 
and the -earth is heaviest.' 

It has been observed in a former part of this essay, that 
Brahmagupta's treatise of astronomy is founded on an anterior 
one entitled Br&hma-siddh&nta ; and the authenticity of the 
book extant under Brahmagupta's name has been relied upon, 
and passages have been freely cited from it, as the genuine 
performance of that ancient astronomer. These matters appear 
to be of sufficient importance to deserve a more particular 
explanation of their grounds. 

The source from which Brahmagupta drew, is indicated by 
the author himself, in his introductory couplet, cited by 
Lakshmid&sa in the commentary on Bh&skara : 1 

4|nH4l(J|lH|4 Uf fll *wf «nr^m«jnnj 

which, in a literal version, will stand thus : — ' The computa- 
tion of planets, as declared by Brahm&, and become imperfect 
by great length of time, is perspicuously (spAufa) explained 
by Brahmagupta, son of Jishqiu.' 

The ambiguity imputable to this passage is obviated by the 
more explicit terms of the initial stanza of his eleventh chap- 
ter, where Brahmagupta announces a refutation of opinions 
opposed to the Br&hma-siddh&nta : 

[396] 4 1 will refute the errors (respecting the yuga$ and 
other matters) of those who, misled by ignorance, maintain 
things contrary to the Br&hma-siddhAnta.' 

What the work is, to which Brahmagupta refers under the 
title specified by him, and corresponding to a subsequent 
mention by him of the Pait&maha-siddh&nta (both titles being 

1 The Qayt»-tattw*-nhiwttma?i, dated in 1423 S'tta, or 1601 a.d. 


of the same import), is explained by the scholiasts of Bh&kara 
and of the Stirya-siddh&nta. Nrisinha, a commentator on 
both texts, 1 affirms that Brahmagupta's rales are formed from 
the Yishnu-dharmottara-pur&^a, in which the Br&hma-siddh- 
inta is contained;* Bh&skara's commentator, Munlswara, 3 
remarks, that Brahmagupta, having verified by observation 
the revolutions stated in the Br&hma-siddh&nta of the Vishnu- 
dharmottara, and having found them suitable to his own time, 
adopted these numbers, rejecting the revolutions taught by 
Stirya and the rest. In other places the commentator cites 
parallel passages from Brahmagupta and the Br&hma- (also 
termed by him Pait&maha-) siddhanta of the Vishnu-dhar- 
mottara : 4 and these with numerous [397] quotations from 

1 He ifl the author of a commentary on the Stirya-siddhanta, and of the 
Vasana-varttika on Bhaskara's text and notes. It is dated in 1543 S'aka, or 
1621 A.D. 

* As. Res., vol. ii. p. 242. 

* Author of the Marichi on Bhaskara's S'iromani, and of a distinct treatise of 
astronomy, the 6iddhanta-s&rYabhauma. The earliest copy of the Marichi is 
dated 1560 S'aka (a.d. 1638), which is not muoh later than the date of the work 
itself; for the Emperor Nuruddfa Jah&nglr is mentioned at the close of the 
book, as he also is in the preface of a commentary on the Sorya-eiddhanta by 
the author's father Banganatha. 

* Take the following as examples : 

1st. The number of sidereal days in a kalpa (riz. 1,582,236,450,000), which 
the Paitamaha-siddhanta of the Vishnu-dharmottara (cited in Marichi, ch. i.) 
expresses by these words : 

and Brahmagupta renders by the equivalent terms, 

2nd. The commencement of the kalpa, on Sunday, 1st Chaitra, at the moment 
of sunrise on the meridian of Lanka, which the Brahma-siddhanta of the 
Vishnu-dharmottara-purana (Marichi, ch. ii.) thus expresses : 

and Brahmagupta by the following couplet, 

^rnsft ^HTRrt *nt inprr f& »^w i 


Brahmagupta in the Ohint&mani and in other commentaries 
on Bh&skara, as well as in the author's notes on his own text, 
are exactly conformable with the Br&hma-sphuta-siddh&nta 
now in my possession, and which is accompanied by the gloss 
of Brahmagupta's celebrated commentator Chaturveda-prithu* 
It appears, then, from a collation of the passages so cited, 


that Brahmagupta's work is, at least in part, a paraphrase of 
the Br&hma or Pait&maha ; containing, how[398]ever, addi- 
tional matter: and it is accordingly termed by one of the 
scholiasts of the Surya~siddhanta l a commentary on the 
Pait&maha ; and Chaturveda's gloss is denominated by the 
same scholiast an interpretation of the Pait&maha-bh&shya. 

In support of what has been here said, I shall adduce a few 
instances of quotation on subjects possessing some degree of 

The first is one in which Bh&skara vindicates a passage of 
Brahmagupta from the objections of his commentator, quoting 
the passage itself in his notes, and there naming the scholiast, 
Chaturveda ; from whieh, be it remarked, the commentary is 
ascertained to be anterior to Bh&skara's work : I hare a further 
reason, however, for citing the passage, as it furnishes occasion 
for some observations on the Indian theory of astronomy. 

The Hindus, as is well known, place the earth in the centre 
of the world, and make the Sun and Moon and minor planets 
revolve round it, apparently in concentric orbits, with unequal 
or irregular motion. For a physical explanation of the phe- 
nomena, they imagine the planets driven by currents of air 
along their respective orbits (besides one great vortex carrying 
stars and planets with prodigious velocity, round the earth, in 
the compass of a day). The winds or currents, impelling the 
several planets, communicate to them velocities, by which 
their motion should be equable and in the plane of the 
ecliptic ; but the planets are drawn from this course by certain 

1 D6d4bh6i. 


controlling powers, situated at the apogees, conjunctions, and 

These powers are clothed by Hindu imaginations with 
celestial bodies invisible to human sight, and furnished with 
hands and reins, by which they draw the planets from their 
[399] direct path and uniform progress. The being at the 
apogee, for instance, constantly attracts the planet towards itself, 
alternately, however, with the right and left hands. The 
deity of the node diverts the planet, first to one side, then to 
the other, from the ecliptic. And, lastly, the deity at the 
conjunction causes the planet to be one while stationary, 
another while retrograde, and to move at different times with 
velocity accelerated or retarded. These fancied beings are 
considered as invisible planets ; the nodes and apogees having 
a motion of their own in the ecliptic. 

This whimsical system, more worthy of the mythologist 
than of the astronomer, is gravely set forth in the Surya- 
siddh&nta ; and even Bh&skara gives in to it, though not 
without indications of reluctant acquiescence : for he has not 
noticed it in his text, and only briefly in his notes. 

To explain on mathematical principles the irregularity of 
the planetary motions, the Hindu astronomers remove the 
earth from the centre of the planet's orbit, and assume the 
motion in that excentric to be really equable, though it appear 
irregular as viewed from the earth. Another hypothesis is 
also taught by them ; according to which the planet revolves 
with an equal but contrary motion in an epicycle, of which 
the centre is carried with like but direct motion on a concentric 

Bh&skara remarks that both theories are equivalent, giving 
the same results in computation ; but he maintains that the 
planet's motion in an excentric orbit (pratimandala) is con- 
sonant to the truth, and the other hypothesis of an epicycle 
(nichochcha vritta) is merely a device for the facility of com- 


Both theories, with certain modifications, which will be sub- 
sequently noticed, suffice for the anomaly of the Sun and Moon. ' 
To account for the still greater apparent irre[400]gularities 
of the five minor planets, the Hindu astronomers make them 
revolve with direct motion on an epicycle borne on an excentrio 
deferent. (In the case of the two inferior planets, the revolu- 
tion in the excentric is performed in the same time with the 
Sun : consequently the planet's motion in its epicycle is in 
fact its proper revolution in its orbit. In the instance of the 
superior planets, on the contrary, the epicycle corresponds in 
time to a revolution of the Sun, and the excentric deferent 
answers to the true revolution of the planet in its orbit.) 

So far the Indian system, ae already remarked by Mr. 
Davis in his treatise on the astronomical computations of the 
Hindus, 1 agrees with the Ptolemaic. At the first glance it 
will remind the reader of the hypothesis of an excentric orbit 
devised by Hipparchus, and of that of an epicycle on a 
deferent, said to have been invented by Apollonius, but 
applied by Hipparchus. At the same time the omission of 
an equant (having double the excentricity of the deferent) 
imagined by Ptolemy for the five minor planets, as well as 
the epicycle with a deferent of the centre of the excentric, 
contrived by him to account for the evection of the Moon, 
and the circle of anomaly of excentricity, adapted to the 
inequality of Mercury's motions, cannot fail to attract 

The Hindus, who have not any of Ptolemy's additions to 
the theory of Hipparchus, have introduced a different modifi- 
cation of the hypothesis, for they give an oval form to the 
excentric or equivalent epicycle, as well as to the planet's 
proper epicycle. That is, they assume the axis of the epicycle 
greater at the end of the (sama) even quadrants of anomaly 
(or in the line of the apsides and conjunctions), and least at 
the end of the {mhama) odd [401] quadrants (first and third), 

1 As. Bes,, toI. ii., p. 250. 


and intermediately in proportion. 1 This contrivance of an 
oval epicycle is applied by certain astronomers to all the 
planets ; and by others is restricted to few ; and by some is 
altogether rejected. Aryabhatta* for example, and the Surya- 
siddh&nta, make both epicyles of all the planets oval, placing 
however the short axis of the proper epicycles of Jupiter and 
Saturn in the line of mean conjunction, termed by Hindu 
astronomers their quiek apogee (Hghrochcha). Brahmagupta 
and Bh&skara, on the contrary, acknowledge only the epicycles 
of Mars and Venus to be oval, and insist that the rest are 
circular. The author of the Siddh&nta-s&rvabhauma goes a 
step further, maintaining that all are circular, and taking the 
mean between the numbers given in the Surya-siddh&nta. 

1 Bad : Sine of anomaly : : Diff. between circles described on greatest and least 
axis: Diff. between circles described on greatest axis and on the diameter of the 
epicycle for the proposed anomaly. Whence the circle described on that diameter 
is determined ; and is used for the epicycle in computations for that anomaly. 
Since circles are to each other as their radii, the proportion above stated answers 
to the following; semitransrerse axis: diff. between transverse and conjugate 
semiaxis : : ordinate of the circle : a fourth proportional ; which is precisely the 
difference between that ordinate and an ordinate of the ellipse for the same absciss. 
Hindu astronomers take it for the difference between the radius of the circum- 
scribed circle and the semidiameter of the ellipse at an angle with the axis equal 
to the proposed anomaly ; and, in an ellipsis rery little excentric, the error is small. 






























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[403] A further difference of theory, though not of practice, 
occurs among the Hindu astronomers, in regard to the curva- 
ture of the excentric deferents, and the consequent method of 
computing on the equivalent hypothesis of epicycles. 

A reference to Mr. Davis's Essay/ and to the diagrams 
which accompany it, will render intelligible what has been 
already said, and what now remains to be explained. It is 
there observed, that it is only in computing the retrograda- 
tions, and other particulars respecting the minor planets, that 
the Hindus find the length of the karna 6 © * (or line drawn 
from the centre of the earth to the planet's place in the epi- 
cycle). In other cases, as for the anomalistic equation of the 
Sun and Moon, they are satisfied to take Ac as equal to the 
sine Im* (that is, the sine of mean anomaly, reduced to its 
dimensions in the epicycle in parts of the radius of the con- 
centric, equal to the sine of the anomalistic equation). The 
reason is subjoined : ' The difference, as the commentator on 
the Surya-siddh&nta observes, being inconsiderable.' 

Most of the commentators on the Surya-siddh&nta do assign 
that reason ; but some of them adopt Brahmagupta's expla- 
nation. This astronomer maintains that the operation of 
finding the karna is rightly omitted in respect of the excentrics 
or equivalent epicycles of all the planets, and retained in 
regard to the proper epicycles of the minor planets carried by 
the excentric deferents. His hypothesis, as briefly intimated 
by himself, and as explained by Bhfokara, supposes the 
epicycle, which represents the excentric, to be augmented in 
the proportion [404] which karna (or the distance of the 
planet's place from the earth's centre) bears to the radius of 
the concentric ; and it is on this account, and not as a mere 
approximation, that the finding of the karna^ with the sub- 
sequent operation to which it is applicable, is dispensed with. 4 

1 As. Res., vol. ii. p. 249. 

* As. Res., vol ii. p. 250. Diagram, fig. 2. » Ibid, 

* For Rad : periphery of the epicycle : : karna : augmented epicycle. And circle 
: sine of anomaly : : augmented epicycle : sine of anomaly in augmented epicycle. 


The scholiast of Brahmagupta objects to his author'* 
doctrine on this point, that, upon the same principle, the 
process of finding the karna, with the subsequent employment 
of it to find the sine of the anomalistic equation, should in 
like manner be omitted in the proper epicycle of the five minor 
planets ; and he concludes therefore that the omission of that 
process has no other ground but the very inconsiderable 
difference of the result in the instance of a small epicycle. 
For, as remarked by another author, 1 treating on the same 
subject, the equation itself and its sine are very small near the 
line of the apsides ; and at a distance from that line the karna 
and radius approach to equality. 

Bh&skara, in the &iromani, quotes succinctly Brahmagupta's 
doctrine, and the scholiast's objection to it ; and replies to the 
latter : and in his notes in the V&sand-bh&shya, cites the text 
of Brahmagupta and Chaturveda's reasoning, which he tries 
to confute. His quotation agrees perfectly with the present 
text of the Br&hma-[405]sphuta-siddhfinta and commentary 
of Chaturveda-prithudaka-swfimf , which is annexed to it. 

The passage, which has required so much preparatory 
explanation, is itself short : 

' The karna, or longest side of the triangle, multiplied by 
the periphery of the epicycle and divided by radius, becomes 
the multiplier of the sine and cosine of anomaly. The same 
result, as before, is obtained by a single operation in the 
instance of the anomalistic epicycle : and therefore karna is 
not here employed/ 

Lastly, karna : sine of anomaly in augmented epicycle v : radios : sine of 
anomalistic equation. 

Whence periphery X ££ X ^™ X ^S^T 2 * =*** ot anoomMo 

And, abridging, periphery X ^^° ( 5^Se 5 ^ =: *ine of anomalistic equation. 
1 In the Marichi. 


Bh&skara's words in the Siroma^i are these: 'Some say 
that in this system, in the operation of finding the equation 
of anomaly, the karna or long side of the triangle is not 
employed, because the difference in the two modes of com- 
putation is very inconsiderable. But others maintain that, if 
the karna be used, the periphery of the epicycle must in this 
operation be corrected, by multiplying it by karna and dividing 
by radius. Wherefore the result is the same as by the former 
method: and on that account, they say, the karna is not 
employed. It is not to be objected, why is not the same 
method used in the iighra epicycle P For the principles of 
the two differ . , 

In his notes on this part of his text,, he cites, as before 
observed, the precise passage of Brahmagupta which has been 
inserted above, and a portion of Ghaturveda's comment on it, 
and names the author. 

In another instance Bh&skara quotes in his Siromani 
Brahmagupta by name, and the commentator by implication 
(and fuller quotations of both occur in the notes and com- 
mentaries), for a disagreement in regard to the latitude [406] 
of stars and planets measured from the ecliptic both on a 
circle drawn through its poles, and on one passing through 
the poles of the equator ; the latter termed sphuta or appa- 
rent, and the other asphuta or unapparent. 1 Bh&skara remarks 
that Brahmagupta has directed the latitudes of planets to be 
computed by one mode, and has given those of the stars in 
the other, but has stated no rule for reducing the latitude of 
one denomination to the other, or for rectifying the true 
latitude from the measure given on the circle of declination. 
The reason he considers to be the little difference between 
them (which is true in respect of the planets, though not so 
in the case of most of the stars), and the frequent occasion in 
astronomical computations, for the declination of stars, while 

1 Asphuja aara is tbe true latitude of a star or planet; aphufa tara is its 
declination + declination of the point of intersection in the ecliptic. 


their proper latitude is not an element in any calculation ; 
whereas, in the case of the planets, both are employed on 
different occasions: he adverts to a strained interpretation 
proposed by the commentator to construe Brahmagupta's rule 
as adapted to the same denomination of latitude which is 
employed by him for the stars. Bh&skara refutes that inter- 
pretation, and justifies Brahmagupta's text taken in its obvious 
and natural sense. 

This passage of the Siromani 1 confirms what was said 
[407] by me, from other authority, in a former essay, 2 con- 
cerning the Hindu method of determining a star's place 
with reference to the ecliptic, by the intersection of a circle of 
declination, and by taking the latitude and longitude of the 
star to that point of intersection, instead of employing a per- 
pendicular to the ecliptic. 

The only other passage to which I shall draw the reader's 
attention is one of considerable length, in which Brahmagupta, 
although he has rightly given the theory of solar and lunar 
eclipses, with the astronomical principles on which they are to be 
computed, affirms, in compliance with the prejudices of Hindu 
bigots, the existence of R&hu as an eighth planet and as the 
immediate cause of eclipses, and reprehends Var&hamihira, 
Aryabhatta, Srishena and Vishnuchandra for rejecting this 
orthodox explanation of the phenomenon. The passage is 
quoted by Bh&skara's commentator in the Chint&mani on the 
occasion of a more concise text of the Siromani affirming the 
agency of R&hu in eclipses. 8 

fit4w<tat *!?pn^ *ttt ipr. i <*c. 

(jolddhydya, c. yiii. v. 11, etc. 

2 As. Res., vol. ix. [p. 284, etc., of the present volume]. 

3 Part 2, ch. vii. v. 10. 


This quotation frpm the Brahma-siddhanta, comprising seven 
couplets in the Chint&mani, has been verified in the text of 
the Brahraa-sphute-siddhanta of Brahmagupta. 1 

All these, with numerous other instances in the annotations 
and commentaries of the &iromani, which I refrain from 
adducing, lest the reader's patience should be tired, have 
established to my entire conviction the genuineness of the 
Sphuta-siddh&nta founded on a prior treatise entitled Brahma- 

I am not unapprised that, under a feeling of great distrust 
or unwillingness to admit the conclusions which follow from 
this position, a variety of hypotheses might be formed [408] 
to a different effect. Brahmagupta, supposing him to be 
entirely an original writer, may have referred to an 
imaginary work to give that kind of authority to his per- 
formance which the Hindus most fancy; or he may have 
fathered on a purdna a synopsis of his own doctrine for the 
same purpose; or some other writer, from whatever motive, 
may have fabricated a pretended extract of a purdna con- 
taining the heads of Brahmagupta's system, and have given 
currency to it on the strength of the reference in that 
astronomer's treatise to an anterior work. These and other 
suppositions grounded on surmise of fraud and forgery may 
be formed. I shall not discuss them : for I have no concern 
but with the facts themselves. Bhaskara, writing 650 years 
ago, declares, and so do all his commentators, that he has 
followed Brahmagupta as his guide. They quote numerous 
passages from his work ; and Bhaskara affirms that Brahma- 
gupta took the number of revolutions assigned to the planets 
in the great period termed halpa from an earlier authority. 
The commentators, who wrote from two to four centuries ago, 
assert that those numbers were taken from a treatise in form 
of dialogue between Bhagavat (or Brahma) and Bhrigu, 
inserted in the Yishnu-dharmottara-purana, and distinguished 

1 Oolddkydya. 


by the title of Br&hma or Pait&maha-siddh&nta. They cite 
parallel passages, which do in fact exactly accord in sense and 
import. They occasionally quote observations on Brahma- 
gnpta by his scholiast Ghaturyeda-prithudaka-sw&mi. A 
book is extant (a copy, partly deficient, however, having come 
into my possession with other astronomical collections), and 
which consists of a text under the title of Brahma-sphuta- 
siddh&nta,* accompanied by a continual commentary by Cha- 
turveda-prithudaka-sw&mi. The text contains the same 
astronomical doctrine which Bhfokara teaches, and which he 
professes to have derived [409] from Brahmagupta; and 
passages quoted by him in his text, or at more length in his 
notes, or by his commentators, or by other astronomical 
writers, as the words of Brahmagupta, are found verbatim in 
it. I consider it therefore as the genuine text of the treatise 
used by Bh&skara, as Brahmagupta's ; and seeing no reason 
for suspicion and distrust, I quote it as the authentic work of 
that celebrated astronomer. 

As the evidence which has been here collected with reference 
to particular points, bears also upon other questions, I shall 
now state further conclusions, regarding the history of Indian 
astronomy, which appear to me to be justly deducible from the 
premises. Those conclusions will be supported, when necessary, 
by additional references to authorities. 

Brahmagupta and Yar&hamihira, though named at the head 
of astronomers by Bh&skara and Sat&nanda and by the herd 
of later writers, are not to be considered as the authors of the 
Indian system of astronomy. They abound in quotation 9 
from more ancient astronomers, upon whose works their own 
are confessedly grounded. In addition to the names before 
mentioned, 1 those of Pradyumna, L&la-sinha, and L6dh&- 
ch&rya, may be here specified. But the Br&hma-siddh&nta and 
the works of if ryabhatta are what principally engages brahma- 
gupta's attention : and the five Siddh&ntas have been the 

» Page [386]. 


particular subject' of Var&hamihira's labours. He appears to 
have been anterior to Brahmagupta, being actually cited by him 
among other writers, whose errors are exposed and corrected. 

Var&hamihira, constantly quoted as the author of the 
Var&hi sanhit&and Pancha-siddh&ntik&, must be [410] judged 
from those works, which are undoubtedly his by the unanimous 
consent of the learned, and by the testimony of the ancient 
scholiast Bhattotpala. The minor works, ascrioed to the 
same author, may hare been composed in later times, and the 
name of a celebrated author have been affixed to them, ac- 
cording to a practice, which is but too common in India as in 
many other countries. The Jatak&rnava, for example, which 
has been attributed to him, may not improbably be the work 
of a different author. At least, I am not apprised of any 
collateral evidence (such as quotations from it in books of some 
antiquity) to support its genuineness, as a work of Var&ha- 

In the Y&r&hi sanhitd, this author has not followed the 
system which is taught in the Sfirya-siddh&nta. For instance, 
his rule for finding the year of the cycle of sixty years, 
founded on the mean motions of Jupiter, shows that he 
employed a different number from that which the Surya- 
siddh&nta furnishes, viz. 364,224 revolutions in a yuga, in- 
stead of 364,200 ; and it appears from a quotation of the 
scholiast that Aryabhatta is the authority for that number of 
revolutions of Jupiter. 

Before the age of Yar&hainihira and Brahmagupta, and 
subsequently to that of Garga, 1 a number of illustrious 
astronomers flourished, by whom the science was cultivated 

1 [For an account of the G&rgi Sanhitfr, cf. Kern's Bfihat Sanhitd, Introd. pp. 
33-40 ; Aufrechtf s Cat. of MSS. in Trinity Coll. library, pp. 32-36. Dr. Kern 
quotes a passage which describes an invasion of the Yavanas as far as Saketa 
(Ayodhya) and Pnshpapura (Palibothra), and the subsequent tyranny of a 
Scythian king. He fixes the date of the work approximately as b.o. 50. His 
MS. is incomplete ; but the only Greek word which occurs in that portion is 
hord, and no mention is made of the signs' of the zodiac.] 


and promoted, but whose works unhappily are lost, or at least 
have not been yet recovered, and are at present known to us 
only by quotation. No less than ten intermediate writers are 
cited by Brahmagupta ; of whom five at the least are noticed 
by Yarahamihira. 1 

The proficiency of the Yavanas in astronomy was known 
to Yar&hamihira. He has mentioned it with applause, 8 [411] 
and has more than once referred to the authority of their 
writers. The name of Yavan&chdrya, which occurs frequently 
in the compilations of Hindu astronomers, 8 has apparently 
reference to an author of that nation ; which is characterized 
by Yar&hamihira as a people of Mlechhas, or barbarians. The 
title of Romaka-siddh&nta, given by ferishena to his astro- 
nomical treatise, which is quoted under this title by Yaraha- 
mihira and Brahmagupta, may be presumed also to carry 
some allusion to the system of the astronomers of the West. • 

If these circumstances, joined to a resemblance hardly to 
be supposed casual, which the Hindu astronomy, with its 
apparatus of excentrics and epicycles, bears in many respects 
to that of the Greeks, be thought to authorize a belief that 
the Hindus received from the Greeks that knowledge which 
enabled them to correct and improve their own imperfect 
astronomy, I shall not be inclined to dissent from the opinion. 4 
There does indeed appear ground for more than a conjecture 
that the Hindus had obtained a knowledge of Grecian astro- 
nomy before the Arabs began to cultivate the science; and 

1 See before pp. [386], [388], and [409]. 

1 For the Yavanas are barbarians ; but this science is well established among 
them ; and they are revered like holy sages : mnoh more shall a priest who is 
learned in it be venerated.' [This passage from Yarahamihira is quoted by 
Albirfini (Reinaud's Mbmirt, p. 333). These lines really occur in the Gargi 
Sanhita, see Kern's Brihat Sanhitd, Introd. p. 35.] 

8 As. Bee., vol. ix. p. 876 (see pp. 321 and 323, of the present volume). 

* [Cf. Prof. Whitney's note to Burgess's Tranul, Sto-ya-tiddhdnta, pp. 327- 



that the whole cluster of astronomers mentioned by Brahma- 
gupta must be placed in the interval between the age of 
Hipparchus, and possibly that of Ptolemy, and the date of 
Brahmagupta's revision of the Bj&hma-siddh&gta. 

In reforming the Indian astronomy, Brahmagupta and the 
astronomers who preceded him did not take implicitly the mean 
motions of the planets given by the Gre[412]cian astronomer. 
In general they are wider from the truth than Ptolemy. 1 
But in the instance which is the subject of this paper they 
made a nearer approach to accuracy than he had done, and 

1 Mean Ditjbnal Motions of thb Planets. 
[Cf. Burgess, Transl. Sbrya-tiddhdnta, pp. 24, 282.] 


o i ii in im 

O 69 8 10 22 

) 13 10 34 62 47 

)—0 12 11 26 42 26 

31 26 28 7 

4 6 32 18 28 

4 69 9 9 

1 36 7 44 36 
2 22 62 

Sarya-aiddhanta. i Ptolemy. 

oi ii in nn 
69 8 10 10 
13 10 34 62 3 
12 11 26 41 63 
31 26 28 11 
4 6 32 20 42 

4 69 8 48 

1 36 7 43 39 
2 22 63 

o i ii mim 
69 8 17 13 
13 10 34 68 80 
12 11 26 31 17 
31 26 36 63 
4 6 82 24 12 

4 69 14 26 

1 86 7 43 6 
2 33 31 

oi n in rm 
69 8 19 48 
13 10 36 1 40 
12 11 26 41 52 
31 26 39 23 
4 6 32 84 13 

4 69 15 63 

1 36 7 48 24 
2 35 38 



In this comparative table, computed to fourth minutes, it will be remarked that 
the Hindu astronomers mostly agree to third minutes and differ in the fourths. 
They disagree with Ptolemy at the thirds, and give, in almost every instance, 
slower motions than he does to the planets, and still slower than the truth. In 
the moon's synodioal motion, however, they are very nearly correct. On the 
other hand, the equation of the centre deducible from the epicycles (page [404]) is 
a nearer approximation to the truth than results from the eccentricity assigned by 
Ptolemy to the orbits of the planets. For instance, 


o x n 
2 10 30 

Surya-siddhanta and Brahmagupta (Bad. of the epicycle)... 
Hipparchus and Ptolemy (Aim., 1. 3, c. 4) in parts, of which radius 

contains 60 ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 29 30 

Albatani (c. 28) ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 4 45 

Greatest Equation of the Sun's Centre : 

Surya-siddhanta, etc. (computed by the commentators) ... 

Ptolemy (Rice Aim, nop.) ... 

A.L oaiani ••« ... ... ... ... ... 

Alphonsine Tables ... ... ... ... ... 

jvopier, etc. ... ... ... ... ... 

Lalande (8rd edit.) ... ... ... ... 

2 10 32 
2 23 

1 59 

2 10 
2 3 46 

1 5636} 



must, therefore, have used other observations besides those 
which he has recorded. 

The Arabs adopted in its totality Ptolemy's theory of the 
motions of the planets ; which the Hindus have only [413] 
in part. But the Arabs improved on his astronomy by care- 
ful observations : a praise to which the Hindus are not equally 
entitled. Alb&tani discovered the motion of the Sun's apogee, 
and suspected from analogy a motion of the apsides of the 
minor planets. 1 The Hindus surmised the motion of the 
apogee of the Sun, and nodes and apsides of the planets, from 
analogy to the Moon's ; 2 but were unable to verify the con- 
jecture by observation ; and have, in feet, merely assigned 
arbitrary numbers to the supposed revolutions, to bring out 
the places right (or as nearly so as they had determined them), 
relatively to the origin of the ecliptic at a vastly remote 
period. Bhaskara, when treating of the manner of verifying 
or of finding the number of revolutions of the planets, etc. in 
a given period, teaches the mode of observing the planetary 
motions, but considers the life of man too short for observing 
the motion of the apsides and nodes (the Moon's excepted) ; 
and certainly the revolutions assigned to them by him and 
other Hindu astronomers are too few, and the motions too 
slow (the quickest not exceeding seven degrees in 100,000 
years), to have been assumed on any other ground but the 
arbitrary one just now stated. The astronomical instruments 
employed by the Hindus, of which Bh&skara describes nine, 
including one of his own invention, and comprehending the 
quadrant, semicircle and entire circle, besides the armillary 
sphere, horary ring, gnomon and clepsydra, 8 were too rudely 
executed, whatever may be thought of their design, to enable 
the astronomers to make very delicate observations ; and they 
were not assisted, as in the precession of the equinoxes, by the 
memory of a former position recorded in their ancient writings. 

1 Montucla, p. 349. * Bh&skara in V&sana-bh&ahya. 

* Golddhydya, ch. 9. 



According to Aryabhatta, as quoted by Brahmagupta and his scholiast PritbiS- 
daka-sw&mi : — 

One yuga contains ... ... ... ... 1,080,000 

One mahd yuga = 4 yuga* ... ... ... 4,320,000 

One Manu yuga = 72 mahd yuga* ... ... ... 311,040,000 

One halpa = 14 Manu* = 1008 mahd yuga*... ... 4,354,660,000 

The halpa began on Thursday, 1st Chaitra-sukla, at the 
moment of sunrise at Lanka. 
Years expired from the commencement of the halpa to the war 

of the Bharata, or beginning of the Kali age ... ... 1,986,120,000 

Add expired years of the Kali to the S'aka era ... ... 3,179 

Tears from the beginning of the kalpa to the commencement of 

the S'aka era ... 1,986,123,179 

Tears expired from the commencement of the present mahd 
yuga, to the beginning of the Kali age, when there was a 
conjunction ... ... ... ... ... 3,240,000 

Revolutions of the earth round its own axis, in a quadruple yuga 

or mahd yuga ... ... ... ... ... 1,682,237,600 

Hence, deducting revolutions of the sun ... ... ... 4,320,000 

Remain, nycthemera, or tdvana days, in a mdha yuga ... 1,677,917,500 

0» Length of the sidereal year is, \ d. g. x zz d. h. i h 

therefore, according to Aryabhat^a:— J 365 15 31 15 or 365 6 12 30 

N.B. — Aryabbafta taught the earth's diurnal revolution round its axis ; a doc- 
trine which Brahmagupta controverts ; but to which his soholiast Frithudaka- 
swami inclines. 

According to the Paulirfa-siddhanta cited by Bhaftotpala on Varahamihira*s 
Sanhita, and by Prithtfdaka-swami on Brahmagupta' s Siddhanta : — 

Kfita yuga, 4,800 divine years = 1,728,000 ' 



= 1,296,000 
= 864,000 




= 432,000 

Mahd yuga 

= 4,320,000 

This author's computation of the kalpa has not been found in any quota- 
tion ; but he is cited as reckoning its commencement from midnight . 
[415] Tears expired from the commencement of the present mahd 

yuga to the first conjunction of the planets in the Kfita yuga 648,0*0 

Interval between that and the last conjunction, at the beginning 

of the Kali yuga 3,240,000 

Tears expired to the commencement of the Kali yuga ... 3,888,000 

Mean solar (taura) days, termed by other astronomers tdvana 

days, in one mahd yuga ... ... ... ... 1 ,677,91 7,800 



cL g. I H d. h. I II 

365 15 31 30 or 365 6 12 36 

Length of the year according to \ 
the Paulisa-siddhanta : — j 

N.B. — The difference of 300 days in the computations of Aryabhafta and 
Pulis'a, gives one day in 14,400 yean, as is remarked by Brahmagnpta. 

Length of the year according to \ d. g. i n m <L h. i n m it 

the Surya-siddhanta:— / 365 15 31 31 24=365 6 12 36 33 36 

According to Brahmagnpta:— 365 15 30 22 30=365 6 12 9 

The computation of the yuga and kalpa, according to these authorities, is well 
known, and need not be exhibited in this place. They make it begin on Sunday; 
the one at midnight, the other at sunrise, on the meridian of Lanka ; and the 
elapsed years to the beginning of the Kali age are, 1,972,944,000. To which 
Brahmagupta adds 3,179 years to the S'aka era. The Sdrya-siddhanta deducts 
17,064,000 years; making the epoch of a supposed conjunction of planets by so 
many years later than the beginning of the kalpa. 

Revolutions of 

the Planets. 

According to Pulis'a 

According to 


quoted by 






In a mahd yuga. 

In a mahd yuga. 

In a kalpa. 

Sun... ... ••• 

... 4,320,000 



Moon (periodical) ... 

... 57,753,336 




... 2,296,824 




... 17,937,000 








... 7,022,388 











[416] 10° Aryabha{ta states the revolutions of Jupiter at 364,224 ; and Varaha- 
mihira's rule for the cycle of sixty years of Jupiter is founded on that number. 
The periods assigned by these two authors to other planets have not been ascer- 
tained ; except Saturn's aphelion, reckoned by Aryabha{ta at fifty-four revolutions 
in a kalpa. Aryabhafta's numbers are said to have been derived from the 
Paras'ara-siddhanta. (As. Res., vol. ii., p. 242.) 




[* # * In the Asiatic Journal for 1826 Colebrooke wrote a reply 
to an attack which Bentley had published during the preceding 
year in his Hindu Astronomy. The attack was severe and un- 
warranted, and the language of part of the reply was unusually 
warm. I have reprinted that part of the letter which seemed to 
me to throw light on some of the author's views; but I have 
omitted everything of a personal nature, as unsuited to the tone 
of judicial calmness which pervades the Essays. — En.] 

I now proceed to Mr. Bentley's direct attack on myself in 
the sixth flection of the second part of his posthumous work. 

His position is, that the longitudes of stars reckoned from 
the beginning of the Hindu sphere must be the same, whether 
given by an astronomer who lived a thousand years ago, or by 
one who only lived fifty years since; because they are reckoned 
from the same point. . . . Hence he affirms, " Mr. Colebrooke's 
notions are altogether unfounded." 

I have shown in my treatise on the Indian divisions of the 
Zodiac (As. Res., vol. ix.), that the longitudes given in the 
Indian tables are the longitudes of the stars' circles of declina- 
ation, and not of the stars* themselves. It is distinctly so said 
by the Hindu writers cited by me in that Essay. The manner 
in which they direct observations to be made confirms the 
conclusion ; for the intersecting circle, which they use on an 
armillary sphere to make the observation, is a circle of declin- 
ation. I have repeatedly and explicitly so affirmed. I never 
maintained that tables of true longitudes would vary with the 


time for which they are prepared. But surely tables of the 
longitudes of circles of declination are affected by precession, 
and require correction accordingly. 

Mr. Bentley was aware of the distinction drawn by me, and 
has more than once noticed it in his posthumous work ; but he 
suppresses that essential distinction in this place. I again 
assert, that the tabular longitudes and latitudes given in the 
Surya-siddh&nta and certain other Hindu works are not the 
true longitudes and latitudes of stars ; nor did I speak of 
the stars' true longitudes in the passage in question. The 
computation which Mr. Bentley has himself exhibited from 
a Hindu author (at p. 176) evidently shows that the tabular 
longitude is that of the star's circle of declination ; and not 
the star itself, which must be deduced from it by computation. 

In fact, I have nowhere endeavoured to deduce the age of 
any Hindu work from longitudes of stars. The passage which 
I presume Mr. Bentley questions is one contained in my essay 
on the Indian divisions of the Zodiac, where " I suppose the 
original observations, of which the result is copied by succes- 
sive authors, to have been made about the time when the 
vernal equinox was near the first degree of Mesha ;" adding 
in a note, that " Brahmagupta wrote soon after that period, 
and the Surya-siddh&nta is probably a work of nearly the 
same age. Mr. Bentley considers it more modern. It cannot 
be more ancient ; for the equinox must have past the begin- 
ning of Mesha, or have been near it, when that work was 

This I take to be what gave offence to Mr. Bentley. But 
it certainly does not express, nor hint, that the antiquity of a 
Hindu work may be deduced from the longitude of stars given 
in it. 

Mr. Bentley (p. 199) pretends that " I was determined to 
adopt a new mode (by the longitudes of the fixed stars from 
the beginning of Aswini) for determining the age of the 
Surya-siddh&nta." I did not do so; and as there is no 


reference to any particular passage, I can only conjecture that 
the one just now quoted is that to which he alluded. 

Mr. Bentley misrepresents the question when he takes Cor 
leonis for an example. This star (the Magha of the Indian 
zodiac) has no latitude in Hindu tables ; and consequently the 
longitude of this star and that of its circle of declination are 
the same, and invariable according to those tables. But in 
the instance of stars which are distant from the ecliptic, the 
Hindu tables differ notably as to the longitude of stars' circles 
of declination. 

In the instance of Brahmagupta I drew an inference as to the 
age when this author flourished, from his placing Revati (J Pis- 
cium) precisely in the equinoctial point, without latitude or de- 
clination, and with no longitude. If Mr. Bentley had an eye to 
this passage {Notes and Illustrations, p. xxxv), he has misrepre- 
sented my meaning ; for it is not from the longitude of the star, 
but from the coincidence of the tropical and sidereal spheres, 
according to Brahmagupta, that I here deduce the author's age. 

Mr. Bentley comes next to what he terms Mr. C/s other 
point, viz., the inference of Varaharaihira having lived 1300 
years ago, because he stated one solstice in Karkata and 
another in Makara. Mr. Bentley says that "Mr. Cole- 
brooke has drawn a most incorrect conclusion." 

I did not, as Mr. Bentley pretends, confound the tropical 
and sidereal spheres. My position was that the passage of 
Varahamihira implied the actual coincidence of the two in his 
time. " At present, 1 ' he says, " one solstice is in the begin- 
ning of Karkata, and the other in the beginning of Makara." 
Mr. Bentley, after quoting the words, says, by this passage of 
Varahamihira, the solstices were always at the beginning of 
Cancer and Capricorn. Are they not so now P 

By that passage the solstices were not always at the be- 
ginning of Cancer and Capricorn. They are expressly said to 
be so at present ; and a different former position of them is 
distinctly affirmed in the context of that very passage. See 


Sir William Jones's supplement to his Essay on Indian 
Chronology, As. Res., toL ii., p. 391. 

In another passage of the same author similar terms occur 
(As. Res., vol. xii., p. 222). The solstice is there said to have 
formerly been in the middle of Asleahd ; but now the return 
of the sun takes place from Punarvasu. Here, then, it is 
clear that the sidereal, not the tropical, sphere is meant. Mr. 
Bentley has imputed to me as an error, that which, were it 
any error at all, was Sir William Jones's, but was never im- 
pugned by Mr. Bentley until I used the same argument. He 
had himself employed it to determine the age of Brahmagupta 
(As. Res., vol. viii., pp. 233 and 235), who flourished about 
a.d. 527, when the solstitial colure cut Punarvasu in the 
tenth degree, as is affirmed by Brahmagupta. 

When it suits his purpose, Mr. Bentley was ready enough 
to admit that the Hindu sphere is sidereal. He distinctly 
stated it to be so at p. 163. 

If the tropical sphere were intended by any Hindu as- 
tronomer in a passage relative to the position of the colures, 
it must be by Brahmagupta, who has not noticed any former 
different position of them, nor spoken of the precession of the 
equinoxes. Yet Mr. Bentley proposed the same argument, in 
relation to Brahmagupta, which he rejects, where'it is more 
forcible, in reference to Yar&hamihira: the one made for, 
the other against, the assumed ages of those astronomers 

Mr. Bentley charges, as a mistranslation, when I put 
"eighth" for ashtami, and "fifteenth" for panchadaii. 

He says these terms refer to the moon's age, and never to 
the day of the month. My answer to this piece of hyper- 
criticism is, that the moon's age is the day of the month, 
reckoning by lunar time, which is the ordinary Hindu mode. 

Another point which Mr. Bentley has made the ground of 
an attack levelled at me, though I am not named by him, con- 
cerns the precession of equinoxes. The Hindu notion, as Mr. 

vol. m. [emits n.] 24 


Bentley describes it, is represented by an epicycle; but it 
is not the less true that a libration or oscillatory change is 
meant. For what else but libration is that change which 
advances at an uniform rate to a certain limit, then decreases 
at the same uniform rate to the like limit on the other side ; 
and so on, backwards and forwards, alternately affirmative 
and negative, or additive and subtractive P Now, whether this 
change be represented by an epicycle or an oscillation, matters 
little : it is but a dispute about words, whether it should be 
termed a revolution in an epicycle, or trepidation in longitude, 
or libration. Mr. Samuel Davis termed it libration. I followed 
him in using the same term, which had been unquestioned. I 
showed that the same notion was to be found in the writings 
of Arabian astronomers. 

The Hindus have not contended that their epicycles re- 
present truly the theory of the celestial motions. In this 
instance, in particular, an epicycle does not well show the 
uniformity of the motion. For, the annual precession being 
uniform in the arc of the great circle, the motion is not uniform 
in the epicycle by which it is represented. 

Mr. Bentley objects (p. 192) to Vish^uchandra's number of 
revolutions of the equinoxes in a kalpa, concerning which, he 
says, I altered my opinion, and stated it to be right, having 
previously questioned it : if tried with the years now elapsed 
of any of the known kalpas, Mr. Bentley remarks, it will not 
give the quantity of the precession for the present time. The 
answer is very simple : the kalpas, by which Mr. Bentley tried 
the rule, are not VishQUchandra's. The expired years of 
that cycle, by him admitted, are yet unascertained. The 
system of one author is not to be tried by the numbers of 

Concerning Mr. Bentley's story of the fabrication of a 
spurious Brahma-siddh&nta to impose on my credulity, I need 
only say that it is an idle guess, destitute of the smallest 
probability, and untrue in all particulars. The manuscript, 


which he treats as a fabrication, has been long deposited, with 
the whole of my collections, in the East India Company's 
Library, where it may be inspected and examined by any 
Sanskrit scholar, who will pronounce without difficulty on the 
likelihood of its genuineness or imposture. 

I might retort on Mr. Bentley that the j&ya-siddh&nta, 
described by him in the third section of the second part of his 
posthumous work, is not improbably a fabrication. No one 
but himself has yet seen it : the manuscript of it is not forth- 
coming : he did not understand Sanskrit, and therefore he was 
very liable to imposition : his notions, not to say prejudices, 
were well known to the natives who attended him ; and he 
was as . likely as his Mend Gol. Wilford to have fabrications 
imposed upon him. According to the quotations of authors, 
Ary&shtaka and DasagitikA were the titles of Aryabhatta's 
works, and not Arya-siddh&nta. It is, in all likelihood, 

In reference to this matter I should here add, that after the 
essay, in which I quoted the Brahma-siddh&nta, had been 
presented to the Asiatic Society of Calcutta, and while the 
question of its insertion in the Society's volume was yet under 
consideration, Mr. Bentley submitted to the Oommittee of 
Papers the sketch of an intended answer. There was in that 
sketch a gross error concerning the mean motions of planets ; 
which I noticed in a short reply. The answer has never 
appeared: it was suppressed, as I infer, in consequence of 
that confutation of one of its main arguments. 

The next important point regards the question whether the 
heliacal or cosmical rising of Canopus be intended in rules 
delivered by Hindu astronomers for the computation of the 
Agastya TJdaya, which governs certain religious ceremonies 
that are to be performed when the star appears. 

Mr. Bentley says, " the rules give the cosmical risings of 
Canopus, and not the heliacal : " and " this/ 9 he adds, " is 
evident from the authors themselves, who only state that, 


when the sun is in the longitude given by the role, then the 
star rises with the sun, and not a syllable about its being 

The words in my translation, which is what Mr. Bentley 
uses (he himself was ignorant of Sanskrit), are, "when 
Agastya rises or appears in the south at the close of the 
night." Surely it cannot be said that there is nothing about 
the star being visible ; for what else does its appearance in the 
south intend P 

Var&hamihira's rule of computation, as Mr. Bentley ac- 
knowledges, relates to the heliacal rising of Oanopus; the 
instance which he exhibits of a computation by Lakshmid&sa 
gives the heliacal rising of the star. It is the heliacal rising, 
not the cosmical, which governs certain religious rites, for 
the sake of which the computation is instituted. Yet, in the 
face of all this, and much more, Mr. Bentley chooses to under- 
stand the rule given in the Bh&swati, and other works, as re- 
lative to the cosmical rising, that he may strain it into an 
argument for his new hypothesis of extensive forgeries in the 
time of Akbar. 

The truth is, that the observations of Hindu astronomers 
were ever extremely coarse and imperfect, and their practice 
very inferior to their theory of Astronomy. An improved 
theory, or the hint of it, was borrowed from the west ; but 
they did not learn to make correct observations. They were 
content, in practice, with a rude approximation. 

Var&hamihira teaches two rules, which give results widely 
different, for the rising of Ganopus ; yet he marks no preference 
for one above the other. The Hindu observations of this star 
are so discordant, that the longitude of its circle of declination 
differs 10°, as given in various tables. It is 90° in one, 87° in 
two others, and 80° in a fourth. We are not to try their 
rules by the test of their agreement with accurate observation 
at any assignable moment, and thence conclude that the rule 
and its correct application are contemporaneous. 


This has always been the point at issue between Mr. 
Bentley and me. He maintained, in his first essay, that the 
age of an astronomical Hindu treatise can be so determined 
with precision. I have always contended that their practical 
astronomy has been too loose and imperfect for the application 
of that test, unless as an approximation. 

In one instance, by the rigorous use of his test, he would x 
have had to pronounce that the work under examination is of 
an age yet to come (1454 years after a.d. 1799) : see As. 
Res., vol. vL, p. 670. To avoid so monstrous an absurdity, 
he rejected this case, and deduced a mean from the whole of 
the other results, varying from 340 to 1105 years. He should 
have done the same with Var&ha's two rules for the heliacal 
rising of Canopus : he should have taken the mean of the 
two ; or, what would be more consonant with his own method 
of proceeding, he should have deduced the mean of all the 
data which any one work (Var&ha's, for example) furnished, 
and not garbled it by selecting the case of Canopus singly, 
and drawing an inference from one out of two rules given. 

The absurd conclusions at which Mr. Bentley has arrived 
by the limited and exclusive application of his test, the utter 
confusion which ensues, sufficiently demonstrate that it is not 
to be safely and implicitly trusted. 

He pretends (p. 199) that I saw this mode of determining 
the antiquity of astronomical books by the positions of the 
planets sufficiently correct, when it suited my purpose, in 
the case of Brahmagupta, but would not admit it to be so 
with respect to the Surya-siddh&nta. This is utterly untrue : 
I never admitted it (though I am ready to do so as an ap- 
proximation) in the case of Brahmagupta. I explicitly did so 
admit it in the instance of the Surya-siddh&nta. (As. Res., 
vol. xii., p. 226. 1 ) I distinctly there said that " I accede to 
the position that the date of a system for the computation of 
the places of planets is deducible from the ascertainment of a 

1 [P. 343 in the present volume.] 


time when the system gave results nearest to the truth." 
Mr. Bentley then has, contrary to truth, represented me as 
indisposed to admit that, which I expressly acceded to, 
explicitly declaring that I did so. 

I have been no favourer nor advocate of Indian astronomy. 
I have endeavoured to lay before the public, in an intelligible 
form, the fruit of my researches concerning it : I have re- 
peatedly noticed its imperfections; and have been ready to 
admit that it has been no scanty borrower as to theory. 

The Hindus, as I have elsewhere remarked, cultivated 
astronomy for the sake of astrology, and for the regulation 
of their religious feasts. They have been content with a very- 
inaccurate practice of it, which, however, was sufficient for the 
purposes of divination and a festal calendar. 

Mr. Bentley concludes forgery and imposture where I only 
infer carelessness and inaccuracy. 





[Prefixed to the Author's 'Algebra, with Arithmetic and Mensuration, from the 
Sanskrit of Brahmagupta and Bh&skara.* London, 1817. 4to.] 

[417] The history of sciences, if it want the prepossessing 
attractions" of political history and narration of events, is 
nevertheless not wholly devoid of interest and instruction. A 
laudable curiosity prompts to inquire the sources of knowledge; 
and a review of its progress furnishes suggestions tending to 
promote the same or some kindred study. We would know 
the people and the names at least of the individuals, to whom 
we owe particular discoveries and successive steps in the 
advancement of knowledge. If no more be obtained by the 
research, still the inquiry has not been wasted, which points 
aright the gratitude of mankind. 

In the history of mathematical science, it has long been a 
question to whom the invention of Algebraic analysis is due ? 
among what people, in what region, was it devised ? by whom 
was it cultivated and promoted P or by whose labours was it 
reduced to form and system P and finally, from what quarter 
did the diffusion of its knowledge proceed P No doubt, indeed, 
is entertained of the source from which it was received im- 
mediately by modern Europe ; though the channel have been 
a matter of question. We are well assured, that the Arabs 


were mediately or immediately our instructors in this study. 
But the Arabs them[418]selves scarcely pretend to the dis- 
covery of Algebra. They were not in general inventors but 
scholars, during the short period of their successful culture 
of the sciences: and the germ at least of the Algebraic 
analysis is to be found among the Greeks in an age not 
precisely determined, but more than probably anterior to the 
earliest dawn of civilization among the Arabs ; and this 
science in a more advanced state subsisted among the Hindus 
prior to the earliest disclosure of it by the Arabians to modern 

The object of the present publication is to exhibit the 
science in the state in which the Hindus possessed it, by an 
exact version of the most approved treatise on it in the 
ancient language of India, with one of the earlier treatises 
(the only extant one) from which it was compiled. The 
design of this preliminary dissertation is to deduce from these 
and from the evidence which will be here offered, the degree 
of advancement to which the science had arrived in a remote 
age. Observations will be added, tending to a comparison of 
the Indian with the Arabian, the Grecian, and the modern 
Algebra : and the subject will be left to the consideration of 
the learned, for a conclusion to be drawn by them from the 
internal, no less than the external proof, on the question who 
can best vindicate a claim to the merit of having originally 
invented or first improved the methods of computation 
and analysis, which are the groundwork of both the simple 
and abstruser parts of Mathematics ; that is, Arithmetic and 
Algebra: so far, at least, as the ancient inventions are affected; 
and also in particular points, where recent discoveries are 

In the actual advanced condition of the analytic art, it is 
not hoped, that this Version of ancient Sanskrit treatises on 
Algebra, Arithmetic, and Mensuration, will add to the re- 
sources of the art, and throw new light on mathematical 



science, in any other respect, than as concerns its history. 
[419] Yet the remark may not seem inapposite, that had an 
earlier version of these treatises been completed, had they 
been translated and given to the public when the notice of 
mathematicians was first drawn to the attainments of the 
Hindus in astronomy and in sciences connected with it, some 
addition would have been then made to the means and re- 
sources of Algebra for the general solution of problems by 
methods which have been re-invented, or have been perfected, 
in the last age. 

The treatises in question, which occupy the present volume, 
are the Vija-ganita and Lil&vati of Bh&skara-dch&rya, and 
the Ganit&dhy&ya tod Kuttakadhy&ya of Brahmagupta* The 
two first mentioned constitute the preliminary portion of 
Bh&skara's Course of Astronomy, entitled Siddh&nta-siromani. 
The two last are the twelfth and eighteenth chapters ' of 
a similar course of astronomy, by Brahmagupta, entitled 

The questions to be first examined in relation to these 
works are their authenticity and their age. To the considera- 
tion of those points we now proceed. 

The period when Bh&skara, the latest of the authors now 
named, flourished, and the time when he wrote, are ascertained 
with unusual precision. He completed his great work, the 
Siddh&nta-Biromani, as he himself informs us in a passage of 
it, 1 in the vear 1072 6&ka. This information receives cor- 
roboration, if any be wanted, from the date of another of his 
works, the Karana-kutuhala, a practical astronomical treatise, 
the epoch of which is 1105 S&ka j* thirty-three years sub- 
sequent to the completion of the systematic treatise. The 
date of the Siddh&nta-siromani, of which the Vija-ganita and 
Lil&vati are parts, [420] is fixed, then, with the utmost 

1 Golddhyiya, or lecture on the sphere, c. 11. { 66. Aa. Bet., vol. xii. p. 214 
[p. 333 of the present volume]. 
» As. Res., ibid. 


exactness, on the most satisfactory grounds, at the middle of 
the twelfth century of the Christian era, a.d. 1150. 1 

The genuineness of the text is established with no less 
certainty by numerous commentators in Sanskrit, besides a 
Persian version of it. Those commentaries comprise a per- 
petual gloss, in which every passage of the original is noticed 
and interpreted: and every word of it is repeated and ex- 
plained. A comparison of them authenticates the text where 
they agree ; and would serve, where they did not, to detect any 
alterations of it that might have taken place, or variations, if 
any had crept in, subsequent to the composition of the earliest 
of them. A careful collation of several commentaries, 8 and of 
three copies of the original work, has been made ; and it will 
be seen in the notes to the translation how unimportant are 
the discrepancies. 

From comparison and collation, it appears then that the 
work of Bh&skara, exhibiting the same uniform text which 
the modern transcripts of it do, was in the hands of both 
Muhammadans and Hindus, between two and three centuries 
ago : and, numerous copies of it having been diffused through* 
out India, at an earlier period, as of a performance held in 
high estimation, it was the subject of study and habitual 
reference in countries and places so remote from each other as 
the north and west of India and the southern peninsula ; or, 
to speak with the utmost precision, Jambusara in the west, 
Agra in North Hindustan, and P&rthapura, Golagr&ma, Ama- 
r&vati, and Nandigr&ma, in the south. 

[421] This, though not marking any extraordinary an- 
tiquity, nor approaching to that of the author himself, was a 
material point to be determined : as there will be in the sequel 
occasion to show that modes of analysis, and, in particular, 

1 Though the matter be introductory, the preliminary treatises on arithmetic 
and algebra may hare been added subsequently, as is hinted by one of the com* 
mentators of the astronomical part (Vkrttik). The order there intimated places 
them after the computation of planets, but before the treatise on spherics; which 
contains the date. * Note A. 


general methods for the solution of indeterminate problems, 
both of the first and second degrees, are tanght in the Vija- 
ganita, and those for the first degree repeated in the Lil&vatf , 
which were unknown to the mathematicians of the west until 
invented anew in the last two centuries by algebraists of 
France and England. It will be also shown that Bh&skara, 
who hunself flourished more than six hundred and fifty years 
ago, was in this respect a compiler, and took those methods 
from Indian authors as much more ancient than himself. 

That Bh&skara's text (meaning the metrical rules and 
examples, apart from the interspersed gloss) had continued 
unaltered from the period of the compilation of his work 
until the age of the commentaries now current, is apparent 
from the c^re with which they have noticed its various 
readings and the little actual importance of these variations ; 
joined to the consideration that earlier commentaries, in- 
cluding the author's own explanatory annotations of his text, 
were extant, and lay before them for consultation and refer- 
ence. Those earlier commentaries are occasionally cited by 
name : particularly the Ga^ita-kaumudi, which is repeatedly 
quoted by more than one of the scholiasts. 1 

No doubt then can be reasonably entertained that we now 
possess the arithmetic and algebra of BhAskara, as composed 
and published by him in the middle of the twelfth century 
of the Christian era. The age of his precursors cannot be 
determined with equal precision. Let [422] us proceed, how- 
ever, to examine the evidence, such as we can at present 
collect, of their antiquity. 

Towards the close of his treatise on Algebra, 8 Bh&skara 
informs us that it is compiled and abridged from the more 
diffuse works on the same subject bearing the names of 
Brahma (meaning no doubt Brahmagupta), Sridhara, and 
Padman&bha ; and in the body of his treatise he has cited a 

1 For example, by Suryadasa, under LSlaYati, {74; and still more frequently 
by Banganatha. » Vfja-ganita, § 218. 


passage of &ridhara's algebra, 1 and another of Padman&bha's.* 
He repeatedly adverts to preceding writers, and refers to them 
in general terms, where his commentators understand him to 
allude to Xryabhatta, to Brahmagupta, to the latter's scholiast 
Chaturveda-prithtidaka-swdmi, 1 and to the other writers above 

Most, if not all, of the treatises to which he thus alludes, 
must have been extant and in the hands of his commentators 
when they wrote, as appears from their quotations of them ; 
more especially those of Brahmagnpta and Aryabhatta, who 
are cited, and particularly the first mentioned* in several in- 
stances. 4 A long and diligent research in various parts of 
India has, however, failed of recovering any part of the 
Padmanabha-vija (or Algebra of Padman&bha), and of the 
algebraio and other works of ifryabhatta. 5 But the translator 
has been more fortunate in regard to the works of &ridhara 
and Brahmagupta, having in his collection &ridhara's com- 
pendium of arithmetic, and a copy, incomplete however, of the 
text and scholia of Brahmagupta's Br&hma-siddh&nta, com- 
prising, among other no less interesting matter, a chapter 
treating of arithmetic and mensuration ; and another, [423] 
the subject of which is algebra : both of them fortunately 
complete. 6 

The commentary is a perpetual one $ successively quoting 
at length each verse of the text; proceeding to the inter- 
pretation of it, word by word; and subjoining elucidations 
and remarks : and its colophon, at the close of each chapter, 
gives the title of the work and the name of the author. 7 
Now the name which is there given, Chaturveda-prithfidaka- 
sw&mi, is that of a celebrated soholiast of Brahmagupta, 

* Vi/a-ffanitOy { 131. * Ibid, § 142. 

* Vija-gan., ch. 5, note of Suryadasa. Also Vija-gan., } 174 ; and LiL, $ 246, 
adjlnm. * For example, under LiL, ch. 11. 

* Note Q. • Note B. 

7 Vasana-bhashya, by Gbaturreda-pritbtidaka-Bwami, ion of Madhustida&a, 
on the Brahmanriddhanta (or sometimes Brahma-sphuta-siddhanta). 


frequently cited as such by the commentaries of Bh&skara 
and by other astronomical writers : and the title of the work, 
Br&hma-siddh&nta, 1 or sometimes BrAhma-sphuta-siddh&nta, 
corresponds, in the shorter form, to the known title of Brahma- 
gupta's treatise in the usual references to it by Bh&skara's 
commentators ; * and answers, in the longer form, to the desig- 
nation of it, as indicated in an introductory couplet which is 
quoted from Brahmagupta by Lakshmfd&sa, a scholiast of 
Bh&skara, 3 

Remarking this coincidence, the translator proceeded to 
collate, with the text and commentary, numerous quotations 
from both, which he found in Bh&skara's writings, or in those 
of his expositors. The result confirmed the indication, and 
established the identity of both text and scholia as Brahma- 
gupta's treatise, and the gloss of Ppthudaka, The authen- 
ticity of this Br&hma-siddh&nta is further confirmed by 
numerous quotations in the commentary of Bhaftotpala on 
the sanhitd of Yar&ha[424]mihira : as the quotations from 
the Br6hma-siddh&nta in that commentary (which is the work 
of an author who flourished eight hundred and fifty years 
ago) are verified in the copy under consideration. A few 
instances of both will suffice, and cannot fail to produce 
conviction. 4 

It is confidently concluded, that the chapters on arithmetic 
and algebra, fortunately entire in a copy, in many parts 
imperfect, of Brahmagupta's celebrated work, as here de- 
scribed, are genuine and authentic. It remains to investigate 
the age of the author. 

Mr. Davis, who first opened to the public a correct view of 
the astronomical computations of the Hindus, 6 is of opinion, 
that Brahmagupta lived in the seventh century of the Christian 

1 [It is more usually written Brahma-siddhanta, and so Colebrooke himself 
sometimes writes it] 

* They often quote from the Brahma-siddhanta after premising a reference to 

8 Note 0. 4 Note D. * As. Bes., rol. ii. p. 225. 


era. 1 Dr. William Hunter, who resided for some time with 
a British embassy at Ujjjayani, and made diligent researches 
into the remains of Indian science at that ancient seat of 
Hindu astronomical knowledge, was there furnished, by the 
learned astronomers whom he consulted, with the ages of the 
principal ancient authorities. They assigned to Brahmagupta 
the date of 550 &&ka; which answers to a.d. 628. The 
grounds on which they proceeded are unfortunately not 
specified : but, as they gave Bh&skara's age correctly, as well 
as several other dates right, which admit of being verified, it 
is presumed that they had grounds, though unexplained, for 
the information which they communicated.* 

Mr. Bentley, who is little disposed to favour the antiquity of 
an Indian astronomer, has given his reasons for considering the 
astronomical system which Brahmagupta teaches, to be between 
twelve and thirteen hundred years old (1263f years in a.d. 
1799). s Now, as the system taught by this author is professedly 
one corrected [425] and adapted by him to conform with 
the observed positions of the celestial objects when he wrote, 4 
the age, when their positions would be conformable with the 
results of computations made as by him directed, is precisely 
the age of the author himself: and so far as Mr. Bentley "s 
calculations may be considered to approximate to the truth, 
the date of Brahmagupta's performance is determined with 
like approach to exactness, within a certain latitude however 
of uncertainty for allowance to be made on account of the 
inaccuracy of Hindu observations. 

The translator has assigned on former occasions 5 the 
grounds upon which he sees reason to place the author's 
age, soon after the period when the vernal equinox coincided 
with the beginning of the lunar mansion and zodiacal asterism 

1 Afl. Bes. vol. iz. p. 242. 

' Note E. [Dr. Bhau Daji has shown by a quotation from the Brahma-sphuta- 
Uddhdnta that Brahmagupta fixes the date of composition of that work as 650 
S'aka, or aj>. 628.] ' As. Bes., vol. vi. p. 586. 

* Supra. * As. Bee., vol. iz. p. 329 [p. 287 of the present volume]. 


Aswinf, where the Hindu ecliptic now commences. He is 
supported in it by the sentiments of Bh&skara and other 
Indian astronomers, who infer from Brahmagupta's doctrine 
concerning the solstitial points, of which he does not admit a 
periodical motion, that he lived when the equinoxes did not, 
sensibly to him, deviate from the beginning of Aswini and 
middle of Chitr& on the Hindu sphere. 1 On these grounds it 
is maintained that Brahmagupta is rightly placed in the sixth 
or beginning of the seventh century of the Christian era ; as 
the subjoined calculations will more particularly show. 8 The 
age when Brahmagupta flourished seems, then, from the con- 
currence of all these arguments, to be satisfactorily settled as 
antecedent to the earliest dawn of the culture of sciences 
among the Arabs ; and consequently establishes the fact that 
the Hindus were in possession of algebra before it was known 
to the Arabians. 

[426] Brahmagupta's treatise, however, is not the earliest 
work known to have been written .on the same subject by an 
Indian author. The most eminent scholiast of Bh&skara 8 
quotes a passage of Axyabhatta specifying algebra under the 
designation of Yija, and making separate mention of Kuttaka, 
which more particularly intends a problem subservient to 
the general method of resolution of indeterminate problems 
of the first degree : he is understood by another of Bh&skara's 
commentators 4 to be at the head of the elder writers, to whom 
the text then under consideration adverts, as having desig- 
nated by the name of Madhyam&harana the resolution of 
affected quadratic equations by means of the completion of the 
square. It is to be presumed, therefore, that the treatise of 
ifryabhatta then extant did extend to quadratic equations in 
the determinate analysis, and to indeterminate problems of the 
first degree ; if not to those of the second likewise, as most 
probably it did. 

1 As. Bee., vol. lii. p. 215 [p. 334 of the present Yolume]. 2 Note F. 

* Ganerfa, a distinguished mathematician and astronomer. 
4 Stir, on Vija-gan. § 128. 


This ancient astronomer and algebraist was anterior to both 
Var&hamihira and Brahmagupta, being repeatedly named by 
the latter; and the determination of the age when he flourished 
is particularly interesting, as his astronomical system, though 
on some points agreeing, essentially disagreed on others, with 
that which those authors have followed, and which the Hindu 
astronomers still maintain. 1 

He is considered by the commentators of the Siirya- 
siddh&nta and Siromaip, 2 as the earliest of uninspired and 
mere human writers on the science of astronomy ; as having 
introduced requisite corrections into the system of [427] Pari- 
sara, from whom he took the numbers lor the planetary mean 
motions ; as having been followed in the tract of emendation, 
after a sufficient interval to make further correction requisite, 
by Durgasinha and Mihira ; who were again succeeded after 
a further interval by Brahmagupta son of Jishi^u. 3 

In short, Aryabhatta was founder of one of the sects of 
Indian astronomers, as Pulisa, an author likewise anterior to 
both Var&hamihira and Brahmagupta, was of another : which 
were distinguished by names derived from the discriminative 
tenets respecting the commencement of planetary motions at 
sunrise according to the first, but at midnight according to 
the latter, 4 on the meridian of Lankd, at the beginning of the 
great astronomical cycle. A third sect began the astronomical 
day, as well as the great period, at noon. 

His name accompanied the intimation which the Arab 
astronomers (under the Abbasside Khalifs, as it would appear) 
received, that three distinct astronomical systems were current 
among the Hindus of those days : and it is but slightly cor- 
rupted, certainly not at all disguised, in the Arabic represen- 

1 Note G. * Nrisinha on Stir. Ganes'a, pref. to Grab, lagh. 

* As. Res. vol. ii. pp. 236, 242, and 244; and Note H. 

* Brahmagapta, ch. 11. The names are Andayaka from Udaya 'rifling;' and 
A'rdharatrika from Ardhardtri, * midnight.' The third school is noticed by Bhat- 
{otpala, the scholiast of Varahamihira, under the denomination of Madhyandinas, 
as alleging the commencement of the astronomical period at noon (from Jfo- 
dhyandina, * midday'). 


tation of it Atyahahar, or rattier Arjabhar* 1 The two other 
systems were, first, Brahmagupta's [428] Siddh&nta, which 
was the one they became best acquainted with, and to which 
they apply the denomination of the gind-hind; and second, 
that of Arka, the Sun, which they write Arkanol, a corruption 
still prevalent in the vulgar Hindi. 8 

Aryabhatta appears to have had more correct notions of 
the true explanation of celestial phenomena than Brahma- 
gupta hiihself ; who, in a few instances, correcting errors of 
his predecessor, but oftener deviating from that predecessor's 
juster views, has been, followed by the herd of modern Hindu 
astronomers, in a system not improved, but deteriorated, since 
the time of the more ancient author. 

Gonsidering the proficiency of Xryabhatta in astronomical 
science, and adverting to the fact of his having written upon 
Algebra, as well as to the circumstance of his being named by 
numerous writers as the founder of a sect or author of a system 
in astronomy, and being quoted at the head of algebraists, 
when the commentators of extant treatises have occasion to 
mention early and original 9 writers on this branch of science, 
it is not necessary to seek farther for a mathematician 
qualified to have been the great improver of the analytic art, 
and likely to have been the person by whom it was carried to 
the pitch to which it is found to have attained among the 
Hindus, and at which it is observed to be nearly stationary 
through the long lapse of ages which have since passed : the 
later additions being few and unessential in the writings of 
Brahmagupta, of Bh&skara, and of Jn&na-r&ja, though they 
lived at intervals of centuries from each other. 

1 The Sanskrit f, it is to be remembered, is the oharaeter of a peculiar sound 
often mistaken for r, and which the Arabs were likely so to write, rather than 
with a t$ or with a tern. The Hindi f i» generally written by the English in 
India with an r. Example : Ber (vafa), the Indian fig, rolg. Banian tree. [Cf. 
Albirfni, Remand's M4moir4 y p. 322.] 

* See notes I, K, and N. 

* Sdrya-dasa on YSja-ganita, oh. 6, 

yol. m. [essays u.] 25 


Aryabhatta then being the earliest author known to [429] 
have treated of Algebra among the Hindus, and being likely 
to be, if not the inventor, the improver of that analysis, by 
whom too it was pushed nearly to the whole degree of ex- 
cellence which it is found to have attained among them, it 
becomes in an especial manner interesting to investigate any 
discoverable trace in the absence of better and more direct 
evidence, which may tend to fix the date of his labours, or to 
indicate the time which elapsed between him and Brahma- 
gupta, whose age is more accurately determined. 1 

Taking Xryabhatta, for reasons given in the notes, to have 
preceded Brahmagupta and Var&hamihira by several centuries ; 
and Brahmagupta to have flourished about twelve hundred 
years ago; 8 , and Var&hamihira, concerning whose works 
and age some further notices will be found in a subjoined 
note, 9 to have lived at the beginning of the sixth century after 
Christ, 4 it appears probable that this earliest of known Hindu 
algebraists wrote as far back as the fifth century of the 
Christian era ; and, perhaps, in an earlier age. Hence it is 
concluded that he is nearly as ancient as the Grecian algebraist 
Diophantus, supposed, on the authority of Abulikraj, 5 to 
. have flourished in the time of the Emperor Julian, or about 
a j>. 360. 

Admitting the Hindu and Alexandrian authors to be nearly 
equally ancient, it must be conceded in favour of the Indian 
algebraist, that he was more advanced in the science ; since 
he appears to have been in possession of the resolution of 
equations involving several unknown quantities, which it is 
not clear, nor fairly presumable, that Diophantus [430] knew ; 
and a general method for indeterminate problems of at least the 
first degree, to a knowledge of which the Grecian algebraist 
had certainly not attained; though he displays infinite sagacity 

1 Note I. * See before and note F. 

* Note E. * See before and note E. 

• Pooocke e edition and translation, p. 89. 


and ingenuity in particular solutions ; and though a certain 
routine is discernible in them. 

A comparison of the Grecian, Hindu, and Arabian algebras, 
will more distinctly show, which of them had made the greatest 
progress at the earliest age of each that can be now traced. 

The notation or algorithm of Algebra is so essential to this 
art, as to deserve the first notice in a review of the Indian 
method of analysis, and a comparison of it with the Grecian 
and Arabian algebras. The Hindu algebraists use abbrevia- 
tions and initials for symbols : they distinguish negative 
quantities by a dot, 1 but have not any mark, besides the ab- 
sence of the negative sign, to discriminate a positive quantity. 
No marks or symbols indicating operations of addition, or 
multiplication, etc., are employed by them : nor any announc- 
ing equality * or relative magnitude (greater or less). 8 But a 
factum is denoted by the initial syllable of a word of that 
import, 4 subjoined to the terms which compose it, between 
which a dot is sometimes interposed. A fraction is indicated 
by placing the divisor under the dividend, 5 but without a line 
of separation. The two sides of an equation are ordered in 
the same manner, one under the other : * and this method of 
placing [431] terms under each other being likewise practised 
upon other occasions, 7 the intent is in the instance to be col- 
lected from the recital of the steps of the process in words at 
length, which always accompanies the algebraic process. That 
recital is also requisite to ascertain the precise intent of ver- 
tical lines interposed between the terms of a geometric pro- 
gression, but used also upon other occasions to separate and 
discriminate quantities. The symbols of unknown quantity 

1 Vija-gau. } 4. 

* The sign of equality was first wed by Robert Recorde, because, as he says, 
no two things can be more equal than a pair of parallels, or gemowe lines of one 
length. — Hntton. 

3 The signs of relatire magnitude were first introduced into European algebra 
by Harriot 
« Vija-gan. { 21. • Lfl. § 83. 

• Vija-gaa. and Brahm. 18, passim. 7 Vfja-gan. $ 55. 


are not confined to a single one : but extend to ever so great 
a variety of denominations: and the characters used are 
initial syllables of the names of colours, 1 excepting the first, 
which is the initial of y&vat-t&vat, ' as much as ' ; words of the 
same import with Bombelli's tanto, used by him for the same 
purpose. Colour, therefore, means unknown quantity, or the 
symbol of it : and the same Sanskrit word, varna, also signi- 
fying a literal character, letters are accordingly employed 
likewise as symbols; either taken from the alphabet; 3 or 
else initial syllables of words signifying the subjects of the 
problem ; whether of a general nature, 8 or specially the names 
of geometric lines in algebraic demonstrations of geometric 
propositions or solutions of geometric problems. 4 Symbols 
too are employed, not only for unknown quantities, of which 
the value is sought; but for variable quantities of which 
the value may be arbitrarily put (Vlj. ch. 6, note on com- 
mencement of § 153 — 156), and especially in demonstrations, 
for both given and sought quantities. Initials of the terms 
for square and solid respectively denote those powers ; and 
combined they indicate the higher. These are reckoned 
not by the sums of the powers, but by their products. An 
initial 5 syllable is in like manner [432] used to mark a 
surd root. 8 The terms of a compound quantity are ordered 
according to the powers ; and the absolute number invariably 
comes last. It also is distinguished by an initial syllable, as 
a discriminative token of known quantity. 7 Numeral coeffi- 
cients are employed, inclusive of unity which is always noted, 
and comprehending fractions; 8 for the numeral divisor is 
generally so placed, rather than under the symbol of the 
unknown : and in like manner the negative dot is set over the 
numeral coefficient : and not over the literal character. The 

1 Vija-gan. § 17. Brahm. o. 18. §2. * Vija-gan. ch. 6. 

» Vija-gan. } 111. * Vija-gan. { 146. 

• Lil. § 26. • Vija-gan. § 29. 

i Vija-gan. j 17. 
8 Sterinufl in like manner included fractions in coefficients. 


coefficients are placed after the symbol of the unknown 
quantity* 1 Equations are not ordered so as to put all the 
quantities positive; nor to give precedence to a positive term 
in a compound quantity : for the negative terms are retained, 
and even preferably put in the first place. In stating the two 
sides of an equation, the general, though not invariable, 
practice is, at least in the first instance, to repeat every term, 
which occurs in the one side, on the other : annexing nought 
for the coefficient, if a term of that particular denomination be 
there wanting. 

If reference be made to the writings of Diophantus, and of 
the Arabian algebraists, and their early disciples in Europe, 
it will be found, that the notation, which has been here de- 
scribed, is essentially different from all theirs, much as they 
vary. Diophantus employs the inverted medial of £Wen/n?, 
defect or want (opposed to {/Tropftt, substance or abundance 9 ), 
to indicate a negative quantity. He prefixes that mark ^ 
to the quantity in question. He calls the unknown, apiOpi? ; 
representing it by the final 9, which [433] he doubles for .the 
plural ; while the Arabian algebraists apply the equivalent 
word for number to the constant or known term ; and the 
Hindus, on the other hand, refer the word for numerical 
character to the coefficient. He denotes the monad, or unit 
absolute, by p 5 and the linear quantity is called by him 
arithmo*; and designated, like the unknown, by the final 
sigma. He marks the further powers by initials of words 
signifying them ; 8*, **, 88", 8*", **«, etc. for dywmm, power 
(meaning the square) ; 011(09, cube ; dynamo-dynamis, biquad- 
rate, etc. But he reckons the higher by the sums, not the 
products, of the lower. 8 Thus the sixth power is with him the 
cubo-cubos, which the Hindus designate as the quadrate-cube 
(cube of the square, or square of the cube). 

1 Vieta did bo likewise. 

* A word of nearly the same import wify the Sanskrit dhana, used by Hindu 
algebraists for the same signification. 
3 Def. 9. 


The Arabian algebraists are still more sparing of symbols, 
or rather entirely destitute of them. 1 They have none, 
whether arbitrary or abbreviated, either for quantities known 
or unknown, positive or negative, or for the steps and opera- 
tions of an algebraic process; but express everything by 
words, and phrases, at full length. Their European scholars 
introduced a few, and very few abbreviations of names : c°, c e , 
c n , for the three fast powers ; c°, q , for the first and second 
unknown quantities^ p, m, for plus and minus; and ty for 
the note of radicality ; occur in the first printed work, which 
is that of Paciolo.* Leonardo Bonacci of Pisa, the earliest 
scholar of the Arabians, 8 is said by Targioni Tozzetti to have 
used the small letters of the alphabet to denote quantities. 4 
But Leo[434]nardo only does so because he represents 
quantities by straight lines, and designates those lines by 
letters, in elucidation of his algebraic solutions of problems. 5 

The Arabians termed the unknown (and they wrought but 
on one) shai, thing. It is translated by Leonardo of Pisa and 
his disciples, by the correspondent Latin word res and Italian 
cosa; whence Regola de la Cosa, and Rule of Coss, with 
Cossike practice and Comke number of our older authors, 6 
for Algebra or Speculative practice, as Paciolo 7 denominates 
the analytic art ; and Cossic number, in writers of a somewhat 
later date, for the root of an equation. 

The Arabs termed the square of the unknown tndl, pos- 
session or wealth ; translated by the Latin census and Italian 
censo; as terms of the same import: for it is in the accepta- 
tion of amount of property or estate 8 that census was here 
used by Leonardo. 

1 As. Res., toI. xiii. p. 183. 

8 Or Pacioli, Paciuolo,— li, etc. For the name is variously mitten by Italian 
authors. * See note L. 

4 Viaggiy second edition, toI. ii. p. 62, 
* Cossali, Origine dell 1 Algebra, i 
« Robert Recorded Whetstone of Witte. 

7 Secondo noi detta Pratica Speculativa. Summa 8. 1. 

8 Census, quicquid fortanarum quia habet. Steph. Thee. 


The cube was by the Arabs termed kdb y a die or cube ; and 
they combined these terms mdl and kdb for compound names 
of the more elevated powers, in the manner of Diophantus, 
by the sums of the powers ; and not like the Hindus by their 
products. Such, indeed, is their method in the modern 
elementary works : but it is not clear that the same mode was 
observed by their earlier writers; for their Italian scholars 
denominated the biquadrate and higher powers Relato primo, 
secundo, tertio, etc. 

Positive they call zdid additional; and negative ndkis 
deficient : and, as before observed, they have no discrimina- 
tive marks for either of them. 

[435] The operation of restoring negative quantities, if any 
there be, to the positive form, which is an essential* step with 
them, is termed jabr y or with the article Aljabr, the mending 
or restoration. That of comparing the terms and taking like 
from like, which is the next material step in the process of 
resolution, is called by them mukdbalah, comparison. Hence 
the name of Tarik aljabr wa almukdbalah, 'the method of 
restoration and comparison,' which obtained among the Arabs 
for this branch of the analytic art ; and hence our name of 
Algebra, from Leonardo of Pisa's exact version of the Arabic 
title. Fi istikhrdji'l majhuldt bi tarik aljabr wa almukdbalah, 1 
De solutione quarundam qusBstionum secundum modum Alge- 
bra et AlmuchabalcB? 

The two steps or operations which have thus given name 
to the method of analysis, are precisely what is enjoined with- 
out distinctive appellations of them, in the introduction of the 
arithmetics of Diophantus, where he directs, that, if the 
quantities be positive on both sides, like are to be taken from 
like, until one species be equal to one species ; but if on either 
side or on both any species be negative, the negative species 
must be added to both sides, so that they become positive on 

1 KhuldtattSl-hisdb. c. 8. Calcutta, 1812 (8vo.). 
3 liber abbaci, 9. 16. 3. MS. in Magliab. Libr. 


both sides of the equation : after which like are again to be 
taken from like, until one species remain on each side. 1 

The Hindu algebra not requiring the terms of the equation 
to be all exhibited in the form of positive quantity, does not 
direct the preliminary step of restoring negative quantity to 
the affirmative state, but proceeds at once to the operation of 
equal subtraction (samaiodkana) for the difference of like 
terms, which is the process denominated [436] by the Arabian 
algebraists comparison (mukabalah). On that point, there- 
fore, the Arabian algebra has more affinity to the Grecian 
than to the Indian analysis. 

As to the progress which the Hindus had made in the 
analytic art, it will be seen, that they possessed well the arith- 
metic of surd roots ; * that they were aware of the infinite 
quotient resulting from the division of finite quantity by 
cipher ; 8 that they knew the general resolution of equations 
of the second degree, and had touched upon those of higher 
denomination, resolving them in the simplest cases, and in 
those in which the solution happens to be practicable by the 
method which serves for quadratics : 4 that they had attained 
a general solution of indeterminate problems of the first 
degree ; 5 that they had arrived at a method for deriving a 
multitude of solutions of answers to problems of the second 
degree from a single answer found tentatively, 6 which is as 
near an approach to a general solution of such problems as 
was made until the days of Lagrange, who first demonstrated, 
that the problem, on which the solutions of all questions 
of this nature depend, is always resolvable in whole numbers. 7 
The Hindus had likewise attempted problems of this higher 
order by the application of the method which suffices for those 

1 Def. 11. * Brahm. 18, $ 27—29. Yfj.-gan. $ 23—52, 

3 Lil. { 45. Vij.-gan. $ 15—16 and { 135. 
« Vij.-gan. { 129, and § 137—138. 

* Brahm. 18. $ a— 18. Vij.-gan. } 53-73. Lil. } 248—265. 

• Brahm. 18. $ 29—49. Vij.-gan. $ 75—99. 
7 Hem. of Acad, of Turin : and of Berlin. 


of the first degree ; 1 with indeed very scanty success, as 
might be expected. 

They not only applied algebra both to astronomy 9 and 
[437] to geometry, 8 but conversely applied geometry likewise 
to the demonstration of algebraic roles. 4 In short, they 
cultivated algebra much more, and with greater success, than 
geometry ; as is evident from the comparatively low state of 
their knowledge in the one, 5 and the high pitch of their 
attainments in the other : and they cultivated it for the sake 
of astronomy, as they did this chiefly for astrological pur- 
poses. The examples in the earliest algebraic treatise extant 
(Brahmagupta's) are mostly astronomical : and here the solu- 
tion of indeterminate problems is sometimes of real and 
practical use. The instances in the later treatise of algebra 
by Bh&skaraare more various : many of them geometric ; but 
one astronomical; the rest numeral: among which a great 
number of indeterminate ; and of these some, though not the 
greatest part, resembling the questions which chiefly engage 
the attention of Diophantus. But the general character of 
the Diophantine problems, and of the Hindu unlimited ones, 
is by no means alike : and several in the style of Diophantine 
are noticed by Bh&skara in his arithmetical, instead of his 
algebraic, treatise. 6 

To pursue this summary comparison further, Diophantus 
appears to have been acquainted with the direct resolution of 
affected quadratic equations ; but less familiar with the 
management of them, he seldom touches on it. Chiefly 
busied with indeterminate problems of the first degree, he yet 
seems to have possessed no general rule for their solution. 
His elementary instructions for the preparation of equations 
are succinct ; 7 his notation, as before [438] observed, scanty 

1 Vij.-gan. { 206 — 207. * Brabm. 18, passim. Vij.-gan. 

« Vij.-gan. § 117—127, i 146—152. * Vij.-gan. § 212—214. 

' Brahm. 12. $ 21 ; corrected however in Lfl. § 169—170. 
• LiL $ 59—61, where it appears, however, that preceding writers had treated 
the question algebraically. See likewise { 139—146. VDej . 11. 



and inconvenient. In the whole science he is very far behind 
the Hindu writers, notwithstanding the infinite ingenuity by 
which he makes up for the want of rule, and although pre- 
sented to us under the disadvantage of mutilation ; if it be, 
indeed, certain that the text of only six, or at most seven, of 
thirteen books, which his introduction announces, has been 
preserved. 1 . It is sufficiently clear from what does remain, 
that the lost part could not have exhibited a much higher 
degree of attainment in the art. It is presumable, that so 
much as we possess of his work is a fair specimen of the 
progress which he and the Greeks before him (for he is hardly 
to be considered as the inventor, since he seems to treat the 
art as already known) had made in his time. 

The points in which the Hindu algebra appears particularly 
distinguished from the Greek are, besides a better and more 
comprehensive algorithm, — 1st, The management of equations 
involving more than one unknown term. (This adds to the 
two classes noticed by the Arabs, namely, simple and com- 
pound, two, or rather three, other classes of equation.) 2nd, 
The resolution of equations of a higher order, in which, if 
they achieved little, they had, at least, the merit of the 
attempt, and anticipated a modern discovery in the solution 
of biquadratics. 3rd, General methods for the solutions of 
indeterminate problems of first and. second degrees, in which 
they went far, indeed, beyond Diophantus, and anticipated 
discoveries of modern algebraists. 4th, Application of algebra 
to astronomical investigation and geometrical demonstration, 
in which also they hit upon some matters which have been, 
reinvented in later times. 

This brings us to the examination of some of their anti- 
[439] cipat ions of modern discoveries. The reader's notice will 
be here drawn to three instances in particular. 

The first is in the demonstration of the noted proposition of 
Pythagoras, concerning the square of the base of a rectangular 

* Note M. 


triangle, equal to the squares of the two legs containing a 
right angle. The demonstration is given two ways in Bh&s- 
kara's algebra (Yij.-ga^. § 146). The first of them is the 
same which is delivered by Wallis in his treatise on angular 
sections (ch. vi.), and, as far as appears, then given for the 
first time. 1 

On the subject of demonstrations, it is to be remarked that 
the Hindu mathematicians proved propositions both algebrai- 
cally and geometrically : as is particularly noticed by Bh&s- 
kara himself towards the close of his algebra, where he gives 
both modes of proof of a remarkable method for the solution 
of indeterminate problems, which involve a factum of two 
unknown quantities. The rule which he demonstrates is of 
great antiquity in Hindu algebra, being found in the works 
of his predecessor Brahmagupta, and being there a quotation 
from a more ancient treatise ; for it is injudiciously censured, 
and a less satisfactory method by unrestricted arbitrary as- 
sumption given in its place. Bh&skara has retained both. 

The next instance, which will be here noticed, is the general 
solution of indeterminate problems of the first degree. [440] 
It was first given among moderns by Bachet de Meziriac in 
1624. 8 Having shown how the solution of equations of the 
form ax — Jy=c is reduced to ax — 6y=±l, he proceeds to 
resolve this equation ; and prescribes the same operation on a 
and b as to find the greatest common divisor. He names the 

1 He designates the sides C. D. Base B. Segments k, 8. Then 

Therefore C*+D 2 = (Bk+B3=B into *+*=) B». 
The Indian demonstration, with the same symbols, is 

Therefore B-a+a-C+D* and B»sC+I>'* 

* Problemes plaisans et delectables qui se font par les nombres. 2nd edit. 
(1624). Lagrange's additions to Euler's Algebra, ij. 382. (Edit. 1807.) 



residues 0, d> *,/, etc., and the last remainder is necessarily unity: 
a and b being prime to each other. By retracing the steps 
from £f 1 or/±l (according as the number of remainders is 
even or odd) e^:l=e, ed±l =8, &qpl=y, yb±l =& ffflfl— a 

e d c b 

orj±lz=i& £q:l=€, ed+l=$, etc. 

The last numbers fi and a will be the smallest values of x 
and y. It is observed, that if a and b be not prime to each 
other, the equation cannot subsist in whole numbers, unless c 
be divisible by the greatest common measure of a and b. 

Here we have precisely the method of the Hindu algebraists, 
who have not failed, likewise, to make the last cited observa- 
tion. See Brahm. Algebra, section 1, and Bh&sk. IAL ch. xii. 
Vij. ch. ii. It is so prominent in the Indian algebra as to 
give name to the oldest treatise on it extant, and to constitute 
a distinct head in the enumeration of the different branches of 
mathematical knowledge in a passage cited from a still more 
ancient author. See LiL § 248. 

Confining the comparison of Hindu and modern algebras to 
conspicuous instances, the next for notice is that of the solution 
of indeterminate problems of the second degree ; for which a 
general method is given by Brahmagupta, [441] besides rules 
'or subordinate cases, and two general methods (one of them 
the same with Brahmagupta's), besides special cases, sub- 
servient, however, to the universal solution of problems of this 
nature ; and, to obtain whole numbers in all circumstances, a 
combination of the method for problems of the first degree 
with that for those of the second, employing them alternately, 
or, as the Hindu algebraist terms it, proceeding in a circle. 

Bh&skara's second method ( Vij. § 80-81) for a solution of 
the problem on which all indeterminate ones of this degree 
depend, is exactly the same which Lord Brouncker devised to 
answer a question proposed by way of challenge by Fermat in 
1657. The thing required was a general rule for finding the 


innumerable square numbers, which multiplied by a proposed 
(non-quadrate) number, and then assuming an unit, will make 
a square. Lord Brouncker e rule, putting n for any given 
number, r* for any square taken at pleasure, and d for dif- 

ference between n and r* (r* c»n) was --j; I =— — ) the 

square required. In the Hindu rule, using the same symbols, 


— is the square root required. 1 But neither Brouncker, nor 


Wallis, who himself contrived another method, nor Format, 
by whom the question was proposed, but whose mode of solu- 
tion was never made known by him (probably because he 
had not found anything better than Wallis and Brouncker 
discovered 9 ), nor Frenicle, who treated the subject, without, 
however, adding to what had been done by Wallis and 
Brouncker, 8 appear to have been aware of the importance of 
the problem and its universal use ; a discovery which, among 
the moderns, was reserved for Euler in the middle of the last 
century. To him, [442] among the moderns, we owe the 
remark, which the Hindus had made more than a thousand 
years before, 4 that the problem was requisite to find all the 
possible solutions of equations of this sort. Lagrange takes 
credit for having further advanced the progress of this branch 
of the indeterminate analysis, so lately as 1767 ; 5 and his 
complete solution of equations of the second degree appeared 
no earlier than 1769.* 

It has been pretended, that traces of the art are to be dis- 
covered in the writings of the Grecian geometers, and par- 
ticularly in the five first propositions of Euclid's thirteenth 
book ; whether, as Wallis conjectures, what we there have be 
the work of Theon or some other ancient scholiast, rather 

1 Vfj.-gaa. § 80-81. * Wallis, Alg. c. 98. » ZMd. 

< Bhfekara, Vij. § 173, and \ 207. See likewise firahm. Alg. § 7. 

• Mlm. de l'Acad. de Berlin, vol. rriv. 

• 8ee French translation of Eider's Algebra, Additions, p. 286. And Le- 
gendre, Theorie des Nombres, 1. } 6. No. 36. 




than of Euclid himself: 1 also examples of analytic investi- 
gation in Pappus ; * and indications of a method somewhat of 
a like nature with algebra, or at least the effects of it, in the 
works of Archimedes and Apollonius, though they are sup- 
posed to have very studiously concealed this their art of 
invention. 8 

This proceeds on the ground of considering analysis and 
algebra as interchangeable terms ; and applying to algebra 
Euclid's or Theon's definition of analysis, ( a taking of that as 
granted, which is sought, and thence by consequences arriving 
at what is confessedly true.' 4 

Undoubtedly they possessed a geometrical analysis ; hints 
or traces of which exist in the writings of more than [443] one 
Greek mathematician, and especially in those of Archimedes. 
But this is very different from the algebraic calculus. The 
resemblance extends, at most, to the method of inversion; 
which both Hindus and Arabians consider to be entirely 
distinct from their respective algebras ; and which the former, 
therefore, join with their arithmetic and mensuration. 5 

In a very general sense, the analytic art, as Hindu writers 
observe, is merely sagacity exercised, and is independent of 
symbols, which do not constitute the art. In a more restricted 
sense, according to them, it is calculation attended with the 
manifestation of its principles ; and, as they further intimate, 
a method aided by devices, among which symbols and literal 
signs are conspicuous. 6 Defined, as analysis is by an illustrious 
modern mathematician, 7 ( a method of resolving mathematical 
problems by reducing them to equations/ it assuredly is not 
to be found in the works of any Grecian writer extant, besides 

In his treatise the rudiments of algebra are clearly con- 

i Wallis, Algebra, o. 2. * Ibid, and Preface. 

9 Ibid, and Nunez, Algebra 114. 

* Wallis, following Vieta's Version, Alg. c. 1. 

» Lil. 3. 1. § 47. Khnlasatu'l Hisab. o. 5. 

» Vij.-gan. § 110, 174, 215, 224. » D'Alembert, 


tained. He delivers in a succinct manner the algorithm of 
affirmative and negative quantities ; teaches to form an 
equation ; to transpose the negative terms ; and to bring out 
a final simple equation comprising a single term of each spe- 
cies known and unknown. 

Admitting, on the ground of the mention of a mathema- 
tician of his name, whose works were commented by Hypatia 
about the beginning of the fifth century, 1 and on the authority 
of the Arabic annals of an Armenian Christian, 9 which make 
him contemporary with Julian, that [444] he lived towards 
the middle of the fourth century of the Christian era ; or, to 
speak with precision, about the year 360 ; 8 the Greeks will 
appear to have possessed in the fourth century so much of 
algebra, as is to be effected by dexterous application of the 
resolution of equations of the first degree, and even the 
second, to limited problems : and to indeterminate also, with- 
out, however, having attained a general solution of problems 
of this latter class. 

The Arabs acquired algebra, extending to simple and com- 
pound (meaning quadratic) equations : but it was confined, so 
far as appears, to limited problems of those degrees ; and they 
possessed it so early as the close of the eighth century, or 
commencement of the ninth. Treatises were at that period 
written in the Arabic language on the algebraic analysis, by 
two distinguished mathematicians who flourished under the 
Abbasside Alm&mun ; and the more ancient of the two, 
Muhammad ben Musa al Khuw&razmf, is recognized among 
the Arabians as the first who made algebra known to them. 
He is the same who abridged, for the gratification of AI- 
m&mun, an astronomical work taken from the Indian system 
in the preceding age, under Almansfir. He framed tables, like- 

1 Snides, in voce Hypatia. 

1 Gregory Abulfaraj. Ex iis etiam [nempe phflosopois qui prope tempore 
Jnliani flornernnt] Diophantns, onjns liber, quern Algebram vooant, Celebris est, 
in quern si immiserit se lector, oceannm hoc in genere reperiek— Pbeoeke. 

* Julian was emperor from 360 to 368. See note M, 


wise, grounded on those of the Hindus, which he -professed to 
correct. And he studied and communicated to his country- 
men the Indian compendious method of computation; that 
is, their arithmetic, and, as is to be inferred, their analytic 
calculus also. 1 

The Hindus in the fifth century, perhaps earlier,* were in 
possession of Algebra extending to the general solution [445] 
of both determinate and indeterminate problems of the 1st 
and 2nd degrees : and subsequently advanced to the special 
solution of biquadratics wanting the second term; and of 
cubics in very restricted and easy cases. 

Priority seems then decisive in favour of both Greeks and 
Hindus against any pretensions on the part of the Arabians, 
who in fact, however, prefer none, as inventors of algebra. 
They were avowed borrowers in science ; and, by their own 
unvaried acknowledgment, from the Hindus they learnt the 
science of numbers. That they also received the Hindu 
algebra is much more probable than that the same mathema- 
tician who studied the Indian arithmetic and taught it to his 
Arabian brethren, should have hit upon algebra unaided by 
any hint or suggestion of the Indian analysis. 

The Arabs became acquainted with the Indian astronomy 
and numerical science before they had any knowledge of the 
writings of the Grecian astronomers and mathematicians ; and 
it was not until after more than one century, and nearly two, 
that they had the benefit of an interpretation of Diophantus, 
whether version or paraphrase, executed by Muhammad 
Abulwafd al Buzj&ni ; who added, in a separate form, de- 
monstrations of the propositions contained in Diophantus; 
and who was likewise author of commentaries on the algebraic 
treatises of the Khuwarazmite Muhammad ben Mtisa, and of 
another algebraist of less note and later date, Abu Yahyd, 
whose lectures he had personally attended. 8 Any inference to 
be drawn from their knowledge and study of the Arithmetics 
1 NoteN. » See note L » See Nofctf. 


of Diophantus, and their seeming adoption of his preparation 
of equations in their own algebra, or at least the close re- 
semblance of both on this point, is of no avail against the 
direct evidence, [446] with which we are furnished by them, 
of previous instruction in algebra and the publication of a 
treatise on the art, by an author conversant with the Indian 
science of computation in all its branches. 

But the age of the earliest known Hindu writer on algebra 
not being with certainty carried to a period anterior, or even 
quite equal to that in which Diophantus is on probable 
grounds placed, the argument of priority, so far as investiga- 
tion has yet proceeded, is in favour of Grecian invention. 
The Hindus, however, had certainly made distinguished pro- 
gress in the science, so early as the century immediately 
following that in which the Grecian taught the rudiments 
of it. The Hindus had the benefit of a good arithmetical 
notation : the Greeks, the disadvantage of a bad one. Nearly 
allied as algebra is to arithmetic, the invention of the algebraic 
calculus was more easy and natural where arithmetic was best 
handled. No such marked identity of the Hindu and Dio- 
phantine systems is observed, as to demonstrate communi- 
cation. They are sufficiently distinct to justify the pre- 
sumption, that both might be invented independently of each 

If, however, it be insisted, that a hint or suggestion, the 
seed of their knowledge, may have reached the Hindu mathe- 
maticians immediately from the Greeks of Alexandria, or 
mediately through those of Bactria, it must at the same time 
be confessed, that a slender germ grew and fructified rapidly* 
and soon attained an approved state of maturity in Indian soil. 

More will not be here contended for : since it is not im- 
possible, that the hint of the one analysis may have been 
actually received by the mathematicians of the other nation ; 
nor unlikely, considering the arguments which may be brought 
for a probable communication on the subject of astrology ; and 

VOL. ni. [B88AT8 II.] 26 


adverting to the intimate connexion between [447] this and 
the pare mathematics, through the medium of astronomy. 

The Hindus had undoubtedly made some progress at an 
early period in the astronomy cultivated by them for the 
regulation of time. Their calendar, both civil and religious, 
was governed chiefly, not exclusively, by the moon and sun : 
and the motions of these luminaries were carefully observed 
by them, and- with such success that their determination of 
the moon's synodical revolution, which was what they were 
principally concerned with, is a much more correct one than 
the Greeks ever achieved. 1 They had a division of the ecliptic 
into twenty-seven and twenty-eight parts, suggested evidently 
by the moon's period in days, and seemingly their own : it 
was certainly borrowed by the Arabians. 9 Being led to the 
observation of the fixed stars, they obtained a knowledge of 
the positions of the most remarkable ; and noticed, for religious 
purposes, and from superstitious notions, the heliacal rising, 
with other phenomena of a few. The adoration of the sun, of 
the planets, and of the stars, in common with the worship of 
the elements, held a principal place in their religious obser- 
vances enjoined by the Vedas : s and they were led consequently 
by piety to watch the heavenly bodies. They were particularly 
conversant with the most splendid of the primary planets; 
the period of Jupiter being introduced by them, in conjunction 
with those of the sun and moon, into the regulation of their 
calendar, sacred and civil, in the form of the celebrated cycle 
of sixty years, common to them and to the Chaldeans, and 
still retained by them. From that cycle they advanced by 
progressive stages, as the Chaldeans likewise did, to larger 
periods; at first by combining [448] that with a number 
specifically suggested by other, or more correctly determined, 
revolutions of the heavenly bodies ; and afterwards by merely 
augmenting the places of figures for greater scope (preferring 

1 As. Res., rol. ii. and xii. * See p. 281, etc., of the present volume. 

9 See Essays, yol. i. p. [106]. 


this to the more exact method of combining periods of the 
planets by an algebraic process, which they likewise investi- 
gated 1 ), nntil they arrived finally at the unwieldy cycles 
named Mah&yugas and Kalpas. Bat it was for the sake of 
astrology that they pushed their cultivation of astronomy, 
especially that of the minor planets, to the length alluded 
to. Now divinations, by the relative position of the planets, 
seems to have been, in part at least, of a foreign growth, and 
comparatively recent introduction, among the Hindus. The 
belief in the influence of the planets and stars upon human 
affairs is with them, indeed, remotely ancient; and was a 
natural consequence of their creed, which made the sun a 
divine being, and the planets gods. But the notion, that the 
tendency of that supposed influence, or the manner in which 
it will be exerted, may be foreseen by man, and the effect to 
be produced by it foretold, through a knowledge of the position 
of the planets at a particular moment, is no necessary result 
of that creed ; for it takes from beings believed divine, free- 
agency in other respects, as in their visible movements. 

Whatever may have been the period when the notion first 
obtained, that foreknowledge of events on earth might be 
gained by observations of planets and stars, and by astro- 
nomical computation, or wherever that fancy took its rise, 
certain it is that the Hindus have received and welcomed 
communications from other nations on topics of astrology: 
and although they had astrological divinations of their own 
as early as the days of Par&sara and [449] Garga, centuries 
before the Christian era, there are yet grounds to presume 
that communications subsequently passed to them on the like 
subject, either from the Greeks, or from the same common 
source (perhaps that of the Chaldeans) whence the Greeks de- 
rived the grosser superstitions engrafted on their own genuine 
and ancient astrology, which was meteorological. 

This opinion is not now suggested for the first time. 

1 Brahmagupta, Algebra. 


Former occasions have been taken of intimating the same 
sentiment on this point: 1 and it has been strengthened by 
further consideration of the subject. As the question is 
closely connected with the topics of this dissertation, reasons 
for this opinion will be stated in the subjoined note. 8 

Joining this indication to that of the division of the zodiac 
into twelve signs, represented by the same figures of animals, 
«nd named by words of the same import with the zodiacal 
signs of the Greeks; and taking into consideration the analogy, 
though not identity, of the Ptolemaic system, or rather that 
of Hipparchns, and the Indian one of excentric deferents and 
•epicycles, which in both serve to account for the irregularities 
of the planets, or at least to compute them; no doubt can be 
entertained that the Hindus received hints from the astro- 
nomical schools of the Greeks. 

It must then be admitted to be at least possible, if not 
probable, in the absence of direct evidence and positive proof, 
that the imperfect algebra of the Greeks, which had advanced 
in their hands no further than the solution of equations, 
involving one unknown term, as it is taught by Diophantus, 
was made known to the Hindus by their Grecian instructors 
in improved astronomy. But, by the [450] ingenuity of the 
Hindu scholars, the hint was rendered fruitful, and the alge- 
braic method was soon ripened from that slender beginning to 
the advanced state of a well-arranged science, as it was taught 
by Aryabhatta, and as it is found in treatises compiled by 
Brahmagupta and Bh&skara, of both which versions are here 
presented to the public. 

1 See page 361, etc., of the present Tolume. * Note 0. 



Scholiasts op Bhaskaba. 

The oldest commentary of ascertained date which has come 
into the translator's hands, and has been accordingly employed 
by him for the purpose of collation, as well as in the progress 
of translation, is one composed by Gang&dhara, son of Gobar- 
dhana, and grandson of Div&kara, inhabitant of Jambusara. 1 
It appears, from an example of an astronomical computation 
which it exhibits, 8 to have been written about the year 1342 
&aka (a.d. 1420). Though confined to the Lil&vati, it ex- 
pounds and consequently authenticates a most material chapter 
of the Vija-gaijita, which recurs nearly verbatim in both 
treatises; but is so essential a part of the one, as to have 
given name to the algebraic analysis in the works of the early 
writers. 3 His elder brother Vish^u-paii[451]dita was author 
of a treatise of arithmetic, etc., named GaQita-s&ra, a title 
borrowed from the compendium of &ridhara. It is frequently 
quoted by him. 

The next commentary in age, and consequent importance 
for the objects now under consideration, is that of Suryasuri, 
also named Stiryad&sa, native of P&rthapura, near the con- 
fluence of the God& and Vidarbhd rivers. 4 He was author of 
a complete commentary on the Siddh&nta-siromani ; and of a 

1 A town situated in Gujrat (Gnrjara), twenty-eight miles north of the town 
of Broach. * Lil. § 264. 

* Knttak&dhy&ya, the title of Brahmagnpta's chapter on algebra, and of a 
chapter in Aryabhatta's work. * Godavari and Warda, 


distinct work on calculation, under the title of Ganita-m&lati ; 
and of a compilation of astronomical and astrological doctrines, 
Hindu and Muhammadaa, under the name of Siddh&nta- 
sanhit&-s&ra-samuchchaya, in which he makes mention of his 
commentary on the Siromani. The gloss on the Lil&vati, 
entitled Ganit&mrita, and that on the Vija-garpta, named 
Surya-prak&sa, both excellent works, containing a clear in- 
terpretation of the text, with a concise explanation of the 
principles of the rules, are dated the one in 1460, the other 
in 1463 &aka ; or a.d. 1538 and 1541. His father Jn&nar&ja, 
son of N&gan&tha, a Br&hman and astronomer, was author, 
among other works, of an astronomical course, under the title 
of Siddh&nta-sundara, still extant, 1 which, like the Siddhanta- 
siroma^i, comprises a treatise on algebra. It is repeatedly 
cited by bis son. 

G-anesa, son of Kesova, a distinguished astronomer, native 
of Nandi-gr&ma, near Devagiri (better known by the Mu- 
hammadan name of Daulatab&d), 8 was author of a commen- 
tary on the Siddh&nta-siromai^i, which is mentioned by his 
nephew and scholiast Nrisinha, in an [452] enumeration of 
his works, contained in a passage quoted by Viswan&tha on 
the Grahalaghava. His commentary on the Lil&vati bears 
the title of Buddhivil&sini, and date of 1467 &aka, or a.d. 
1545. It comprises a copious exposition of the text, with 
demonstrations of the rules ; and has been used throughout 
the translation as the best interpreter of it. He, and his 
father Kesava, and nephew Nrisinha, as well as his cousin 
Lakshmfd&sa, were authors of numerous works both on 
astronomy and divination. The most celebrated of his own 
performances, the Grahal&ghava, bears date 1442 Saka, an- 
swering to a.d. 1520. 

The want of a commentary by Ganesa on the Vija-garjita, I 

is supplied by that of Krishna, son of Ball&la, and pupil of 

1 The astronomical part is in the library of the East-India Company. 
* Kandigram retains its ancient name, and is situated vest of Daulatabad, 
about sixty-five miles. 


Vishnu, the disciple of G-anesa's nephew Nrisinha. It con- 
tains a clear and copious exposition of the sense, with ample 
demonstrations of the rales, much in the manner of Ganesa, 
on the Lil&vati ; whom also he imitated in composing a com- 
mentary on that treatise, and occasionally refers to it. His 
work is entitled Kalpalat&vat&ra. Its date is determined at 
the close of the sixteenth century of the Christian era, by the 
notice of it and of the author in a work of his brother 
Rangan&tha, dated 1524 §aka (a.d. 1602), as well as in one 
by his nephew Muniswara. He appears to have been astro- 
loger in the service of the Emperor Jah&ngir, who reigned at 
the beginning of the seventeenth century. 

The gloss of Rangan&tha on the Y&san&, or demonstratory 
annotations of Bh&skara, which is entitled Mitabh&shini, con- 
tains no specification of date ; but is determined, with suffi- 
cient certainty, towards the middle of the sixteenth century 
of the &aka era, by the writer's relation of son to Nrisinha, 
the author of a commentary on the Surya-siddh&nta, dated 

1542 &aka, and of the Y&san&-[453]v&rttika (or gloss on 
Bh&skara's annotations of the Siromani), which bears date in 

1543 &aka, or a.d. 1621 ; and his relation of brother, as well 
as pupil, to Kamal&kara, author of the Siddh&nta-tattwa- 
viveka, also composed towards the middle of the same century 
of the &aka era. Nrisinha, and his uncle Viswan&tha, author 
of astrological commentaries, describe their common ancestor 
Div&kara, and his grandfather R&ma, as Mah&r&shtra Br&h- 
mans, living at Golagr&ma, 1 on the northern bank of the 
God&vari, and do not hint a migration of the family. 
Nrisinha's own father, Krishna, was author of a treatise on 
algebra in compendious rules (sutra), as his son affirms. 

The Vija-prabodha, a commentary on the Vija-ganita, by 
B&makrishna, son of Lakshmana, and grandson of Nfisinha, 
inhabitant of Amar&vati,* is without date or express in- 

1 Golg&m of the maps, in lat. 18° N. long. 78° £. 
* A great commercial town in Berar. 


dication of its period; unless his grandfather Nrisinha be 
the same with the nephew of Viswan&tha just now men- 
tioned; or else identified with the nephew of Ganesa and 
preceptor of Vishnu, the instructor of Krishna, author of 
the Kalpalatfivat&ra. The presumption is on either part 
consistent with proximity of country : Amarivati not being 
more than 150 miles distant from Nandigr&ma, nor more than 
200 from Golagr&ma. It is on one side made probable by the 
author's frequent reference to a commentary of his preceptor 
Krishna, which in substance corresponds to the Kalpalat&- 
vat&ra ; but the title differs, for he cites the Nav&nkura. On 
the other side it is to be remarked, that Krishna, father of the 
Nrisinha, who wrote the V&san&-v&rttika, was author of a 
treatise on algebra, which is mentioned by his son, as before 

The Manoranjana, another commentary on the Lfl&vati, 
[454] which has been used in the progress of the translation, 
bears no date, nor any indication whatsoever of the period 
when the author R&makrishitadeva, son of Sad&deva, sur- 
named Apadeva, wrote. 

The Ganita-kaumudi, on the Lil&vati, is frequently cited 
by the modern commentators,* and in particular by Suryasuri 
and Rangan&tha ; but has not been recovered, . and is only 
known from their quotations. 

Of the numerous commentaries on the astronomical portion 
of Bh&skara's Siddh&nta-siromani, little use having been here 
made, either for settling the text of the algebraic and arith- 
metical treatises of the author, or for interpreting particular 
passages of them, a reference to two commentaries of this 
class, besides those of Suryasuri and Ganesa (which have not 
been recovered), and the author's own annotations, and the 
interpretation of them by Nrisinha above noticed, may suffice : 
viz. the Ganita-tattwa-chint&mani, by Lakshmid&sa, grandson 
of Kesava (probably the same with the father of Ganesa 
before mentioned), and son of Y&chaspati, dated 1423 &aka 


(a.d. 1501); and the M&richa, by Munfswara, surnamed 
Viswarupa, grandson of Ball&la, and son of Rangan&tha, 
who was compiler of a work dated 1524 Saka (a.d. 1620), 
as before mentioned. Munfswara himself is the author of 
a distinct treatise of astronomy entitled Siddh&nta-s&rva- 

Persian versions of both the Lil&vati and Vfja-ganita have 
been already noticed, as also contributing to the authentication 
of the text. The first by Faizf, undertaken by the command 
of the Emperor Akbar, was executed in the 32nd year of his 
reign, a.h. 995 (a.d. 1587). The translation of the Vija- 
ganita is later by half a century, having been completed by 
e At& Ullah Rashidi, in the 8th year of the reign of Sh&h 
Jah&n, a.h. 1044, a.d. 1634. 



[455] Brahmagupta's entire work comprises twenty-one 
lectures or chapters ; of which the ten first contain an astro- 
nomical system, consisting (1st and 2nd) in the computation 
of mean motions and true places of the planets ; 3rd, solution 
of problems concerning time, the points of the horizon, and 
the position of places ; 4th and 5th, calculation of lunar and 
solar eclipses ; 6th, rising and setting of the planets ; 7th, 
position of the moon's cusps ; 8th, observation of altitudes by 
the gnomon; 9th, conjunctions of the planets; and, 10th, their 
conjunction with stars. The next ten are supplementary, 
including five chapters of problems with their solutions : and 
the twenty-first explains the principles of the astronomical 
system in a compendious treatise on spherics, treating of the 
astronomical sphere and its circles, the construction of sines, 
the rectification of the apparent planet from mean motions, 


the cause of lunar and solar eclipses, and the construction of 
the armillary sphere. 1 

The copy of the scholia and text, in the translator's posses- 
sion, wants the whole of the 6th, 7th, and 8th chapters, and 
exhibits gaps of more or less extent in the preceding five ; and 
appears to have been transcribed from an exemplar equally 
defective. From the middle of the 9th, to near the close of 
the 15th chapters, is an uninterrupted and regular series, com- 
prehending a very curious chapter, the 11th, which contains 
a revision and censure of earlier writers : and next to it the 
chapter on arithmetic and mensuration, which is the 12th of 
the work. It is followed in the 13th, and four succeeding 
chapters, by solutions of problems concerning mean and true 
motions of planets, finding of [456] time, place, and points in the 
horizon ; and relative to other matters, which the defect of 
the two last of five chapters renders it impracticable to specify. 
Next comes (but in a separate form, being transcribed from 
a different exemplar) the 18th chapter on Algebra. The two 
which should succeed (and one of which, as appears from a 
reference to a chapter on this subject, treats of the various 
measures of time under the several denominations of solar, 
sidereal, lunar, etc. ; and the other, from like references to it, 
is known to treat of the delineation of celestial phenomena by 
diagram,) are entirely wanting, the remainder of the copy 
being defective. The twenty-first chapter, however, which is 
last in the author's arrangement (as the corresponding book 
on spherics of Bh&skara's Siddh&nta-siromani is in his), has 
been transposed and first expounded by the scholiast: and 
very properly so, since its subject is naturally preliminary, 
being explanatory of the principles of astronomy. It stands 
first in the copy under consideration ; and is complete, except 
one or two initial couplets. 

1 [Albfrtini gives a complete table of the chapters of the Brahma-riddhanta. 
Beinaud's Mimoire, p. 334.] 



Brahma-siddhanta, title of Brahmagupta's Astronomy. 

The passage is this: " Brahmokta-graha-ganitam mdhatd 
kdlena yat khili-bhiitam, abhidhiyate sphutam tat Jishnu-suta- 

' The computation of planets, taught by Brahma, which had 
become imperfect by great length of time, is propounded correct 
by Brahmagupta, son of Jishnu.' 

The beginning of Prithudaka's commentary on the Brahma- 
siddh&nta, where the three initial couplets of the text are ex- 
pounded, being deficient, the quotation cannot at present be 
brought to the test of collation. But the title is still more 
expressly given near the close of the [457] eleventh chapter 
(§ 59) "Brdhme sphuta-riddhdnte ravindu-bhu-yogam, etc." 

And again (§ 61) " Chandra-ravi-grahanendU'Chhdyddishu 
sarvadd yato Brdhme, drig-ganitaikyam bhavati, sphuta-siddh- 
&ntas tato Br&hmah." 'As observation and computation 
always agree in respect of lunar and solar eclipses, moon's 
shadow (i. e. altitude), and other particulars, according to the 
Br&hma, therefore is the Br&hma a correct system (sphuta- 

It appears from the purport of these several passages 
compared, that Brahmagupta's treatise is an emendation 
of an earlier 8 y 8 tem (bearing the same name of Brahma- 
siddh&nta, or an equivalent title, as Pitamaha-siddh&nta, 
or adjectively Pait&maha), which had ceased to agree with 
the phenomena, and into which requisite corrections were 
therefore introduced by him to reconcile computation and 
observation; and he entitled his amended treatise • Correct 
Brahma-siddh&nta.' That earlier treatise is considered to 
be the identical one which is introduced into the Vishnu- 


dharmottara-pur&iLa, and from which parallel passages are 
accordingly cited by the scholiasts of Bh&skara. (See follow- 
ing note.) It is no doubt the same which is noticed by 
Yar&hamihira nnder the title of Pait&maha and Br&hma- 
siddh&nta. Couplets, which are cited by his commentator 
Bhattotpala from the Bmhma-aiddh&nta, are found in Brahma- 
gnpta's work. But whether the original or the amended 
treatise be the one to which the scholiast referred, is never- 
theless a disputable point, as the couplets in question may be 
among passages which Brahmagupta retained unaltered. 


Verification of the Text of Brahmagupta's Treatise of 


[458] A passage, referring the commencement of astronomical 
periods and of planetary revolutions to the supposed instant of 
the creation, is quoted from Brahmagupta, with a parallel 
passage of another Brahma-siddh&nta (comprehended in the 
Vishnu-dharmottara-pur&na), in a compilation by Muniswara, 
one of Bh&skara's glossators. 1 It is verified as the 4th couplet 
of Brahmagupta's first chapter (upon mean motions) in the 
translator's copy. 

Seven couplets, specifying the mean motions of the planets' 
nodes and apogees, are quoted after the parallel passage of the 
other Brahma-siddh&nta, by the same scholiast of Bh&skara, 
as the text of Brahmagupta ; and they are found in the same 
order from the 15th to the 21st in the first chapter of his 
work in the copy above mentioned. 

This commentator, among many other corresponding passages 
noticed by him on various occasions, has quoted one from the 
same Brahma-siddh&nta of the Vishnu-dharmottara concerning 

1 As. Res., vol. xii. p. 232 (p. 348 of the present volume). 


the orbits of the planets deduced from the magnitude of the 
sky computed there, as it also is by Brahmagupta (ch. 21, $ 9), 
bat in other words, at a circumference of 18,712,069,200,000,000 
ycjanas* He goes on to quote the subsequent couplet of 
Brahmagupta, declaring that planets travel an equal measured 
distance in their orbits in equal times; and then cites his 
scholiast (tikdkdra) Chaturved&ch&rya. 

The text of Brahmagupta (ch. 1, § 21), specifying the 
diurnal revolutions of the sidereal sphere, or number of [459] 
sidereal days in a kalpa y with the correspondent one of the 
Pait&maha-siddh&nta in the Yishnu-dharmottara, is another 
of the quotations of the same writer in his commentary on 

A passage relating to oval epicycles, 1 cited by the same 
author in another place, is also verified in the 2nd chapter (in 
the rectification of a planet's place). 

A number of couplets on the subject of eclipses 9 is cited by 
Lakshmid&sa, a commentator of Bh&skara. They are found 
in the 5th chapter (on eclipses), § 10 and 24 ; and in a section 
of the 21st (on the cause of eclipses), § 37 to 46, in the copy 
in question. 

Several couplets, relating to the positions of the constella- 
tions and to the longitudes and latitudes of principal fixt stars, 
are cited from Brahmagupta in numerous compilations, and 
specifically in the commentaries on the Surya-siddh&nta and 
Siddh&nta-siromani. s They are all found correct in the 10th 
chapter, on the conjunctions of planets with fixt stars. 

A quotation by Ga^esa on the Lil&vati (a.d. 1545), de- 
scribing the attainments of a true mathematician, 4 occurs with 
exactness as the first couplet of the 12th chapter, on arithme- 
tic ; and one adduced by Bh&skara himself, in his arithmetical 
treatise (§ 190), giving a rule for finding the diagonal of a 
trapezium, 5 is precisely the 28th of the same chapter. 

1 Page 852, etc, of the present volume. * Page 357 of the present rolnme. 
» Page 283, etc., of the present volume. * Lil. eh. XL • LSI. J 100. 


A very important passage, noticed by Bh&skara in his notes 
on his Siddh&nta-siromani, and alluded to in his text, and 
fully quoted by his commentator in the M&richa, relative to 
the rectification of a planet's true place from the [460] mean ! 

motions, 1 is found in the 21st chapter, § 27. Bh&skara has, 
on that occasion, alluded to the scholiast, who is accordingly 
quoted by name in the commentary of Lakshmid&sa (a.d. 
1501) : and here again the correspondence is exact. 

The identity of the text as Brahmagupta's, and of the gloss 
as his scholiast's, being (by these and many other instances 
which have been collated) satisfactorily established; as the 
genuineness of the text is by numerous quotations from the 
Brahma-siddh&nta (without the author's name) in the more 
ancient commentary of Bhattotpala (a.d. 968) on the works of 
Var&bamihira, which also have been verified in the mutilated 
copy of the Brahma-siddh&nta under consideration ; the next 
step was the examination of the detached copy of a commen- 
tary on the 18th chapter, upon algebra, which is terminated 
by a colophon so describing it, and specifying the title of the 
entire book Brahma-siddh&nta, and the name of its author 

For this purpose materials are happily presented in the 
scholiast's enumeration, at the close of the chapter on arith- 
metic, of the topics treated by his author in the chapter on 
algebra, entitled Kuttaka:* in a general reference to the 
author's algorithm of unknown quantities, affirmative and 
negative terms, cipher and surd roots, in the same chapter ; * 
and the same scholiast's quotations of the initial words of four 
rules ; one of them relative to surd roots ; 4 the other three 
regarding the resolution of quadratic equations: 5 as also in 
the references of the scholiast of the [461] algebraic treatise to 
passages in the astronomical part of his author's work. 6 

1 Page 354, etc., of the present volume. * Arithm. of Brahm. { 66. 
» Arith. of Brahm. {13. * Arithm. of Brahm. § 39. 

* Arithm. of Brahm. § 15 and 18. • Alg. of Brahm. } 96 (Rule 55). 


The quotations have been verified : and they exactly agree 
with the rule concerning surds (§ 26) and the three rules which 
compose the section relating to quadratic equations (§ 32- 
34) ; and with the rule in the chapter on the solution of 
astronomical problems concerning mean motions (ch. 13, § 22) : 
and this verification and the agreement of the more general 
references demonstrate the identity of this treatise of algebra, 
consonantly to its colophon, as Brahmagupta's algebra entitled 
Kuttaka and a part of his Brahma-siddh&nta. 


Chronology of Astronomical Authorities according to 

Astronomers of UjjatanL 

The names of astronomical writers with their dates, as 
furnished by the astronomers of Ujjayani, who were consulted 
by Dr. "William Hunter, sojourning there with a British 
embassy, are the following : — 

Varahamihira 122 S'aka [a.d. 200-1] 

Another Yarahamihira 427 [a.d. 605-6] 

Brahmagupta 550 [a.d. 628-9] 

Munjala 864 [a.t>. 932-3] 

Bhaftotpola 890 [a.d. 968-9] 

S'wetotpala 939 [a.d. 1017-8] 

Vanuui-bhatta 962 [a.d. 1040-1] 

Bhoja-raja 964 [a.d. 1042-3] 

Bhaskara 1072 [a.d. 1160-1] 

Kalyanachandra 1101 [a.d.1179-80] 

The grounds on which this chronology proceeds are un- 
explained in the note which Dr. Hunter preserved of the 
communication ; but means exist for verifying two of the dates 
specified and corroborating others. 1 

1 [According to Albiranf, who wrote in 1031, the Hindus then reckoned 526 
yean since the composition of the Pancha-siddhanta of Yarahamihira, 366 yean 
for the Kanda-kataka tables [Khano>-khadya-karana P] of Brahmagupta, and 132 
yean for the Karana-sara of Bhaskara [cf. w/rd, p. 423 P] thus making Yaraha- 
mihira flourish in a.d. 604, Brahmagupta in a.d. 664, and Bhaskara [P] in 808. 
(Beinaud, Mimoire, p. 337.)] 


[462] The date assigned to Bhaskara is precisely that of 
his Siddh&nta-siromai^i, plainly concluded from a passage of 
it, in which he declares that it was completed by him, being 
thirty-six years of age; and that his birth was in 1036 §aka. 

Raja Bhoja-deva, or Bhoja-raja, is placed in this list of 
Hindu astronomers apparently on account of his name being 
affixed, as that of the author, to an astrological treatise on the 
calendar, which bears the title of Raja-martanda, and which 
was composed probably at his court and by astrologers in his 
service. It contains no date ; or at least none is found in the 
copy which has been inspected. But the age assigned to 
the prince is not inconsistent with Indian History: and is 
supported by the colophon of a poem entitled Subh&shita- 
ratna-sandoha, composed by a Jaina sectary named Amitagati, 
who has given the date of his poem in 1050 of Vikramaditya, 
in the reign of Munja. Now Munja was uncle and prede- 
cessor of Bhoja-raja, being regent, with the title of sovereign, 
during his nephew's minority : and this date, which answers 
to a.d. 993-4, is entirely consistent with that given by the 
astronomers of TJjjayani, .viz. 964 Saka, corresponding to 
aj>. 1042-3 : for the reign of Bhoja-deva was long; extending, 
at the lowest computation, to half a century, and reaching, 
according to an extravagant reckoning, to the round number 
of an hundred years. 

The historical notices of this King of Dhara 1 are examined 
by Major Wilford and Mr. Bentley in the ninth and eighth 
volumes of Asiatic Researches : and they refer him to the 
tenth century of the Christian era, the one making him ascend 
the throne in a.d. 982 ; the other in a.d. 913. The former, 
which takes his reign [463] at an entire century, including of 
course his minority, or the period of the administration, reign, 
or regency, of his uncle Munja, is compatible with the date 
of Aniitagati's poem (a.d. 993), and with that of the Raja- 
martanda or other astrological and astronomical works ascribed 

1 The modem Dhdr. Wilford, As. Res. 


to him (i.o. 1043), according to the chronology of the as- 
tronomers of Ujjayani. 

The age assigned to Brahmagnpta is corroborated by the 
arguments adduced in the text. That given to Munjala is 
consistent with (he quotation of him as at the head of a tribe 
of authors, by Bbaskara, at the distance of two centuries. 
The period allotted to Varahamihira, that is, to the second 
and most celebrated of the name, also admits corroboration. 
This point, however, being specially important to the history 
of Indian astronomy, and collaterally to that of the Hindu al- 
gebra, deserves and will receive a full and distinct consideration. 

Age of Bkahhagtjpta inferred from Astronomical 

DATA. 1 

The star Chitra, which unquestionably is Spica Virginia, 1 
was referred by Brahmagnpta to the 103rd degree counted 
from its origin to the intersection of the star's circle of de- 
clination ; ! whence the star's right ascension is deduced 
182° 45'. Its actual right ascension in a.d. 1800 was 
198° 40' 2".* The difference, 15° 55' 2", is the quantity by 
which the beginning of the first zodiacal asterisiu and lunar 
mansion, Aswini, as inferrible from the position of the star 
Chitra, has receded from the equinox : and it indicates 
[464] the lapse of 1216 years (to a.d. 1800), since that point 
coincided with the equinox ; the annual procession of the star 
being reckoned at 47", 14. 5 

The star Revati, which appears to be £ Piscinm,* had no 

» [Of. Prof. Whitney, Journ. A.O.S. riii. p. 93.] 

1 Page 396 of the present volume. 

1 Pages 283, etc. and 356 of the present Tohiine, 

* Zach'a Tables for 1800 deduced from Maakalyne'i Catalogue. 

* Mesltelyue'a Catalogue : the mean precession of the equinoctial points 1 
reckoned 60", S. * Page 302 of the present lolnmi 

vol. ra. [Hul n.j 37 


longitude, according to the same author, being situated pre- 
cisely at the close of the asterism and commencement of the 
following one, Aswini, without latitude or declination, exactly 
in the equinoctial point. Its actual right ascension in 1800 
was 15° 49' 15/' l This, which is the quantity by which the 
origin of the Indian ecliptic, as inferrible from the position of 
the star Revati, has receded from the equinox, indicates a 
period of 1221 years elapsed to the end of the eighteenth 
century ; the annual precession for that star being 46", 63.* 

The mean of the two is 1218J years ; which, taken from 
1800, leave 581 or 582 of the Christian era. Brahmagupta 
then appears to have observed and written towards the close of 
the sixth, or the beginning of the following century ; for, as 
the Hindu astronomers seem not to have been very accurate 
observers, the belief of his having lived and published in the 
seventh century, about a.d. 628, which answers to 550 Saka, 
the date assigned to him by the astronomers of Ujjayani, is not 
inconsistent with the position, that the vernal equinox did not 
sensibly to his view deviate from the beginning of Aries or 
Mesha, as determined by him from the star Revati (f Piscium), 
which he places at that point. 

The same author assigns to Agastya or Ganopus a distance 
of 87°, and to Lubdhaka or Sirius 86°, from the [465] begin- 
ning of Mesha. From these positions a mean of 1280 years 
is deducible. 

The passage in which this author denies the precession of 
the colures, as well as the comment of his scholiast on it, 
being material to the present argument, they are here sub- 
joined in a literal version. 

'The very fewest hours of night occur at the end of 
Mithuna, and the seasons are governed by the sun's motion ; 
therefore the pair of solstices appears to be stationary, by the 
evidence of a pair of eyes/ 8 

Scholia : ' What is said by Yishnuchandra at the begin- 

1 Zach's Tables. * Zach's Tables. » Brahma-riddhfcnta, ii. § 54. 


ning of the chapter on the yuga of the solstice ("Its re- 
volutions through the asterisms are here [in the kalpa] a 
hundred and eighty-nine thousand four hundred and eleven. 
This is termed a yuga of the solstice, as of old admitted by 
Brahma, Arka, and the rest.") is wrong : for the very fewest 
hours of night to us occur when the sun's place is at the .end 
of Mithuna [Gemini] ; and of course the very utmost hours 
of day are at the same period. From that limitary point, the 
sun's progress regulates the seasons 5 namely, the cold season 
(ii&ira) and the rest, comprising two months each, reckoned, 
from M akara [Capricorn]. Therefore what has been said 
concerning the motion of the limitary point is wrong, being 
contradicted by actual observation of days and nights. 

' The objection, however, is not valid : for now the greatest 
decrease and increase of night and day do not happen when 
the sun's place is at the end of Mithuna : and passages are 
remembered, expressing " The southern road of the sun was 
from the middle of Asleshd ; and the northern one at the 
beginning of Dhanishthd ; " l and [466] others [of like im- 
port]. But all this only proves, that there is a motion ; not 
that the solstice has made many revolutions through the 
asterisms/ * 

It was hinted at the beginning of this note, that Brahma- 
gupta's longitude (dhruvaka) of a star is the arc of the 
ecliptic intercepted by the star's circle of declination, and 
counted from the origin of the ecliptic at the beginning of 
Mesha; as his latitude (vikshepa) of a star is the star's 
distance on a circle of declination from its point of intersection 
with the ecliptic. In short, he, like other Hindu astronomers, 
counts longitude and latitude of stars by the intersection of 
circles of declination with the ecliptic. The subject has been 
before noticed. 3 To make it more clear, an instance may be 
taken : and that of the scholiast's computation of the zenith 

1 This quotation is from Varahamihira's $anhitd f ch. 3, j 1 and 2. 

8 Prithfidaka-swamf-chaturreda on Brahra. 

* Paget 285, etc., and 357 of the present volume. 


distance and meridian altitude of Canopus for the latitude of 
Kanyakubja (Kanouj) may serve as an apposite example. 

From the vikshepa of the star ^'*astya, 77°, he subtracts 
the declination of the intersected point of the ecliptic 23° 58' ; 
to the remainder, which is the declination of the star, 53° 2', 
he adds the latitude of the place, 26° 35' ; the sum, 79° 37', is 
the zenith distance ; and its complement to ninety degrees, 
10° 23', is the meridian altitude of the star. 1 

The annual variation of the star in declination, 1", 7, is too 
email to draw any inference as to the age of the scholiast from 
the declination here stated. More especially as it is taken 
from data furnished by his author ; and as he appears to 
have been, like most of the Hindu astronomers, no very 
accurate observer ; the latitude assigned by him to [467] the 
city in which he dwelt being no less than half a degree wrong : 
for the ruins of the city of Kanouj are in 27° 5' N. 


Xryabhatta's Doctrine. 

A'ryabhatta was author of the Xry&shtasata (800 couplets *) 
and Dasagitikd (ten stanzas), known by the numerous quota- 
tions of Brahmagupta, Bhattotpala, and others, who cite both 
under these respective titles. The Laghu Arya-siddh&nta, as 
a work of the same author, and, perhaps, one of those above 
mentioned, 3 is several times quoted by Bh&skara's commentator 
Muniswara. He likewise treated of algebra, etc. under the 
distinct heads of Kuttdka, a problem serving for the resolution 
of indeterminate ones, and Ff/'o, principle of computation, or 
analysis in general. — Lil. c. 11. 

From the quotations of writers on astronomy, and par- 

1 Prithudaka-ew&mi on Brahm., ch. 10. § 35. ' [Rather 108 couplets.] 

3 [Cf. Dr. Bhau Daji, J.R.A.S., 1864, p. 399, and Prof. Kern, Vrihat Sank. 
pref. p. 56.] 




ticularly of Brahmagupta, who, in many instances, cites 
Xryabhatta to controvert his positions (and is in general 
contradicted in his ceir \re by his own scholiast Prithudaka, 
either correcting his quotations, or vindicating the doctrine of 
the earlier author), it appears that iftryabhatta affirmed the 
diurnal revolution of the earth on its axis, and that he 
accounted for it by a wind or current of aerial fluid, the 
extent of which, according to the orbit assigned to it by him, 
corresponds to an elevation of little more than a hundred 
miles from the surface of the earth : that he possessed the 
true theory of the causes of lunar and solar eclipses, and 
disregarded the imaginary dark planets of the mycologists 
and astrologers, affirming the moon and primary planets (and 
even the stars) to be essentially dark, and only illumined by 
the sun: that he [468] noticed the motion of the solstitial and 
equinoctial points, but restricted it to a regular oscillation, of 
which he assigned the limit and the period : that he ascribed 
to the epicycles, by which the motion of a planet is represented, 
a form varying from the circle and nearly elliptic : that he 
recognized a motion of the nodes and apsides of all the 
primary planets, as well as of the moon j though in this 
instance, as in some others, his censurer imputes to him 
variance of doctrine. 

The magnitude of the earth, and extent of the encompass- 
ing wind, is among the instances wherein he is reproached by 
Brahmagupta with versatility, as not having adhered to the 
same position throughout his writings ; but he is vindicated 
on this, as on most occasions, by the scholiast of his censurer. 
Particulars of this question, leading to rather curious matter, 
deserve notice. 

Aryabhatta's text specifies the earth's diameter, 1050 
yojanas; and the orbit or circumference of the earth's wind 
[spiritus vector] 3393 yojanas; which, as the scholiast rightly 
argues, is no discrepancy. The diameter of this orbit, accord- 
ing to the remark of Brahmagupta, is 1080. 


On this it is to be in the first place observed, that the 
proportion of the circumference to the diameter of a circle, 
here employed, is that of 22 to 7 ; which not being the same 
which is given by Brahmagupta's rule (Arithm. § 40), must 
be presumed to be that which iiryabhatta taught. Applying 
it to the earth's diameter as by him assigned, rii. 1050, the 
circumference of the earth is 3300 ; which evidently con- 
stitutes the dimensions by him intended : and that number is 
accordingly stated by a commentator of Bh&skara. See (ran. 
on LiL % 4. 

This approximation to the proportion of the diameter of a 
circle to its periphery, is nearer than that which both [469] 
Brahmagupta and Sridhara, though later writers, teach in 
their mensuration, and which is employed in the Surya- 
siddh&nta; namely, one to the square root of ten. It is 
adopted by Bh&skara, who adds, apparently from some other 
authority, the still nearer approximation of 1250 to 3927.— 
LiL §201. 

ifryabhatta appears, however, to have also made use of 
the ratio which afterwards contented both Brahmagupta and 
Sridhara ; for his rule, adduced by Ganesa (LiL § 207), for 
finding the arc from the chord and versed sine, is clearly 
founded on the proportion of the diameter to the periphery, as 
one to the square root of ten : as will be evident if the semi- 
circle be computed by that rule : for it comes out the square 
root of y>, the diameter being 1. 

A more favourable notion of his proficiency in geometry — 
a seience, however, much less cultivated by the Hindus than 
algebra — may be received from his acquaintance with the 
theorem containing the fundamental property of the circle, 
which is cited by Prithudaka. — Brahm. 12, § 21. 

The number of 3300 yqfanas for the circumference of the 
earth, or 9£ yqjana* for a degree of a great circle, is not very 
wide of the truth, and is, indeed, a very near approach, if the 
yojana, which contains four kroias, be rightly inferred from 


the modern computed kroia found to be 1, 9 B. M. 1 For, at 
that rate of 7, 6 miles to a yqjana> the earth's circumference 
would be 25,080 B. miles. 

The difference between the diameter of the earth and that 
of its air (vayu), by which term Aryabhatta seems to intend 
a current of wind whirling as a vortex, and causing the earth's 
revolution on its axis, leaves 15 yqjanas, or [470] 114 miles, 
for the limit of elevation of this atmospheric current. 


Scantiness of the Additions by later Writers on 


The observation in ihe text on the scantiness of the im- 
provements or additions made to the algebra of the Hindus in 
a long period of years after Aryabhatta probably, and after 
Brahmagupta certainly, is extended to authors whose works 
are now lost, on the faith of quotations from them. Sridhara's 
rule, which is cited by Bh&skara (Vij.-gan. § 131), concerning 
quadratics, is the same in substance with one of Brahmagupta's 
(ch. 18, § 32-33). Padman&bha, indeed, appears from the 
quotation from his treatise (Vij.-gan. § 142) to have been 
aware of quadratic equations affording two roots; which 
Brahmagupta has not noticed ; and this is a material accession 
which the science received. There remains an uncertainty 
respecting the author, from whom Bh&skara has taken the 
resolution of equations of the third and fourth degrees in their 
simple and unaffected cases. 

The only names of algebraists who preceded Bh&skara, to 
be added to those already mentioned, are, 1st, an earlier writer 
of the same name (Bh&skara), who was at the head of the 
commentators of Aryabhatta ; and, 2nd, the elder scholiast of 

1 A*. Res., vol y. p. 106. 


the Brahma-siddh&nta, named Bhatta-balabhadra. Both are 
repeatedly cited by the successor of the latter in the same task 
of exposition, Prithtidaka-sw&mi, who was himself anterior to 
the author of the airomani, being more than once quoted by 
him. As neither of those earlier commentators is named by 
the younger Bh&skara, nor any intimation given of his having 
consulted and employed other treatises besides [471] the three 
specified by him in the compilation of the Vija-ganita, it is 
presumable, that the few additions, which a comparison with 
the Kuttaka of Brahmagupta exhibits, are properly ascribable 
either to Sridhara or to Padman&bha: most likely to the 
latter, as he is cited for one such addition ; 1 and as JSridhara's 
treatise of arithmetic and mensuration, which is extant, is not 
seemingly the work of an author improving on the labours 
of those who went before him. 8 The corrections and im- 
provements introduced by Bh&skara himself, and of which 
he carefully apprizes his readers/ are not very numerous, 
nor in general important. 4 



Under the Abbasside Khalifa Almanstir and Almamun, in 
the middle of the eighth and beginning of the ninth centuries 

1 Vij.-gan. §142. 

9 HI. $ 147. Brahm. o. 12, § 21 and 40. Oan. Sdr. } 126. 
8 VV'-gan- before § 44, and after { 57, also ch. 1, towards the end ; and ch. 5, 
§ 142. 

* Unless HI § 170 and 190. 

• [Aryabhata (as the name is more correctly spelt) is now known to hare been 
born a.d. 476 (see Dr. Bhau Daji's paper, J.R.A.S. 1864). We nave, of bis 
works, the Laiagiti in twelve stanzas, two of which oontain only the invocation 
and colophon, and the Aryabhafa-riddhdnta or Aryabhatfya in 111 stanzas; 
but if we omit the three invocatory and closing stanzas, we get 108, Le. Arydih- 
faiata (see Prof. Kern's introduction to his edition of Varahamihira's Vrihat 
SanhitA, pp. 65-69). The Makd-tiddhdnta belongs to a later Aryabhata, cf. 
Vrihat Sank. pref. p. 60.] 

"i»»wf*w»- ^wwrrT?'*— ' »' ' ' i" 


of the Christian era, the Arabs became conversant with the 
Indian astronomy. It was at that period, as may be pre- 
sumed, that they obtained information of the existence and 
currency of three astronomical systems among the Indians ; 1 
one of which bore the name of Aryabhatta, or, as written in 
Arabic characters, Arjabahar* (perhaps [472] intended for 
Arjabhar), which is as near an approximation as the difference 
of characters can be expected to exhibit. This then un- 
questionably was the system of the astronomer whose age is 
now to be investigated ; and who is in a thousand places cited 
by Hindu writers on astronomy, as author of a system and 
founder of a sect in this science. It is inferred from the 
acquaintance of the Arabs with the astronomical attainments 
of the Hindus, at that time, when the court of the Khalif drew 
the visit of a Hindu astrologer and mathematician, and when 
the Indian determination of the mean motions of the planets 
was made the basis of astronomical tables compiled by order 
of the Khalifa, ( for a guide in matters pertaining to the stars/ 
and when Indian treatises on the science of numbers were 
put in an Arabic dress; adverting also to the difficulty of 
obtaining further insight into the Indian sciences, which the 
author of the T&rikhu'l hukarofi, complains of, assigning for 
the cause the distance of countries, and the various impedi- 
ments to intercourse : it is inferred, we say, from these, joined 
to other considerations, that the period in question was that 
in which the name of Axyabhatta was introduced to the 
knowledge of the Arabs. This, as a first step in inquiring 
the antiquity of this author, ascertains his celebrity as an 
astronomical authority above a thousand years ago. 

He is repeatedly named by Hindu authors of a still earlier 
date: particularly by Brahmagupta, in the first part of the 

1 THriUu'l hukamd, or Bibl. Arab. FhiL quoted by Casiri : Bibl. Arab. Hup. 
toI. L p. 426. See note M. 

* Cosaali'g Argebakr is a misprint (Orig. etc., dell' Alg. vol. i. p. 207). Casiri 
gives, as in the Arabic, Argebahr : which, in the orthography here followed, is 


seventh century of the Christian era. He had been copied 
by writers whom Brahmagupta cites. Yar&hamihira has 
allusions to him, or employs his astronomical determinations 
in an astrological work at the beginning of the sixth century. 
These facts will be further weighed upon as we proceed. 

For determining Xryabhatta's age with the greater precision 
of astronomical chronology, grounds are pre[473]sented, at 
the first view promising, but on examination insufficient. 

In the investigation of the question upon astronomical 
grounds, recourse was in the first place had to his doctrine 
concerning the precession of the equinoxes. As quoted by 
Muniswara, a scholiast of Bh&skara, he maintained an oscilla- 
tion of the equinoctial points to twenty-four degrees on either 
side ; and he reckoned 578,159 such librations in a kalpa. 1 
From another passage cited by Bhattotpala on Var&hamihira,* 
his position of the mean equinoxes was the beginning of Aries 
and of Libra. 8 From one more passage quoted by the 
scholiast of Brahmagupta, 4 it further appears, that he reckoned 
1,986,120,000 years expired 5 before the war of the Bh&rata : 
and the duration of the kalpa, if he be rightly quoted by 
Brahmagupta, 6 is 1008 quadruple yugas of 4,320,000 years 

From these data it follows that, according to him, the 
equinoctial point had completed 263,699 oscillations at the 
epoch of the war of the Bh&rata. But we are without any 
information as to the progress made in the current oscillation 
when he wrote, or the actual distance of the equinox from the 
beginning of Mesha : the position of which, also, as by him 
received, is uncertain. 

1 Page 332 of the present volume. 

* Vrihat-sanhita, ch. 2. 

8 * From the beginning of Mesha to the end of Kanya (Virgo), the half the 
ecliptic passes through the north. From the beginning of Tula to the end of 
(the fishes) Mina, the remaining half passes by the south.' 

4 Prithudaka on Brahm., c. i. § 10 and 30, and o. xi. § 4. 

* Six Manus, twenty-seven yttgaa and three-quarters. 
6 Prithudaka on Brahm., c. i. § 12. 


His limit of the motion in trepidation, 24°, was evidently 
suggested to him by the former position of the colnres de- 
clared by Par&sara ; the exact difference being 23° 20'. [474] 
But the commencement of Par&sara's Asleshfi, in his sphere, 
or the origin of his sidereal Mesha, are unascertained. 
Whether his notions of the duodecimal division of the zodiac 
were taken from the Grecian or Egyptian spheres, or from 
what other immediate source, is but matter of conjecture. 

Quotations of this author furnish the revolutions of Jupiter 
in a yuga^ and of Saturn's aphelion in a kalpa \* and 
those of the moon in the latter period : but the same passage, 8 
in which the number of lunar revolutions in that great period 
are given, supplies those of the sun ; namely 4,320,000,000 \ 
differing from the duration of the kalpa according to this 
author as cited by more ancient compilers. The truth is, as 
appears from another quotation, 4 that Aryabhatta, after de- 
livering one complete astronomical system, proceeds in a 
second and distinct chapter to deliver another and different 
one as the doctrine of Parasara; whose authority, he ob- 
serves, prevails in the Eali age : and though he seems to 
indicate the kalpa as the same in both, he also hints that in 
one a deduction is made for the time employed in creation ; 
and we have seen that the duration of the kalpa differs in 
the quotations of compilers from this author. 

The ground then being insufficient, until a more definitive 
knowledge of either system, as developed by him, be re- 
covered, to support any positive conclusion, recourse must be 
had, on failure of precise proof, to more loose presumption. 
It is to be observed, that he does not use the baka or Samvat 
of Vikram&ditya, nor the Saka era of Saliv&hana, but ex- 
clusively employs the epoch of the war of the Bharata, which 
is the era of Yudhish[475]thira and the same with the com- 
mencement of the Eali yuga. Hence it is to be argued, that 

1 At. Bee., toL Hi. p. 215. * Hun. on Bhas., c. L $ 83. 

* Mun. on Bhas. c. L § 16—18. 4 Vdrt. and Mun. on Bhas. 


he flourished before this era was superseded by the introduction 
of the modern epochas. Var&hamihira, on the other hand, 
does employ the Saka, termed by him Saka-bhupa-k&la and 
Sakendra-k&la : which the old scholiast interprets 'the time 
when the barbarian kings called feaka were discomfited by 
Vikram&ditya : ' l and Brahmagupta uses the modern &aka 
era, which he expresses by &aka-nripante, interpreted by the 
scholiast of Bh&skara ( the end [of the life or reign] of 
Yikramaditya, who slew a people of barbarians named Sakas.' 
Var&hamihira's epoch of Saka appears to have been under- 
stood by his scholiast Bhatfotpala to be the same with the 
era of Vikram&ditya, which now is usually called Samvat, and 
which is reckoned to commence after 3044 years of the Kali 
age were expired : 9 and Brahmagupta's epoch of Saka is the 
era of S&liv&hana, beginning at the expiration of 3179 years 
of the Kali yuga : and accordingly this number is specified va 
his Brahma-siddh&nta. When those eras were first intro- 
duced is not at present with certainty known. If that of 
Vikram&ditya, dating with a most memorable event of his 
reign, came into use during its continuance, still its introduc- 
tion could not be from the first so general as at once and 
universally to supersede the former era of Yudhishthira. 
But the argument drawn from ifryabhatta's use of the ancient 
epoch, and his silence respecting the modern, so for as it goes, 
favours the presumption that he lived before the origin of the 
modern eras. Certainly he is anterior to Brahmagupta, who 
cites him in more than a hundred places by name : and to 
Varahamihira, whose compilation is founded, among other au- 
thorities, on [476] the Bomaka of Srishena, and VAsish^ha 
of Vishnuchandra, which Brahmagupta affirms to be partly 
taken from Xryabhatta. 3 The priority of this author is 
explicitly asserted likewise by the celebrated astronomer 

1 Vrihat-sanhiti. 

1 [Prof. Kern, in the preface to his ed. of Varahamihira's Vrihat-sanhite, p. 6, 
considers that Bhaftotpala meant the era of S'ali?ahana.] 
* Brahm. Siddh., c. 11, J 48—51. 


: Qanesa, who, in explanation of his own undertaking, says : 

i ' Rules framed by other holy sages were right in the Tretd 

i and Dtcdpara; but, in the present age, Par&sara's. Arya- 

3 bhatta, however, finding his imperfect, after great lapse of 

time, reformed the system. It grew inaccurate, and was 
J therefore amended by Durgasinha, Mihira, and others. This 

i again became insufficient : and correct rules were framed by 

the son of Jish^u [Brahmagupta], founded upon Brahma's 
revelation. His system also, after a long time, came to 
exhibit differences. Kesava rectified it. Now, finding this 
likewise a little incorrect after sixty years, his son Ganesa has 
perfected it, and reconciled computation and experience/ l 

Aryabhatta then preceded Brahmagupta, who lived towards 
the middle of the sixth century of the Saka era ; and Yar&- 
hamihira, placed by the chronologers of Ujjayani at the 
beginning of the fifth or of the second (for they notice two 
astronomers of the name). He is prior also to Yish^u- 
chandra, &rishena, and Durgasinha ; all of them anterior to 
the second Var&hamihira ; and an interval of two or of three 
centuries is not more than adequate to a series of astronomers 
following each other in the task of emendation, which process 
of time rendered successively requisite* 

On these considerations it is presumed, that A'ryabhatta is 
unquestionably to be placed earlier than the fifth century of 
the Saka : and probably so, by several (by [477] more than 
two or three) centuries : and not unlikely before the com- 
mencement of either Saka or Samvat eras. In other words, he 
flourished some ages before the sixth century of the Christian 
era : and perhaps lived before, or, at latest, soon after its com- 
mencement. Between these limits, either the third or the 
fourth century might be assumed as a middle term. We 
shall, however, take the fifth of Christ as the latest period to 
which Aryabhatta can, on the most moderate assumption, be 

1 Citation by Npnnha on Stir. Siddh. 


Writings and Age op Varahamihira. 

This distinguished astrological writer, a native of TTjjayanf, 
and son of Adityad&sa, 1 was author of a copious work on 
astrology, compiled, and, as he declares, abridged from earlier 
writers. It is comprised in three parts: the first on as- 
tronomy ; the second and third, on divination : together con- 
stituting a complete course. Such a course, he observes in his 
preface to the third part, has been termed by ancient writers 
Sanhita, and consists of three zkandhas or parts : the first, 
which teaches to find a planet's place by computation (ganita), 
is called tantra; the second, which ascertains lucky and 
unlucky indications, is named hard; it relates chiefly to 
nativities, journeys, and weddings ; the third, on prognostics 
relative to various matters, is denominated iakhd. The direct 
and retrograde [478] motions of planets, with their rising and 
setting, and other particulars, he goes on to say, had been 
propounded by him in a treatise termed Karana, meaning, 
as the scholiast remarks, his compilation entitled Pancha- 
siddh&ntikfi, : which constitutes the first and astronomical por- 
tion of his entire work. What relates to the first branch of 
astrology (hora\ the author adds, had likewise been delivered by 
him, including nativities and prognostics concerning journeys 
and weddings. These astrological treatises of his author, the 
scholiast observes, are entitled Vrihat-j&taka, Vrihad-yatrd, 
and Vrihad-vivaha-patala. The author proceeds to deliver 
the third part of his course, or the second on divination, 

1 Vrihat-j&taka, c. 26, § 5 ; where the author so describes himself. His 
scholiast also calls him A'vantika from his native city Ujjayani, and terms him a 
Magadha Brahman, and a compiler of astronomical scienoe. Bhaftotpala on 
Vfi.-jdt. 1. The same scholiast similarly describes him in the introduction of a 
commentary on a work of his son Prithuyatfas. 


omitting, as he says, superfluous and pithless matter, which 
abounds in the writings of his predecessors : such as questions 
and replies in dialogue, legendary tales, and the mythological 
origin of the planets. 

The third part is extant, and entire; and is generally 
known and cited by the title of Vrihat-sanhiti, or great 
course of astrology : a denomination well deserved ; for, not- 
withstanding the author's professions of conciseness, it con- 
tains about four thousand couplets distributed in more than a 
hundred chapters, or precisely (including the metrical table of 
contents) 106. 1 

Of the second part, the first section, on casting of nativities, 
called Vrihat-j&taka, is also extant, and comprises twenty- 
five chapters, or, with the metrical table of contents and 
peroration which concludes it, twenty-six.* The other two 
sections of this part of the course have not been recovered, 
though probably extant in the hands of Hindu astrologers. 

The scholia of the celebrated commentator of this author's 
works, who is usually called Bhattotpala, and who in several 
places of his commentary names himself TJtpala (quibbling 
with simulated modesty on his appellation, for [479] the 
word signifies stone), 8 are preserved; and are complete for 
the third part of the author's course, and for the first section 
of the second : and the remainder of it likewise is probably 
extant, as the copy of the first section in the possession of the 
author of this dissertation terminates abruptly after the com- 
mencement of the second. 

This commentator is noticed in the list of authorities 
furnished by the astronomers of Ujjayani, and is there stated 

1 [Edited and translated by Dr. Kern. Sanhita is here used as equiyalent to 
S'akha, or the third portion of Sanhita in its wider sense.] 

1 [Printed with TJtpala's Comm. at Benares and Bombay. C£ Kern's Preface, 
p. 26.] 

1 Preface to the commentary on the Yrihat-jataka. Conclusion of the gloss 
on ch. 18 of Vrihat-sanhita, etc. * Stone {utpala) frames the raft of interpre- 
tation to cross the ocean composed by Varahamihira.' [ Upala is the Sanskrit 
for ' stone,* not Utpala. Utpala here simply means the author's name.] 


as of the year 890 of the 6aka era (a.d. 968)} Sir William 
Jones supposed him to be the son of the author^ whose Work 
is expounded by him. The grounds of this notion, which is 
not, however, very positively advanced by that learned 
Orientalist, 8 are not set forth. No intimation of such relation 
of the scholiast to his author appears in the preface or the 
conclusion, nor in the colophon, of the commentary which 
has been inspected : nor in the body of the work, where the 
author is of course repeatedly named or referred to, without 
however any addition indicative of filial respect, as Hindu 
writers usually do employ when speaking of a parent or 
ancestor. Neither is there any hint of relationship in the 
commentary of the same scholiast Bhattotpala on a brief 
treatise of divination, entitled Prasna-koshthi, comprising fifty- 
six stanzas by Prithuyasas, son of Var&hamihira. The sug- 
gestion of the filial relation of the scholiast is probably there- 
fore a mere error. 

The Pancha*siddh&ntik& of Var&hamihira has not yet been 
recovered ; and is only at present known from [480] quota- 
tions of authors ; and particularly a number of passages cited 
from it by his scholiast in course of interpreting his astro- 
logical writings. An important passage of it so quoted will 
be noticed forthwith. 

It is a compilation, as its name implies, from five siddh- 
dntas, and they are specified in the second chapter of the 
Yrihat-sanhitd, where the author is enumerating the requisite 
qualifications of an astronomer competent to calculate a 
calendar. Among other attainments, he requires him to be 
conversant with time measured by yugas, etc. as taught in the 
five siddhdntas upon astronomy named Paulisa, Romaka, 
Y&sishtha, Saura, and Pait&maha.* 

1 [He gives the date of his Comm. on Yarahiunihira's Vrihat-jdtaka as 888 
8'ftka (a.d. 986).] 

* The words are, ' The oomment written by Bhattotpala, who, it seems, was a 
ton of the author. 1 As. Bee., vol. ii. p. 890. 

a Vrihat-sanhita, c 2. § 7. 


The title of Yarihamihira's compilation misled a writer on 
Hindu astronomy 1 into an unfounded supposition, that he 
was the acknowledged author of the five siddhdntas; the 
names of two of which, moreover, are mistaken, Soma and 
Paulastya being erroneously substituted for Bomaka and 
Paulisa. These two, as well as the Y&sishtha, are the works 
of known authors, namely, Pulisa, &rfshena, and Yishnu- 
chandra ; all three mentioned by Brahmagupta : by whom 
also the whole five siddhdntas are noticed under the very same 
names and in the same order; 8 and who has specified the 
authors of the first three. 8 The Y&sishtha of Yishnuchandra 
was indeed preceded by an earlier work (so entitled) of an 
unknown author, from which that, as well as the Bomaka, is 
in part taken ; 4 and it may be deemed an amended edition : 
but the Bomaka and Paulisa are single of the names : and no 
Hindu astronomer, possessing any knowledge of the history 
of the science cultivated by him, ever [481] could imagine, 
that Yar&hamihira composed the work which takes its name 
from Pulisa, the distinguished founder of a sect or school in 
astronomy opposed to that of Aryabhatta. 

The passage of the Pancha-siddh&ntik& cited by the 
scholiast, 5 and promised to be here noticed, has been quoted in 
an essay inserted in the Researches of the Asiatic Society, 9 
as well as a parallel passage of the Yrihat-sanhitd, 7 both 
relative to the ancient and actual position of the colures ; and 
deemed parallel (though one be less precise than the other), 
since they are cited together as of the same author, and con- 
sequently as of like import, by the scholiast. 8 The text of 
the Yrihat-sanhit& is further authenticated by a quotation 
of it in the commentary of Prithudaka on Brahmagupta ; • 
and the former position of the colures is precisely that which 

1 As. Res., vol. viiL p. 190. * Brahma-siddhanta, c. 14. 

• Ibid. c. 11. * Ibid. 

* On Vrihat-sanhita, 0. 2. • See page 340 of the present volume, 
' C. 3. f 1 and 2. « On Vrihat-sanL c. 2. 

9 Brahm.-siddh&nta, c. xi. § 64. 

vol. in. [essays n.] 28 


is described in the calendar appendant on the Vedaa, 1 and 
which is implied in a passage of Par&sara concerning the 
seasons, which is quoted by Bhattotpala. 

The position of the colures, affirmed as actual in his time 
by Yarahamihira, in the Vrihat-sanhit&, implies an antiquity 
of either 1216 or 1440 years before a.d. 1800, according to 
the origin of the ecliptic determined from the star Chitr& 
(Spica Virginia), distant either 180° or 183° from it ; or a still 
greater antiquity, if it be taken to have corresponded more 
nearly with the Grecian celestial sphere. The mean of the 
two numbers (disregarding the surmise of greater antiquity), 
carries him to a.d. 472. If Yarahamihira concurred with 
those Indian astronomers, who allow an oscillation of the 
equinox to 27° in [482] 1800 years, or a complete oscillation 
of that extent both E. and W. in 7200 years, he must have 
lived soon after the year 3600 of the Kali yuga^ or 421 &aka, 
answering to a.d. 499 ; which is but six years from the date 
assigned to him by the astronomers of Ujjayani, and twenty- 
seven from the mean before inferred. 

It is probable, therefore, that he flourished about the close 
of the fifth century of the Christian era ; * and this inference 
is corroborated by the mention of an astrologer of this name 
in the Panchatantra, the Sanskrit original of the fables of 
Pilpay, translated in the reign of Nushirv&n, King of Persia, 
in the latter part of the sixth century and beginning of the 
seventh, 3 

To that conclusion there is opposed an argument drawn 
from a passage of the Eh&swatf-karana ; in which the author 
of that treatise, dated 1021 6aka (a.d. 1098), professes to 
have derived instruction from Mihira, meaning, it is supposed, 

1 See Essays, vol. i. p. [108]. 

* [Dr. Bhau D&ji (J.R.A.S. 1864) has shown that Yarahamihira died in 509 
S'aka, a.d. 587. The date in the Ujjayini list, S'aka 427 {sup. p. 415), may 
refer to his birth.] 

* Fref. to the Sanskrit edition of the Hitopaderfa, printed at Serampur. (See 
page 163 of the present volume.) 


oral instruction from Yar&hamihira ; and the argument has 
been supported by computations which make the Surya-siddh- 
&nta and J&tak&rnava, the latter ascribed to Yar&hamihira, 
to be both works of the same period, and as modern as the 
eleventh century. 1 

To this it has been replied, that the Mihira, from whom 
Sat&nanda, author of the Bh&swati, derived instruction, ia not 
the same person or personage with the author of the Yrihat- 
sanhit& ; if indeed Sat&nanda's expression do intend the same 
name, Yar&ha.* That expression must be allowed to be a very 
imperfect designation, which omits half, and that the most 
distinctive half, of an appellation : and it is not such as would 
be applied [483] by a contemporary and auditor to an author 
and lecturer, whose celebrity could not yet be so generally 
diffused as to render a part of his name a sufficient intimation 
of the remainder, without previous and well-established asso- 
ciation of the terms. But even conceding the interpretation, 
it would then be right to admit a third Yar&hamihira, besides 
the two noticed by the chronologists of Ujjayani ; and the 
third will be an astronomer, contemporary with R&ja Bhoja- 
deva, and the preceptor of Sat&nanda, and author of the 
J&tak&rnava, supposing this- treatise on nativities to be pro- 
perly ascribed to an author bearing that name, and to be on 
sufficient grounds referred to the eleventh century. 

There remains to be here noticed another treatise on casting 
of nativities, to which the same favourite name of a celebrated 
astrologer is affixed. It is a concise tract entitled Laghu- 
j&taka : and its authenticity as a work of the astrologer of 
Ujjayani is established by the verifying of a quotation of the 
scholiast Bhattotpala, who cites a passage of his author's 
compendious treatise on the same subject (swalpa-jdtaka), in 
course of expounding a rule of prognostication concerning the 
destination of a prince to the throne, and his future character 
as a monarch (Yrihat-j&taka, 11, 1). That passage occurs in 

1 As Res., vol ri. p. 572. * See page 342 of the present rolume. 


the Laghu-j&taka (Misc. Ohap.). It is hardly to be supposed 
that the same writer can have given a third treatise on the 
same subject of nativities, entitled J&tak&r$ava. 

The question concerning the age of the Stirya-siddhinta 
remains for consideration. It is a very material one, as both 
Yar&hamihira and Brahmagupta speak of a Saura (or Solar) 
siddh&nta, which is a title of the same import : and unless a 
work bearing this title may have existed earlier than the age 
which is assigned, for reasons to be at a future time examined, 
to the Surya-siddh&nta, [484] the conclusions respecting the 
periods when they respectively wrote are impeached in the 
degree in which those grounds of calculation may deserve 
confidence. Those grounds in detail will be discussed at a 
separate opportunity. But independently of this discussion 
of their merits, sufficient evidence does exist to establish that 
more than one edition of a treatise of astronomy has borne the 
name of Surya (with its synonyma) the sun. For Lakshmi- 
dasa cites one under the title of Vphat-surya-siddh&nta 1 (for 
a passage which the current solar Siddh&nta does not exhibit), 
in contradistinction to another more frequently cited by him 
without the distinctive epithet of Yrihat : and in these latter 
instances his quotations admit of verification. A reference of 
Bh&skara to a passage of the Saura, or, as explained by his 
, own annotation, the Surya-siddh&nta, does not agree with the 
text of the received Sdrya-siddh&nta.* His commentators 
indeed do not unreservedly conclude from the discrepancy a 
difference of the work quoted, and that usually received under 
the same title. Yet the inference seems legitimate. At all 
events the quotation from the Yrihat-sdrya-siddh&nta, in the 
GaqLita-tattwa-chint&mani of Lakshmid&sa, proves beyond 
question, that in that commentator's opinion, and consistently 
with his knowledge, more than one treatise bearing the same 
name existed. 

1 Ga^-tattwa-chint. on Spherics of S'iromani, ch. 4. Cong, of Sines. 
* See page 330 of the present Yolume. 


There is evidence besides of Arabian writers, that a system 
of astronomy bearing the equivalent title of Xrka (Solar) was 
one of three, which were found by them current among the 
Hindus, when the Arabs obtained a knowledge of the Indian 
astronomy in the time of the Abbasside Khalifs, about the 
close of the eighth century or commencement of the ninth of 
the Christian era. 1 ifrkand, [485] the name by which the 
Arabs designate one of those three astronomical systems, 
assigning it as an Indian term, is the well-known corruption of 
Xrka in the common dialects, 9 and is familiar in the application 
of the same word as a name of a plant (Asclepias gigantea), 
which bearing all the synonyma of the sun, is called vulgarly 
Xkand or Xrkand. 

The solar doctrine of astronomy appears then to have been 
known by this name to the Arabians as one of the three 
Indian astronomical systems a thousand years ago. The feet 
is, that both the title and the system are considerably more 
ancient. Revisions of systems occasionally take place ; like 
Brahmagupta's revisal of the Brahma-siddh&nta, to adapt and 
modernize them; or, in other words, for the purpose, as 
Brahmagupta intimates, of reconciling computation and ob- 
servation. The Surya or Arka-siddh&nta, no doubt, has 
undergone this process, and actually exhibits manifest indica- 
tions of it. 5 

In every view, it is presumed that any question concerning 
the present text of the Surya-siddh&nta, or determination of 
that question, will leave untouched the evidence for the age 
of the author of the Vrihat-sanhitd, Var&hamihira, son of 
j&lityad&sa, an astrologer of Ujjayani, who appears to have 
flourished at the close of the fifth or beginning of the sixth 
century of the Christian era. He was preceded, as it seems, 

1 See note N. 

1 [Albtruni explains A'rkand as the corruption of the Sanskrit ahargatp* 
< number of the days/ This term was first used by Brahmagupta. — Remand's 
Mimoire, p. 322, ef. also p. 354.] 

* As. Res., vol ii. p. 236. 


by another of the same name, who lived, according to the 
chronologists of TTjjayaiii, at the close of the second century. 
He may have been followed by a third, who is said to hare 
flourished at the court of R&ji Bhoja-deva of Dh&ri, and to 
have had Sat&nanda* the author of the Bh&swati, for his 


Introduction and Progress of Algebra among the 



[486] Leonardo of Pisa was unquestionably the first who 
made known the Arabian algebra to Christian Europe. The 
fact was, indeed, for a time disputed, and the pretensions of 
the Italians to the credit of being the first European nation 
which cultivated algebra, were contested, upon vague surmises 
of a possible, and therefore presumed probable, communication 
of the science of algebra, together with that of arithmetic, by 
the Saracens of Spain to their Christian neighbours in the 
Peninsula, and to others alleged to have resorted thither for 
instruction. The conjecture hazarded by Wallis (Algebra, 
Historical and Practical) on this point, was assisted by a 
strange blunder, in which Blancanus was followed by Yossius 
and a herd of subsequent writers, concerning the age of 
Leonardo, placed by them precisely two centuries too low. 
The claims of the Italians in his favour, and for themselves as 
his early disciples, were accordingly resisted with a degree of 
acrimony (Gua, Mem. de l'Acad. des Sc, 1741, p. 436), 
which can only be accounted for by that disposition to de- 
traction, which occasionally manifests itself in the literary, as 
in the idler, walks of society. The evidence of his right to 
acknowledgments for transplanting Arabian algebra into 
Europe was for a long period ill set forth : but, when diligently 


sought, and carefully adduced, doubt was removed and op- 
position silenced. 1 

The merit of vindicating his claim belongs chiefly to 
Cossali.* A manuscript of Leonardo's treatise on [487] 
arithmetic and algebra, bearing the title of Liber Abbaci 
composite a Leonardo filio Bonacci Pisano in anno 1202, 
was found towards the middle of the last century by Targioni 
Tozzetti 3 in the Magliabecchian library at Florence, of which 
he had the care ; and another work of that author, on square 
numbers, was afterwards found by the same person inserted 
in an anonymous compilation, treating of computation, (un 
trattato d'Abbaco), in the library of a royal hospital at the 
same place. A transcript of one more treatise of the same 
writer was noticed by Tozzetti in the Magliabecchian collec- 
tion, entitled Leonardi Pisani de film Bonacci Practica 
Oeometriw composita anno 1220. The subject of it is con- 
fined to mensuration of land ; and being mentioned by the 
author in his epistle prefixed to the revised Liber Abbaci, 
shows the revision to be of later date. It appears to be of 
1228. 4 Tozzetti subsequently met with a second copy of the 
Liber Abbaci in Magliabecchi's collection : but it is described 
by him as inaccurate and incomplete. 5 A third has been since 
discovered in the Biccardian collection, also at Florence : and 
a fourth, but imperfect one, was communicated by Nelli to 
Cossali.* No diligence of research has, however, regained any 
trace of the volume which contained Leonardo's treatise on 
square numbers : the library in which it was seen having been 
dispersed previously to Cossali's inquiries. 

It appears from a brief account of himself and his travels, 
and the motives of his undertaking, which Leonardo has 

1 Montacla, 2nd Ed. Additions. 

* Origine, etc. dell* Algebra. Parma, 1797. 
' Viaggi, toI. L and tL Edit 1761—1754. 
« Coaaali, Origine, etc. o. 1. { 5. 

» Viaggi, vol. ii. Edit. 1768. 

• Origine, etc. dell' Algebra, c 2. § L 


introduced into his preface to the Liber Abbaci, that he [488] 
travelled into Egypt, Barbary, Syria, Greece, and Sicily ; 
that being in his youth at Bugia in Barbary, where his lather 
Bonacci held an employment of scribe at the Custom-house, by 
appointment from Pisa, for Pisan merchants resorting thither, 
he was there grounded in the Indian method of accounting 
by nine numerals : and that finding it more commodious, and 
&r preferable to that which was used in other countries visited 
by him, he prosecuted the study, 1 and with some additions of 
his own and taking some things from Euclid's geometry, he 
undertook the composition of the treatise in question, that 
" the Latin race might no longer be found deficient in the 
complete knowledge of that method of computation." In 
the epistle prefixed to the revision of his work he professes 
to have taught the complete doctrine of numbers according to 
the Indian method. 8 

His peregrinations then, and his study of the Indian com- 
putation through the medium of Arabic, in an African city, 
took place towards the close of the twelfth century ; the 
earliest date of his work being a.c. 1202. 

He had been preceded by more than two centuries, in the 
study of arithmetic under Muhammadan instructors, by Ger- 
bert (the Pope Silvester II.), 3 whose ardour for the acquisition 
of knowledge led him, at the termination of a two years' 
noviciate as a Benedictine, to proceed by stealth into Spain, 
where he learnt astrology from the Saracens, and with it more 
valuable science, especially [489] arithmetic. This, upon his 
return, he communicated to Christian Europe, teaching the 
method of numbers under the designation of Abacus, a name 
apparently first introduced by him (rationes numeroruni 

1 Quare ampleotens itricthis ipram modum Yndornm, et aotentixw Btadens in 
eo, ex proprio sensu qnndam addons, et qusedam ex subtUitatibus Euolidis 
geometric artia apponens, etc 

* Plenam numerorum doctriaam edidi Yndorwn, quern modum in ipsa scientia 
pnestantiorem elegi. 

3 Archbishop in 992 ; Pope in 999 ; died in 1003. 

■ » ■ ■• I 


Abaci 1 ), by rules abstruse and difficult to be understood, as 
William pf Malmesbury affirms: Abacum eerie primus a 
Saraeenis rapiem, regulas dedit, qua a sudantibus Abacistis 
via intettiguntur? It was probably owing to this obscurity 
of his rules and manner of treating the Arabian, or rather 
Indian arithmetic, that it made so little progress between his 
time and that of the Pisan. 

Leonardo's work is a treatise of arithmetic, terminated, as 
Arabic treatises of computation are similarly, 8 by the solution 
of equations of the two first degrees. In the enumeration 
and exposition of the parts comprised in his fifteenth chapter, 
which is his last, he says, Tertia erit super modum Algebra 
et Almuedbala; and, beginning to treat of it, Incipit pars 
tertia de solutione quarundam quastionum secundum modum 
Algebra et Almucabala, scilicet eppositionis et restaurationis. 
The sense of the Arabic terms is here given in the inverse 
order, as has been remarked by Gossali, and as clearly appears 
from Leonardo's process of resolving an equation, which will 
be hereafter shown. 

He premises the observation, that in number three con- 
siderations are distinguished ; one simple and absolute, which 
is that of number in itself; the other two relative, being those 
of root and of square. The latter, as he adds, [490] is called 
census, which is the term he afterwards employs throughout. 

It is the equivalent of the Arabic mdl, which properly 
signifies wealth, estate ; and census seems therefore to be here 
employed by Leonardo, on account of its correspondent ac- 
ceptation (quicquid fortunarum quis habet. Steph.) ; in like 
manner as he translates the Arabic shai by res, thing, as a 
designation of the root unknown. 

He accordingly proceeds to observe that the simple number, 
the root, and the square (census), are equalled together in six 

1 Ep. prefixed to his Treatise De Numeroram Divisione. Oerb. Ep. 160. 
(Ed. 1611.) * De Gertie Anglorum, c. 2. 

* See Mr. Strachey's examination of the Khulasatu'l hisab, As. Bee. Vol xii- 
Early History of Algebra. 


ways : so that six forms of equality are distinguished ; the 
three first of which are called simple, and the three others 
compound The order in which he arranges them is precisely 
that which is copied by Paciolo. 1 It differs by a slight trans- 
position from the order in which they occur in the earliest 
Arabic treatises of algebra; 9 and which, no doubt, was retained 
in the Italian version from the Arabic executed by Guglielmo 
di Lunis, and others who are noticed by Oossali upon indica- 
tions which are pointed out by him. 5 For Paciolo cautions 
the reader not to regard the difference of arrangement, as 
this is a matter of arbitrary choice. 4 Leonardo's six-fold 
distinction, reduced to the modern algebraic notation, is 1st, 
x x — j) x. 2nd, x l — n . 3rd, p %=n. 4th, x*+p x=n. 5th, 
p x+n=af. 6th, &+n=p x. In Paciolo's abridged notation 
it is 1st, & e f. 2nd, <f e n°. 3rd, c» e n°, etc. 5 The Arabic 
arrangement, in the treatise of the Khuwarazmite, is, 1st, 

x*=p x. 2nd, x % n . 3rd, p x=n. 4th, x*+p z=n. 5th, 

x*+n=p x. 6th, p x+n=zx*. Later compilations transfer 
the third of these to the first place. 6 

[491] Like the Arabs, Leonardo omits and passes unnoticed 
the fourth form of quadratic equations, x*+p x+n=o. It 
could not, indeed, come within the Arabian division of equa- 
tions into simple, between species and species, and compound, 
between one species and two: 7 quantity being either stated 
affirmatively, or restored in this algebra to the positive form. 
Paciolo expressly observes that in no other but these six ways 
is any equation between those quantities possible : Attramenie 
che in quetti 6 discorsi modi non e possibile alcuna loro equations 

Leonardo's resolution of the three simple cases of equation 
is not exhibited by Oossali. It is, however, the same, no 
doubt, with that which is taught by Paciolo; and which 
precisely agrees with the rules contained in the Arabic 

1 Summa de Arithmetics, etc * See note N. 

8 Origine, eta, dell' Alg. 4 Summa, 8, 5, 6. 

* Summa, 8, 5, 5. « Khuidsutu'l hisdb. 

' KhuldMtul hisdb. 



books. 1 To facilitate comparison, and obviate distant re- 
ference, Paciolo's rules are here subjoined in fewer words than 
he employs, 
i 1st. Divide the things by the squares [coefficient by co- 

f efficient], the quotient is the value of thing. 

i 2nd. Divide the number by the squares [by the coefficient 

i of the square], the root of the quotient is the value of thing. 

> 3rd. Divide the number by the things [that is, by the 

i coefficient], the quotient is the value of thing. 9 

\ The resolution of the three cases of compound equations 

i is delivered by Gossali from Leonardo, contracting his rugged 

i Latin into modern algebraic form. 

1st. Be a?+p x=n. Then a?=— \ p+ V(i !*+»)• 
2nd. Be £=p x\«. Then x=\ p+ \/(J p*+n). 
3rd. Be <x?+n=p x. Then, if J p % £ n, the equation is 
[492] impossible. If J p?=n 9 then a=J p. If £ & 7 n, then 
«=* p- V(i j>*-»), or =| p+VQ ^-h). 

He adds the remark : Et sic, si non solvetur qucestio cum 
diminutione, solvetur cum additions 

The rules are the same which are found in the Arabic 
treatises of algebra. 8 The same rules will be likewise found 
in the work of Paciolo, expressed with his usual verboseness 
in his Italian text : to which, in this instance, he has added 
in the margin the same instructions delivered in a conciser 
form in Latin memorial verses. As they are given at length 
by Montucla, it is unnecessary to cite them in this place. On 
the subject of the impossible case Paciolo adds, as a Notandum 
utilissimum, ' Sel numero qual si trova in la ditta equations ac- 
compagnato con lo censo, sel nan e minore o veramente equate al 
quadrate de la mita de le case, el caso essere insoluUle : e per 
consequent dico aguaglimento non potere avenire per alcun 
tnodo.' Summa, 8, 4, 12. 

Concerning the two roots of the quadratic equation in the 
other case, under the same head, he thus expands the short 

1 See note .N; and Ai. Res., yoL xil ' Summa, 8, 5, 6. * See note N. 


concluding remark of Leonardo: Sicche Puno e Pattro modo 
eatiefa al tema : ma a le volte $e have la verita a Puno modo 9 
a le volte a Paltro; l el perche, ee cavando la radice del ditto 
remanente de la mita de le cote non eaiiefaceeee al tema, la ditta 
radice aggiongni a la mita de le cose, e averai el queeito : e nun 
fallara che a Puno di tax modi non sia satis/otto al queeito, doe 
giongnendo la, oveero cavando la del dimeciamento de le cose. 
Surama, 8, 4, 12. 

Bombelli remarks somewhat differently on the same point. 
Net quesiti alcuna volta, ben che di rado, il reetante non eervi, 
ma ben si la somma sempre. Alg. 2, 262. 

[493] The rules for the resolution of compound equations 
are demonstrated by Leonardo upon rectilinear figures ; and in 
the last instance he has reference to Euclid. — Lib. 2. Th. 5. 
There is room then to surmise, that some of the demonstra- 
tions are among the additions which he professes to have made. 

Among the many problems which he proceeds to resolve, 
two of which are selected by Cossali for instances of his man- 
ner, it will be sufficient to cite one, in the resolution of which 
the whole thread of his operations is exhibited ; substituting, 
however, the more compendious modern signs. His manner 
of conducting the algebraic process may be fully understood 
from this single instance. 

Problem: To divide the number 10 into two parts, such 
that dividing one by the other, and adding 10 to the sum of 
the quotient, and multiplying the aggregate by the greater, 
the amount is finally 114. 

Let the right line a be the greater of the parts sought ; 
which I call thing (quam pono rem) : and the right line b g 
equal to 10 : to which are joined in the same direction g d,de, 
representing the quotients of division of the parts, one by the 
other. Since a multiplied by b e is equal to 114, therefore 
axb g+axg d+axd 6=114; and taking from each side 
ax J g, there will be axg d+axd e=zll4— axb g. Be g d 
4 Compare with Hindu algebra. V^j.-g*^ ,{ 130 and 142. 



the quotient 10— a, there will arise 10— a+axd e=114— 

•— — i^«-» 

axb 9=114—10 a; since b g is equal to 10. Whence ax 
d e=104— 9 a. Bat d e is the quotient a : wherefore 

<fi =104-9 a. So that ^=1040-194 a+9 a\ Be- 


store diminished things (restaura res diminutas), and take one 
square from each side (et extrahe unum censum ab utraque 
parte), the remainder [494] is 8 (£+ 1040=194 a; and 
dividing by eight, a* +130=24 J a; and resolving this ac- 
cording to rule, a=97— V /97\ f - 130=97- 33=8 : con- 

8 ^8' 8 8 

sequently 10— a=2. 

Besides his great work on arithmetic and algebra, Leonardo 
was author of a separate treatise, as already intimated, on 
square numbers. Reference is formally made to it by Paciolo, 
who drew largely from this source, and who mentions Le quali 
domande (questions concerning square numbers) sone difficillis- 
rime quanto ala demonstratione dela practica : comme sa chi ben 
f a scrutinato. Maxime Leonardo Pisano in un particulare 
tractato eke fa de quadratis numeris intitulato. Dove can 
grande sforzo se ingegna dare norma e regola a rimili solutioni. 
Summa 1, 4, 6. 

The directions for the solution of such problems being 
professedly taken by Paciolo chiefly from Leonardo, and 
the problems themselves which are instanced by him being 
probably so, it can be no difficult task to restore the lost 
work of Leonardo on this subject. The divination has ac- 
cordingly been attempted by Cossali, and with a considerable 
degree of success. (Origine, etc. dell* Algebra, c. 5.) 

Among problems of this sort which are treated by Paciolo 
after Leonardo, several are found in the current Arabic 
treatises ; others, which belong to the indeterminate analysis, 


occur in the algebraic treatises of the Hindus ; some, which 
are more properly Diophantine, may have been taken from the 
Arabic translation, or commentary, of the work of Diophantos. 
Leonardo's endeavour to reduce the solution of such problems 
to general rule and system, according to Paciolo's intimation 
of his efforts towards that end, must have been purely his 
own : as nothing systematic to this effect is to be found in the 
[495] Arabic treatises of algebra ; and as he clearly had no 
communication through his Arab instructors, nor any know- 
ledge of the Hindu methods for the general resolution of in- 
determinate problems, simple or quadratic. 

Montucla, who had originally underrated the performance 
of Leonardo, seems to have finally conceded to it a merit 
rather beyond its desert, when he ascribes to that author the 
resolution of certain biquadratics as derivative equations of 
the second degree. The derivative rules were, according to 
Cardan's affirmation, added to the original ones of Leonardo 
by an uncertain author; and placed with the principal by 
Paciolo. Cardan's testimony in this respect is indeed not 
conclusive, as the passage in which the subject is mentioned is 
in other points replete with errors ; attributing the invention 
of algebra to Muhammad son of Musa, and alleging the tes- 
timony of Leonardo to that point ; limiting Leonardo's rules 
to four, and intimating that Paciolo introduced the derivative 
rules in the same place with the principal : all which is 
unfounded and contrary to the fact. Cossali, however, who 
seems to have diligently examined Leonardo's remains, does 
not claim this honour for his author ; but appears to admit 
Cardan's position, that the derivative, or, as they are termed 
by Paciolo, the proportional equations, and rules for the 
solution of them, were devised by an uncertain author, and 
introduced by Paciolo into his compilation under a separate 
head: which actually is the case. (Summa, 8, 6, 2, etc.) 

In regard to the blunder, in which Montucla copied earlier 
writers, respecting the time when Leonardo of Pisa flourished, 


he has defended himself (2nd edit. Additions) against the 
reprehension of Cossali, upon the plea, that he was not bound 
to know of manuscripts existing in certain libraries of Italy, 
which served to show the age in [496] which that author 
lived. The excuse is not altogether valid: for Targioni 
Tozzetti had announced to the public the discovery of the 
manuscripts in question, with the date, and a sufficient in- 
timation of the contents, several years before the first volumes 
of Montucla's History of Mathematics appeared. 1 

I am withheld from further animadversion on the negligence 
of an author who has in other respects deserved well of science, 
by the consideration, that equal want of research, and in the 
very same instance, has been manifested by more recent 
writers, and among our own countrymen. Even so lately as in 
the past year (1816) a distinguished mathematician, writing 
in the Encyclopaedia which bears the national appellation, 8 
has relied on obsolete authorities and antiquated disquisitions 
concerning the introduction of the denary numerals into 
Europe, and shown total unacquaintance with what was made 
public sixty years ago by Targioni Tozzetti, and amply dis- 
cussed by Cossali in a copious work on the progress of algebra 
in Italy, and in an earlier one on the origin of arithmetic, 
published more than twenty years since: matter fully re- 
cognized by Montucla in his second edition, and briefly 
noticed in common biographical dictionaries. 3 

In the article of the Encyclopaedia to which reference has 
been just made, the author is not less unfortunate in all that he 
says concerning the Hindus and their arithmetical knowledge. 
He describes the Lil&vati as "a short and [497] meagre 
performance headed with a silly preamble and colloquy of 
the gods." (Where he got this colloquy is difficult to divine ; 

1 Targioni Tozzetti's first volume bean date 1751. His sixth (the last of his 
first edition) 1754. Montucla' s first two volumes were published in 1758. 

* Encycl. Brit. Supp. art. Arithmetic. 

* Diet Hist par Chandon et Dalandine: art Leonard de Pise. 7 Edit, 
(1789). Probably in earlier editions likewise. 


the Lil&vati contains none.) " The examples/ 9 he says, " are 
generally very easy, and only written on the margin with red 
ink." (Not so written in any one among the many copies 
collated or inspected.) " Of fractions," he adds, " whether 
decimal or vulgar, it treats not at all.** (See ch. 2, sect. 3, 
and ch. 4, sect. 2, also § 138.) 

He goes on to say, " The Hindus pretend, that this arith- 
metical treatise was composed about the year 1185 of the 
Christian era, etc." Everything in that passage is erroneous. 
The date of the Lilavati is 1150, at the latest The un- 
certainty of the age of a manuscript does not, as suggested, 
affect the certainty of the date of the original composition. 
It is not true, as alleged, that the Oriental transcriber is 
accustomed to incorporate without scruple such additions in 
the text as he thinks fit. Nor is it practicable for him to do 
so with a text arranged in metre, of which the lines are 
numbered : as is the case with Sanskrit text-books in general. 
Goilation demonstrates that no such liberty has been taken 
with the particular book in question. 

The same writer affirms, that " the Persians, though no 
longer sovereigns of Hindustan, yet display their superiority 
over the feeble G-entoos, since they generally fill the offices of 
the revenue, and have the reputation of being the most expert 
calculators in the East." This is literally and precisely the 
reverse of the truth ; as every one knows, who has read or 
heard anything concerning India. 

The author is not more correct when he asserts, that "it 
appears from a careful inspection of the manuscripts preserved 
in the different public libraries in Europe, that the Arabians 
were not acquainted with the denary numerals [498] before 
the middle of the thirteenth century of the Christian era." 
Leonardo of Pisa had learned the Indian numerals from 
Arabian instruction in the twelfth century, and taught the 
use of them in the second year of the thirteenth: and the 
Arabs were in possession of the Indian mode of computation 


by these numerals so far back as the eighth century of the 
Christian era. 1 

To return to the subject. 

After Leonardo of Pisa, and before the invention of the 
art of printing, and publication of the first printed treatise on 
the science, by Paciolo, algebra was diligently cultivated by 
the Italian mathematicians ; it was publicly taught by pro- 
fessors ; treatises were written on it, "and recurrence was again 
had to the Arabian source. A translation of " the Rule of 
Algebra " (La Begola dell* Algebra) from the Arabic into the 
language of Italy, by Guglielmo di Lunis, is noticed at the 
beginning of the Bagionamento di Algebra by Baffaelo 
Caracci, the extant manuscript of which is considered by an- 
tiquarians to be of the fourteenth century. 9 A translation of 
the original treatise of Muhammad ben Musa, the Khuwaraz- 
mite, appears to have been current in Italy : and was seen at 
a later period by both Cardan and Bombelli. 3 Paolo della 
Pergola, Demetrio Bragadini, and Antonio Cornaro, are named 
by Paciolo as successively filling the professor's chair at 
Venice ; the latter his own fellow-disciple. He himself taught 
algebra publicly at Peroscia at two different periods. In the 
preceding age a number of treatises on algorithm, some of 
them with that title: others, like Leonardo's, entitled De 
Abaco, and [499] probably like his touching on algebra as 
well as arithmetic, were circulated. Paolo di Dagomari, in 
particular, a mathematician living in the middle of the four- 
teenth century, obtained the surname of Dell' Abaco for his 
skill in the science of numbers, and is besides said to have been 
conversant with equations (whether algebraic or astronomical 
may indeed be questioned), as well as geometry. 4 

With the art of printing came the publication of Paciolo, and 
the subsequent history of the inventions in algebra by Italian 
masters, is too well known to need to be repeated in this place. 

1 See note N. * Cossali, Orig. etc. dell' Algebra, vol. i. p. 7. 

* Ibid. vol. i. p. 9. Cardan, An Magna, 6. * Cossali, vol. i. p. 9. 

vol. m. [essays ii.] 29 



Arithmetics of Diophantus. 

Five copies of Diophantus, viz. three in the Vatican 
(Cossali, Oriff. delV Alg. i. 4, § 2.); Xylander's, supposed 
(Goss. ib. § 5.) to be the same with the Palatine inspected by 
Saumaise, though spoken of as distinct by Bachet (Epist. ad 
led.) ; and the Parisian used by Bachet himself (ib.) ; all con- 
tain the same text. But one of the Vatican copies, believed 
to be that which Bombelli consulted, distributes a like portion 
of text into seven instead of six books. (Goss. ib. § 5.) In 
truth the division of manuscript books is very uncertain : and 
it is by no means improbable, that the remains of Diophantus, 
as we possess them, may be less incomplete, and constitute a 
larger portion of the thirteen books announced by him (fief. 
11), than is commonly reckoned. His treatise on polygon 
numbers, which is surmised to be one (and that the last) of the 
thirteen, follows, as it seems, the six (or [500] seven) books 
in the exemplars of the work, as if the preceding portion were 
complete. It is itself imperfect : but the manner is essentially 
different from that of the foregoing books : and the solution of 
problems by equations is no longer the object, but rather the 
demonstration of propositions. There appears no ground, 
beyond bare surmise, to presume, that the author, in the rest 
of the tracts relative to numbers, which fulfilled his promise of 
thirteen books, resumed the algebraic manner : or, in short, 
that the algebraic part of his performance is at all mutilated 
in the copies extant, which are considered to be all transcripts 
of a single imperfect exemplar. (Bachet, Ep. ad led.) 

It is indeed alleged, that the resolution of compound equa- 
tions (two species left equal to one) which Diophantus pro- 
mises (Def. 11) to show subsequently, bears reference to a 
lost part of his work. But the author, after confining him 


self to cases of simple equations (one species equal to one 
species) in the first three books, passes occasionally to com- 
pound equations (two species equal to one, and even two equal 
to two species) in the three following books. See iv. Q. 33 ; 
vi. Q. 6 and 19 ; and fiachet on Def. 11, and i. Q. 33. In 
various instances he pursues the solution of the problem, 
until he arrives at a final quadratic equation ; and, as in the 
case of a simple equation, he then merely states the value in- 
ferrible, without specifying the steps by which he arrives at the 
inference. See iv. Q. 23 ; vi. Q. 7, 9 and 11. But, in other 
places, the steps are sufficiently indicated : particularly iv. Q. 
33 and 45 ; v. Q. 13 ; vi. Q. 24 : and his method of resolving 
the equation is tho same with the second of Brahmagupta's 
rules for the resolution of quadratics (Brahm. 18, § 34). The 
first of the Hindu author's rules, the same with £ridhara's 
quoted by Bh&akara (Vij.-gan. § 131; Brahm. 18, § 32), 
differs from that of Nugnez (Nonius) quoted by [501] Bachet 
(on Dioph. i. 33), in dispensing with the preliminary step of 
reducing the square term to a single square: a preparation 
which the Arabs first introduced, as well as the distinction of 
three cases of quadratics : for it was practised neither by 
Diophantus, nor by the Hindu algebraists. 

Diophantus has not been more explicit, nor methodical, on 
simple, than on compound, equations. But there is no reason 
to conclude, that he returned to either subject in a latter part 
of his work, for the purpose of completing the instruction, or 
better explaining the method of conducting the resolution of 
those equations. Such does not seem to be the manner of his 
arithmetics, in which general methods and comprehensive rules 
are wanting. It is rather to be inferred, as Cossali does, from 
the compendious way in which the principles of Algebra are 
delivered, or alluded to, by him, that the determinate analysis 
was previously not unknown to the Greeks, wheresoever they 
got it; and that Diophantus, treating of it cursorily as a 
matter already understood, gives all his attention to cases of 


indeterminate analysis, in which perhaps he had no Greek 
precursor. (Ooss. Orig. delV Alg. i. 4, § 10.) He certainly 
intimates, that some part of what he proposes to teach is new : 
tcrcy? fiev ovv Sotcei to irparfpa ivayepearepov hreiSff) pffma 
yv<opc/MOp i<rn. While in other places (Def. 10) he expects the 
student to be previously exercised in the algorithm of algebra. 
The seeming contradiction is reconciled by conceiving the 
principles to have been known ; but the application of them 
to a certain class of problems concerning numbers to have 
been new. 

Concerning the probable antiquity of the Diophantine 
algebra, all that can be confidently affirmed is, that it is not 
of later date than the fourth century of Christ. Among the 
works of Hypatia, who was murdered [502] a.d. 415, as they 
are enumerated by Suidas, is a commentary on a work of a 
Diophantus, most likely this author. An epigram in the 
Greek anthologia (lib. ii. c. 22 l ) is considered with probability 
to relate to him : but the age of its author Lucillius is un- 
certain. Bachet observes, that, so far as can be conjectured, 
Lucillius lived about the time of Nero. This, however, is 
mere conjecture. 9 

Diophantus is posterior to Hypsicles, whom he cites in the 
treatise on polygon numbers. (Prop. 8.) This should 
furnish another fixed point. But the date of Hypsicles is not 
well determined. He is reckoned the author, or at least the 
reviser, 8 of two books subjoined to Euclid's elements, and 
numbered 14th and 15th. In the introduction, he makes 
mention of Apollonius, one of whose writings, which touched 
on the ratio of the dodecaedron and icosaedron inscribed in 
the same sphere, was considered by Basilides of Tyre, and by 
the father of him (Hypsicles), as incorrect, and was amended 
by them accordingly : but subsequently he (Hypsicles) met 
with another work of Apollonius, in which the investigation 

» [xi. 103.] » [But. cf. ix. 672.] 

' Tdrikhttl hukamd, cited by Caairi, Bibl Arab. HUp., toL i. p. 346. The 
Arabian author uses the word ailah, * amended.* 


of the problem was satisfactory, and the demonstration of the 
proposition correct. Here again Bachet observes, that, so far 
as can be conjectured, from the manner in which he speaks of 
Apollonius, he must have lived not long after him. Cossali 
goes a little further: and concludes, on the same grounds, that 
they were nearly contemporary. {Orig. dell 9 Alg. i. 4, § 4.) 
The grounds seem inadequate to support any such conclusion : 
and all that can be certainly inferred is, that Hypsicles of 
Alexandria was posterior to Apollonius, who flourished in the 
reign of Ptolemy Euergetes : two hundred years before Christ. 

[503] Several persons of the name of Diophantus are 
noticed by Greek authors; but none whose place of abode, 
profession, or avocations, seem to indicate any correspondence 
with those of the mathematician and algebraist : one, a praetor 
of Athens, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus, Zenobius, and 
Suidas ; another, secretary of King Herod, put to death for 
forgery, as noticed by Tzetzes ; and a third, the instructor of 
Libanius in eloquence, named by Suidas in the article con- 
cerning that sophist and rhetorician. 

The Armenian Abu*lfaraj places the algebraist Diophantus 
under the Emperor Julian. But it may be questioned, whether 
he has any authority for that date, besides the mention by 
Greek authors of a learned person of the name, the instructor 
of Libanius, who was contemporary withHhat Emperor. 

Upon the whole, however, it seems preferable to abide by 
the date furnished in a professed history, even an Arabic one, 
on a Grecian matter; and to consider Diophantus as con- 
temporary with the emperor Julian, about a.d. 365. That 
date is consistent with the circumstance of Hypatia writing 
a commentary on his works ; and is not contradicted by any 
other fact, nor by the affirmation of any other writer besides 
Bombelli, on whose authority Cossali nevertheless relies. 

Bombelli, when he announced to the public the existence 
of a manuscript of Diophantus in the Vatican, placed the 
author under the emperor Antoninus Pius, without citing any 


grounds. His general accuracy is, however, impeached by 
his assertion, that the Indian authors are frequently cited 
by Diophantus. No such quotations are found in the very 
manuscript of that author's work, which he is known to have 
consulted, and which has been purposely re-examined. (Goss. 
i. 4, § 4.) Bom[504]belli's authority was, therefore, very 
properly rejected by Bachet, and should have been so by 


Progress and Proficiency of the Arabians in Algebra. 1 

In the reign of the second Abbasside Khalif Almansur, and 
in the 156th year of the Hijra (a.d. 773), as is related in the 
preface to the astronomical tables of Ben al Adami, published 
by his continuator Al K&sim in 308 h. (a.d. 920), an Indian 
astronomer, well versed in the science which he professed, 
visited the Court of the Khalif, bringing with him tables of the 
equations of planets according to the mean motions, with ob- 
servations relative to both solar and lunar eclipses and the 
ascension of the signs ; taken, as he affirmed, from tables 
computed by an Indian prince, whose name, as the Arabian 
author writes it, was Phighar. The Khalif, embracing the 
opportunity thus happily presented to him, commanded the 
book to be translated into Arabic, aud to be published for a 
guide to the Arabians in matters pertaining to the stars. The 
task devolved on Muhammad ben Ibr&him Alfaz&ri ; whose 
version is known to astronomers by the name of the greater 
Sind-hind, or Hind-sind, for the term occurs written both 
ways. 3 It signifies, according to the same author Ben al 

1 [Cf. also Woepcke's Recherche* *ur Vhiatoire dee Science* Jfathetnatique* 
chez le* Orientaux t Journ. A*iaiique 9 1854-5, and his edition of Omar al Khay- 
yam!, 1851, and Extrait du Fakhri, 1853.] 

* Caairi, BibL Arab. Si*p. citing Bibl. Arab. Phil. (Tarikhu'l hiikama), vol. i. 
p. 428, voce Alphazari. 


Adamf, the revolving ages, Ad dahr ad ddhir ; which Casiri 
translates perpetuum ceternumque. 1 

No Sanskrit term of similar sound occurs, bearing a signi- 
fication reconcilable to the Arabic interpretation. If a [505] 
conjecture is to be hazarded, the original word may have 
been Siddh&nta. 9 Other guesses might be proposed, partly 
combining sound with interpretation, and taking for a ter- 
mination sindhu 'ocean/ which occurs in titles now familiar for 
works relative to the regulation of time, as K&la-sindhu, 
Samaya-sindhu, etc., or adhering exclusively to sound, as Indu- 
sindhu, or Indu-siddh&nta ; the last a title of the same im- 
port with Soma-siddh&nta still current. But whatever may 
have been the name, the system of astronomy which was made 
known to the Arabs, and which is by them distinguished by 
the appellation in question, appears to have been that which is 
contained in the Brahma-siddh&nta, and which is taught in 
Brahmagupta's revision of it. This fact is deducible from the 
number of elapsed days between the beginning of planetary 
motions and the commencement of the present age of the 
world, according to the Indian reckoning, as it is quoted by 
the astrologer of Balkh, Abu Ma'shar, and which precisely 
agrees with Brahmagupta. The astrologer does not indeed 
specify which of the Indian systems he is citing. But it is 
distinctly affirmed by later Arabian authorities, that only one 
of the three Indian doctrines of astronomy was understood by 
the Arabs ; and that they had no knowledge of the other two 
beyond their names. 3 Besides, Xryabhatta and the Arka- 
siddh&nta, the two in question, would have furnished very 
different numbers. 

1 Ibid, vol. i. p. 426, voce Katka. Sind and Hind likewise signify, in the 
Arabian writers, the hither and remoter India. D'Herbelot, Bibl. Orient, p. 415. 

1 [Reinaud {Mdm* p. 331) quotes from Albironf, " Oar word Sind -hind answers 
to what the Hindus call Sidhdnd. This word properly means * what is straight 
and does not bend, what cannot be altered/ " This definition exactly agrees 
with tiddhdntdy ' demonstrated conclusion,' * certain truth.'] 

3 Tdrikhu'l hukamd, cited by Casiri, Bibl. Arab, Sitp. f vol. i. p. 426, voce 


The passage of Abu Ma'shar, to which reference has been 
now made, is remarkable, and even important ; and, as it has 
been singularly misunderstood and grossly misquoted by 
Bailly, in his Astronomic Ancienne (p. 302), it may be 
necessary to cite it at full length in this place. [506] It 
occurs at the end of the fourth tract (and not, as Bailly 
quotes, the beginning of the fifth), in Abu Ma'shar's work on 
the conjunctions of planets. The author there observes, that 
'the Indians reckoned the beginning [of the world] on 
Sunday, at sunrise (or, to quote from the Latin version, Et 
SBstimaverunt Indi quod principium fuit die dominica sole 
ascendente) ; and between that day and the day of the de- 
luge (et est inter eos, s. inter ilium diem et diem diluvii) 
720,634,442,715 days equivalent to 1,900,340,938 l Persian 
years and 344 days. The deluge happened on Friday (et fuit 
diluvium die Veneris) 27th day of Rabe 1st, which is 29 
from Gibat and 14 from Adristinich. Between the deluge and 
the first day of the year in which the Hijra occurred (fuerunt 
ergo inter diluvium et primum diem anni in quo fuit Alhegira) 
3837 years and 268 days ; which will be, according to the 
years of the Persians, 3725 years and 348 days. And 
between the deluge and the day of Jesdagir (Yazdajird) king 
of the Persians, from the beginning of whose reign the Per- 
sians took their era, .... 3735 years, 10 months, and 22 
days/ The author proceeds with the comparison of the eras 
of the Persians and Arabians, and those of Alexander and 
Philip ; and then concludes the treatise : completi sunt qua- 
tuor tractatus, Deo adjuvante. 

Bailly 's reference to this passage is in the following words. 
* Alburaasar 8 rapporte que selon les Indiens, il s'est 6coule 
720,634,442,715 jours entre le deluge et l^poque de Fh^gire. 

1 There is something wanting in the number of years : which is deficient at 
the third place. Both editions of the translation (Augsburg 1489, Venioe 1515) 
gi?e the same words. 

2 De Magn. Conj. Trait* v, au commencement. 


II en conclut, on ne sait trop comment, qu'il s'est 6coul£ 3725 
ans dans cet intervalle : ce qui placeroit [507] le deluge 3103 
ans avant J. 0. pr£cis£ment & l^poque chronologique et as- 
tronomique des Indiens. Mais Albumasar ne dit point com- 
ment il est parvenu & Igaler ces deux nombres de 3725 ans et 
de 720,634,442,715 jours;— Ast. anc. eel liv. i. § xvii. 

Now on this it is to be observed, that Bailly makes the 
ante-diluvian period between the Sunday on which the world 
began and the Friday on which the deluge took place, com- 
prising 720,634,442,715 days, to be the same with the post- 
diluvian period, from the deluge to the Hijra ; and that he 
quotes the author, as unaccountably rendering that number 
equivalent to 3725 years, though the text expressly states 
more than 1,900,000,000 years. The blunder is the more in- 
excusable, as Bailly himself remarked the inconsistency, and 
should therefore have re-examined the text which he cited, to 
verify his quotation. 

Major Wilford, 1 relying on the correctness of Bailly 's quo- 
tation, concluded that the error originated with either the 
transcriber or translator. But in fact the mistake rested 
solely with the citer : as he would have found if his attention 
had been drawn to the more correct quotation in Anquetil du 
Perron's letter prefixed to his Recherches Hist, et Geog. mr 
flnde, inserted in Bernoulli's second volume of Desc. de 
rinde (p. xx). But, though Anquetil is more accurate than 
Bailly in quotation, he is not more successful in his inferences, 
guesses, and surmises. For he strangely concludes from a 
passage which distinctly proves the use of the great cycle of 
the kalpa by the Indian astronomers to whom Abu Ma'shar 
refers, that they were on the contrary unacquainted in those 
days with a less cycle, which is comprehended in it. So little 
did he understand the Indian periods, that he infers from a 
specified [508] number of elapsed days and correspondent 

« As. Eeg., vol. x. p. 117^ UNIVlJBSITY 


years, reckoned from the beginning of the great cycle which 
dates from the supposed moment of the commencement of the 
world, that they knew nothing of a subordinate period, which 
is one of the elements of that cycle. Nor is he nearer the 
truth, but errs as much the other way, in his conjecture, that 
the number of solar years stated by Abu Ma'shar relates to 
the duration of a life of Brahm&, comprising a hundred of 
that deity's years. 

In short, Anquetil's conclusions are as erroneous as Bailly's 
premises. The discernment of Mr. Davis, to whom the 
passage was indicated by Major Wilford, anticipated the cor- 
rection of this blunder of Bailly, by restoring the text with 
a conjectural emendation worthy of his sagacity. 1 

The name of the Indian author from whom Abu Ma'shar 
derived the particulars which he has furnished, is written by 
Bailly, Kankaraf ; taken, as he says, from an ancient Arabic 
writer, whose work is subjoined to that of Messala, published 
at Nuremberg by Joachim Heller in 1648. 8 The Latin trans- 
lation of Messahala (Md-shd'- Allah) was edited by Joachim 
Heller at Nuremberg in 1549 : but it is not followed, in the 
only copy accessible to me, by the work of any other Arabic 
author ; and the quotation consequently has not been verified. 
D'Herbelot writes the name variously ; Kankah or Cancah, 
Kenker or Kankar, and Kengheh or Kanghah ; 8 to which 
Reiske and Schultens, from further research, add another 
varia[509]tion, Kengch ; 4 which is not of Arabic but Persian 
orthography. Gasiri, by a difference of the diacritical point, 
reads from the T&rikhu'l hukam&, and transcribes, Katka. 5 
That the same individual is all along meant, clearly appears 

1 As. Res., vol. ii. p. 242. Appendix to an Essay of Major Wilford. 

* Astr. Anc p. 303. 

8 Bibl. Or. Art. Cancah al Hendi, and Eenker al Hendi. Also Ketab Menazel 
al Camar and Ketab al Keranat. 

4 Bibl. Or. (1777-79), vol. iy. p. 726. Should be Kengeh : a like error occurs 
p. 727, where skarch is put for thareh. 

* Bibl. Arab. HUp. 9 vol. i. p. 426. 


from the correspondence of the works ascribed to him; 
especially his treatise on the greater and less conjunctions of 
the planets, which was imitated by Abu Ma'shar. 

Amidst so much diversity in the orthography of the word 
it is difficult to retrieve the original name, without too much 
indulgence in conjecture. Kanka, which comes nearest to the 
Arabic corruption, is in Sanskrit a proper name among other 
significations ; but it does not occur as the appellation of any 
noted astrologer among the Hindus. Garga does; and, as 
the Arabs have not the soft guttural consonant, they must 
widely corrupt that sound; jet Kanghar and Eankah seem 
too remote from it to allow it to be proposed as a conjectural 
restoration of the Indian name. 

To return to the more immediate subject of this note. The 
work of Alfaz&ri, taken from the Hindu astronomy, continued 
to be in general use among the Muhammadans, until the time 
of Alm&mun ; for whom it was epitomized by Muhammad ben 
Musa al Khuw&razmi ; and his abridgment was thenceforward 
known by the title of the less Sind-hind. It appears to have 
been executed for the satisfaction of Alm&mun before this 
prince's accession to the Khil&fat, which took place early in 
the third century of the Hijra and ninth of Christ. The 
same author compiled similar astronomical tables of his own ; 
wherein he professed to amend the Indian tables which fur- 
nished the [510] mean motions ; and he is said to have taken 
for that purpose equations from the Persian astronomy, some 
other matters from Ptolemy, and to have added something of 
his own on certain points. His work is reported to have been 
well received by both Hindus and Muhammadans : and the 
* greater tables, of which the compilation was commenced in the 
following age, by Ben al Adami and completed by Al K&sim, 
were raised upon the like foundation of Indian astronomy: 
and were long in general use among the Arabs, and by them 
deemed excellent. Another and earlier set of astronomical 
tables, founded on the Indian system called Sind-hind, was 


compiled by Habash, an astronomer of Baghdad; who flourished 
in the time of the khalif Alm&mun. 1 Several others, similarly 
founded on the mean motions, furnished by the same Indian 
system, were published in the third century of the Hijra, or 
earlier : particularly those of Fazl ben H&tim N&rizi ; and 
Al Hasan ben Misb&h." 

It was no doubt at the same period, while the Arabs were 
gaining a knowledge of one of the Indian systems of as- 
tronomy, that they became apprized of the existence of two 
others. No intimation at least occurs of any different specific 
time or more probable period, when the information was likely 
to be obtained by them, than that in which they were busy 
with the Indian astronomy, according to one of the three 
systems that prevailed among the Hindus; as the author 
of the T&rfkhu'l hukam&, quoted by Gasiri, affirms. The 
writer, whose compilation is of the twelfth century, 3 observes, 
that i owing to the distance [511] of countries and impedi- 
ments to intercourse, scarcely any of the writings of the 
Hindus had reached the Arabians. There are reckoned/ he 
adds, ( three celebrated systems (mazhab) of astronomy among 
them ; namely Bind and hind; A'rjabahar, and A'rkand:* one 
only of which has been brought to us, namely, the Sind-hind : 
which most of the learned Muhammadans have followed/ 
After naming the authors of astronomical tables founded on 
that basis, and assigning the interpretation of the Indian 
title, and quoting the authority of Ben al Adami, the com- 
piler of the latest of those tables mentioned by him, he goes 
on to say, that ' of the Indian sciences no other communica- 
tions have been received by us (Arabs), but a treatise on 
music, of which the title in Hindi is Biy&phar, and the signi- 

1 TdrMu l hukamd, C9*m,Yo\.i.w. 426 bji&4'2&. Abd'lferaj, ed. Pooocke, 161. 

2 Casiri, vol. i. pp. 413 and 421. 

3 He flourished in 595 h. (a.d. 1198), as appears from passages of his work. 
MS. MDCCLXXJII. Lib. £so. pp. 74 and 316. Casiri, vol. ii. p. 332. 

4 Casiri, toI. i. pp. 426 and 428. The Kashfu'l zunitn specifies three astro- 
nomical systems of the Hindus under the same names* 


fication of that title " fruit of knowledge ; " 1 the work en- 
titled Kalilah and Dimnah, upon ethics; and a book of 
numerical computation, which Abu Ja'far Muhammad ben 
Musa al Khuw&razmi amplified (basat), and which is a most 
expeditious and concise method, and testifies the ingenuity and 
acuteness of the Hindus.' 

The book, here noticed as a treatise on ethics, is the well- 
known collection of fables of Pilpai or Bidpai (Sanskrit Taid- 
yapriya) ; and was translated from the Pehlevi version into 
Arabic, by command of the same Abbasside Khalif Alraansur,* 
who caused an Indian astronomical treatise to be translated 
into the Arabian tongue. The Arabs, however, had other 
communications of portions of Indian science, which the 
author of the T&rikhu'l hukam& has in this place overlooked ; 
especially upon medicine, on which [512] many treatises, 
general and particular, were translated from the Indian tongue. 
For instance, a tract upon poisons by Shanak (Sanskrit 
GharakaP), of which an Arabic version was made for the 
Khalif Alm&mun, by his preceptor ( Abb&s ben Sa r id Jauhari. 
Also a treatise on medicine and on materia medica in par- 
ticular, which bears the name of Shashurd (Sanskrit Susruta) : 
and numerous others. 8 

The Khuw&razmite Muhammad ben Musa, who is named 
as having made known to the Arabians the Indian method of 
computation, is the same who is recognized by Arabian authors 
with almost a common consent (Zakariya of Easbin, etc.) as 
the first who wrote upon algebra. His competitor for the 
honour of priority is Abu K&mii Shuj4 f ben Aslam, surnamed 
the Egyptian arithmetician (H&sib al Misri) ; whose treatise 
on algebra was commented by c Ali ben Ahmad al 'Amr&ni of 

1 Sans. Vidydphala, fruit of science. 

* Introd. Rem. to the Sitopadeia [p. 148 of the present volume], 

s D'Herbelot, Bibl. Orient Ketab al samomi, Ketab Sendhaschat, Ketab al 
sokkar, Ketab Scbaschourd al Hendi, Ketab Bai al Hendi, Ketab Noufechal al 
Hendi, Ketab al akakir, etc 


Musalla ; 1 and who is said by D'Herbelot to have been tbe 
first among learned Musulmans, that wrote upon this branch 
of mathematics. 8 The commentator is a writer of the tenth 
century ; the date of his decease being recorded as of 344 h.* 
(a.d. 955). The age in which his author flourished, or the 
date of his text, is not furnished by any authority which 
has been consulted ; and unless some evidence be found, 
showing that he was anterior to the Khuw&razmf, we may 
abide by the historical authority of Zakariya of Easbin ; and 
consider the Khuwarazmf as the [513] earliest writer on 
algebra in Arabic. Next was the celebrated Alchindus (Abti 
Yusaf Alkindi), contemporary with the astrologer Abu 
Ma'shar, in the third century of the Hijra and ninth of the 
Christian era, 4 an illustrious philosopher, versed in the sciences 
of Greece, of India, and of Persia, and author of several 
treatises upon numbers. In the prodigious multitude of his 
writings, upon every branch of science, one is specified as a 
tract on Indian computation (Hisdbu'l Hindi) : others occur 
with titles which are understood by Gasiri to relate to algebra, 
and to the ' finding of hidden numbers ; ' but which seem 
rather to appertain to other topics. 5 It is, however, presum- 
able, that one of the works composed by him did treat of 
algebra as a branch of the science of computation. His pupil, 
Ahmad ben Muhammad of Sarkhas in Persia (who flourished 
in the middle of the third century of the Hijra, for he died in 
286 h.), was author of a complete treatise of computation 
embracing algebra with arithmetic. About the same time a 
treatise of algebra was composed by Abu Hanifah Dain&wari, 
who lived till 290 h . (a.d. 903.) 

1 Tirikhttl hukatnd, Casiri, vol. i. p. 410. 

* Bibl. Orient. 482. Also 226 and 494. No grounds are specified, Ibn Khal- 
kan and Haji Khalfah, whom he very commonly follows, have been searched in 
vain for authority on this point. 

* Tdr. Casiri, vol. i. p. 410. 

* Abu'ifaraj ; Pococke, p. 179. 

* Tdrikhu'l hukatnd; Casiri, vol. i. pp. 353 — 360. 


At a later period Abti'lwaf& Buzj&ni, a distinguished mathe- 
matician, who flourished in the fourth century of the Hijra, 
between the years 348, when he commenced his studies, and 
388, the date of his demise, composed numerous tracts on 
computation, among which are specified several commentaries 
on algebra : one of them on the treatise of the Khuw&razmite 
upon that subject : another on a less noticed treatise by Abu 
Yahyd, whose lectures he had attended : an interpretation 
(whether commentary or paraphrase may perhaps be doubted) 
of the work of Diophantus : demonstrations of the proposi- 
tions contained [514] in that work : a treatise on numerical 
computation in general: and several tracts on particular 
branches of this subject. 1 

A question has been raised, as just now hinted, whether 
this writer's interpretation of Diophantus is to be deemed a 
translation or a commentary. The term which is here em- 
ployed in the T&rikhu'l hukam& (tafsir, paraphrase,) and that 
which Abu'lfaraj uses upon the same occasion (fassar, inter- 
preted,) are ambiguous. Applied to the relation between 
works in the same language, the term, no doubt, implies a 
gloss or comment ; and is so understood in the very same 
passage where an interpretation of the Khuw&razmite's 
treatise, and another of Abu Yahy&'s, were spoken of. But, 
where a difference of language subsists, it seems rather to 
intend a version, or at least a paraphrase, than mere scholia ; 
and is employed by the same author in a passage before cited, 8 
where he gives the Arabic signification of a Hindi term. That 
Buzj&nf s performance is to be deemed a translation, appears 
to be fairly inferable from the separate mention of the de- 
monstration of the propositions in Diophantus, as a distinct 
work : for the latter seems to be of the nature of a commen- 
tary ; and the other, consequently, is the more likely to have 
been a version, whether literal or partaking of paraphrase. 

* Tdrlkhu'l hukamd; Casiri, toI. i. p. 483. 

* Ibid, toI. i. p. 426, Art. Katka. 


Besides, there is no mention, by an Arabian writer, of an 
earlier Arabic translation of Diophantus; and the Buzj&ni 
was not likely to be the commentator in Arabic of an untrans- 
lated book. D'Herbelot then may be deemed correct in 
naming him as the translator of the arithmetics of Dio- 
phantus ; and Cossali, examining a like question, arrives at 
nearly the same conclusion ; namely, that the Buzj&ni [515] 
was the translator, and the earliest, as well as the expositor, of 
Diophantus. (Orig. dell' Alg., vol. i. p. 175.) The version 
was probably made soon after the date which Abu'lfaraj 
assigns to it, 348 h. (a.d. 969), which more properly is the 
date of the commencement of the translator's mathematical 

From all these facts, joined with other circumstances to be 
noticed in progress of this note, it is inferred, 1st, That the 
acquaintance of the Arabs with the Hindu astronomy is traced 
to the middle of the second century of the Hijra, in the reign 
of Almansur, upon authority of Arabian historians citing 
that of the preface of ancient astronomical tables ; while their 
knowledge of the Greek astronomy does not appear to have 
commenced until the subsequent reign of Harun Arrashid, 
when a translation of the Almajist is said to have been exe- 
cuted under the auspices of the Barmacide Yahyd ben Eh&lid, 
by Abu Hiy&n and Salmi, employed for the purpose. 1 2ndly, 
That they were become conversant in the Indian method of 
numerical computation within the second century ; that is, 
before the beginning of the reign of Alm&mun, whose ac- 
cession to the Khil&fat took place in 205 H. Srdly, That the 
first treatise on algebra in Arabic was published in his reign ; 
but their acquaintance with the work of Diophantus is not 
traced by any historical facts collected from their writings 
to a period anterior to the middle of the fourth century of 
the Hijra, when Abu'lwaft Buzj&ni flourished. 4thly, That 
Muhammad ben Musa Khuw&razmi, the same Arabic author 

1 Casiri, vol. L, p. 349. 


who, in the time of Alra&mdn, and before his accession, 
abridged an earlier astronomical work taken from the Hindus, 
and who published a treatise on the Indian method of numeri- 
cal computation, is the first [516] also who furnished the 
Arabs with a knowledge of algebra, upon which he expressly 
wrote, and in that Khalifa reign, as will be more particularly 
shown as we proceed. 

A treatise of algebra bearing his name, it may be here re- 
marked, was in the hands of the Italian algebraists, translated 
into the Italian language, not very long after the introduction 
of the science into that country by Leonardo of Pisa. It 
appears to have been seen at a later period both by Cardan 
and by Bombelli. No manuscript of that version is, how- 
ever, now extant ; or at least known to be so. 

Fortunately, a copy of the Arabic original is preserved 
the Bodleian collection. 1 It is the manuscript marked 
GMXYIII. Hunt. 214 folio, and bearing the date of the 
transcription 743 h. (a.d. 1342). The rules of the library, 
though access be readily allowed, preclude the study of any 
book which it contains, by a person not enured to the tem- 
perature of apartments unvisited by artificial warmth. This 
impediment to the examination of the manuscript in question 
has been remedied by the assistance of the under librarian, 
Mr. Alexander Nieoll, who has furnished ample extracts pur* 
posely transcribed by him from the manuscript. This has 
made it practicable to ascertain the contents of the book, and 
to identify the work as that in which the Khuw&razmi taught 
the principles of algebra; and consequently to compare the 
state of the science, as it was by him taught, with its utmost 
progress in the hands of the Muhammadans, as exhibited in 
an elementary work of not very ancient date, which is to this 
time studied among Asiatic Musulmans. 

I allude to the Khulasatu'l hisdb of Bah&u 'd din, an 
author who lived between the years 953 and 1031 H. The 
1 [This was edited and translated by Rosen in 1831.] 
vol. in. [essays ii.] 80 


Arabic text, with a Persian commentary, has been printed 
in Calcutta; and a summary of its contents had been pre- 
[517]viously given by Mr. Strachey in his " Early History 
of Algebra," in which, as in his other exertions for the inves- 
tigation of Hindu and Arabian algebra, his zeal surmounted 
great difficulties, while his labours have thrown much light 
upon the subject. 1 

The title-page of the manuscript above described, as well as 
a marginal note on it, and the author's preface, all concur in 
declaring it the work of Muhammad ben Musa Khuw&razmi : 
and the mention of the Khalif Alm&mtin in that preface 
establishes the identity of the author, whose various works, 
as is learned from Arabian historians, were composed by 
command, or with encouragement, of that Khalif, partly be- 
fore his accession, and partly during his reign. 

The preface, a transcript of which was supplied by the 
care of Mr. Nicoll, has been examined at my request by 
Colonel John Baillie. After perusing it with him, I am 
enabled to affirm, that it intimates " encouragement from 
the Imdm Alm&mun, Commander of the Faithful, to com- 
pile a compendious treatise of calculation by algebra ; " terms 
which amount not only to a disclaimer of any pretensions 
to the invention of the algebraic art, but which would, to 
my apprehension, as to that of the distinguished Arabic 
scholar consulted, strongly convey the idea of the pre-exist- 
ence of ampler treatises upon algebra in the same language 
(Arabic), did not the marginal note above cited distinctly 
assert this to be "the first treatise composed upon algebra 
among the faithful/' — an assertion corroborated by the similar 
affirmation of Zakariya of Kasbin, and other writers of Arabian 
history. Adverting, however, to that express affirmation, 
the author must be here under[518]stood as declaring that 
he compiled (alia/ is the verb used by him) the treatise upon 

1 See Bija Ganita, or Algebra of the Hindus, London, 1813; Hntton's 
Math. Diet, ed. 1815, Art Algebra; and As. Res., toI. xii. p. 169. 


algebra from books in some other language : doubtless, then, 
in the Indian tongue, as it has been already shown that he 
was conversant with Hindu astronomy, and Hindu computa- 
tion and account. 

It may be- right to notice that the title of the manuscript 
denominates the author, Abd 'abdallah Muhammad ben Musa 
al Khuw&razmi, differing in the first part of the name from 
the designation which occurs in one passage of the Tarikhu'l- 
hukamd, quoted by Oasiri, where the Khuw&razmi Muham- 
mad ben Musa is called Abfi Jafar. 1 But that is not a 
sufficient ground for questioning the sameness of persons and 
genuineness of the work, as the Khuw&razmf is not usually 
designated by either of those additions, or by any other of 
that nature taken from the name of offspring : and error may 
be presumed, most probably on the part of the Egyptian 
author of the Tdrlkhu'l-hukamd, since the addition which he 
introduces, that of Abu Jafar, belongs to Muhammad ben 
Musa ben Sh&kir, a very different person ; as appears from 
another passage of the same Egyptian's compilation.* 

The following is a translation of the Khuw&razmi's direc- 
tions for the solution of equations, simple and compound, a 
topic which he enters upon at no great distance from the 
commencement of the volume, having first treated of unity 
and number in general. 

4 1 found that the numbers, of which there is need in com- 
putation by restoration and comparison, 3 are of three kinds ; 
namely, roots, and squares, and simple number relative to 
neither root nor square. A root is the whole of thing mul- 
tiplied by [root] itself, consisting of unity, or [519] numbers 
ascending, or fractions descending. A square- is the whole 
amount of root multiplied into itself; and simple number is 
the whole that is denominated by the number, without re- 
ference to root or square. 

1 Casiri, vol. i. p. 428. * Canri, rol. L p. 418. 

> Hiidbuljabr wa al mukdbalah. 


' Of these three kinds, which are equal, some to some, the 
cases are these : for instance, yon say " squares are equal to 
roots ; " and " squares are equal to numbers ; " and " roots 
are equal to numbers." 

c As to the case in which squares are equal to roots ; for 
example, " a square is equal to five roots of the same : " the 
root of the square is five ; and the square is twenty-five : and 
that is equivalent to five times its root. 

4 So you say " a third of the square is equal to four roots : " 
the whole square then is equal to twelve roots ; and that is a 
hundred and forty-four ; its root is twelve. 

* Another example : you say " five squares are equal to ten 
roots." Then one square is equal to two roots : and the root 
of the square is two ; and the square is four. 

4 In like manner, whether the squares be many or few, they 
are reduced to a single square : and as much is done to the 
equivalent in roots ; reducing it to the like of that to which 
the square has been brought. 

( Case in which squares are equal to numbers : for instance, 
you say, "the square is equal to nine." Then that is the 
square, and the root is three. And you say, "five squares 
are equal to eighty : " then one square is a fifth of eighty ; and 
that is sixteen. And, if you say, " the half of the square is 
equal to eighteen : " then the square is equal to thirty-six ; 
and its root is six. 

' In like manner, with all squares affirmative and negative, 
you reduce them to a single square. If there be less than a 
single Bquare, you add thereto, until the square be quite com- 
plete. Do as much with the equivalent in numbers. 

[520] ' Case in which roots are equal to number : for in- 
stance, you say, " the root equals three in number." Then 
the root is three ; and the square, which is raised therefrom, 
is nine. And, if you say, " four roots are equal to twenty ; " 
then a single root is equal to five; and the square, that is 
raised therefrom, is twenty -five. And, if you say, " the half 


of the root is equal to ten : " then the [whole] root is equal to 
twenty; and the square, which is raised therefrom, is four 

'I found that, with these three kinds, namely, roots, squares, 
and number compound, there will be three compound sorts 
[of equation] ; that is, square and roots equal to number ; 
squares and number equal to roots; and roots and number 
equal to squares. 

* As for squares and roots, which are equal to number : for 
example, you say, " square, and ten roots of the same, amount 
to the sum of thirty-nine." Then the solution of it is : you 
halve the roots ; and that in the present instance yields five. 
Then you multiply this by its like, and the product is twenty- 
fire. Add this to thirty-nine : the sum is sixty-four. Then 
take the root of this, which is eight, and subtract from it 
half the roots, namely, five ; the remainder is three. It is the 
root of the square which you required; and the square is nine. 

'In like manner, if two squares be specified, or three, or 
less, or more, reduce them to a single square ; and reduce the 
roots and number therewith to the like of that to which you 
reduced the square. 

'For example, you say, "two squares and ten roots are 
equal to forty-eight dirhamd ; " and the meaning is, any two 
[such] squares, when they are summed, and unto them is 
added the equivalent of ten times the root of one of them, 
amount to the total of forty-eight dirhaim. Then you must 
reduce the two squares to a single square: and [521] as- 
suredly you know, that one of two squares is a moiety of both. 
Then reduce the whole thing in the instance to its half: and 
it is as much as to say, a square and five roots are equal to 
twenty-four dirharm ; and the meaning is, any [such] square, 
when five of its roots are added to it, amounts to twenty-four. 
Then halve the roots, and the moiety is two and a half. 
Multiply that by its like, and the product is six and a 
quarter. Add this to twenty-four, the sum is thirty dirhams 


and a quarter* Extract the roet, it is five and a half. Sab- 
tract from this the moiety ef the roots; that is, two and 
a half: the remainder is three. It is the root of the square : 
and the square is nine. 

4 In like manner, if it be said " half of the square and five 
roots are equal to twenty-eight dirhams;" it signifies, that, 
when you add to the moiety of any {such] square the equiva- 
lent of five of its roots, the amount is twenty-eight dirhams. 
Then you desire to complete your square so as it shall amount 
to one whole square ; that is, to double it. Therefore double 
it, and double what you have with it ; as well as what is equal 
thereunto. Then a square and ten roots are equal to fifty-six 
dirhams. Add half the roots multiplied by itself, twenty-five, 
to fifty-six ; and the sum is eighty-one. Extract the root of 
this, it is nine. Subtract from this the moiety of the roots ; 
that is, five: the remainder is four. It is the root of the 
square which you required : and the square is sixteen ; and ita 
moiety is eight. 

' Proceed in like manner with all that comes of squares and 
roots ; and what number equals them. 

4 As for squares and number, which are equal to roots ; for 
example, you say, "a square and twenty-one are equal to 
ten of its roots : " the meaning of which is, any [such] square, 
when twenty-one dirhama are added to it, amounts [522] to 
what is the equivalent of ten roots of that square : then the 
solution is, halve the roots ; and the moiety is five. Multiply 
this by itself; the product is twenty-five. Then subtract 
from it twenty-one, the number specified with the square : 
the remainder is four. Extract its root ; which is two. Sub- 
tract this from the moiety of the roots ; that is, from five : 
the remainder is three. It is the root of the square which 
you required : and the square is nine. Or, if you please, you 
may add the root to the moiety of the roots : the sum is seven. 
It is the root of the square which you required; and the 
square is forty-nine. 


' When a case occurs to you which you bring under this 
head, try its answer by the sum : and, if that do not serve, 
it certainly will by the difference. This head is wrought both 
by the sum and by the difference. Not so either of the others 
of three cases requiring for their solution that the root be 
halved. And know, that, under this head, when the roots 
have been halved, and the moiety has been multiplied by its 
like, if the amount of the product be less than the dirhams 
which are with the square, then the instance is impossible; 
and, if it be equal to the dirhams between them, the root of 
the square is like the moiety of the roots, without either ad- 
dition or subtraction. 

4 In every instance where you have two squares, or more or 
less, reduce to a single square, as I explained under the first 

' As for roots and number, which are equal to squares : for 
example, you say, u three roots and four in number are equal 
to a square : " the solution of it is, halve the roots : and the 
moiety will be one and a half. Multiply this by its like, 
[the product is two and a quarter. Add it to four, the sum 
is six and a quarter. Extract the root, which is two and 
a half. To this add the moiety of the [523] roots : the sum 
is four. It is the root of the square which you required : and 
the square is sixteen.]' 

The author returns to the subject in a distinct chapter, 
which is entitled, "On the six cases of Algebra." A short 
extract from it may suffice. 

c The first of the six cases. For example, you say, " you 
divide ten into two parts, and multiply one of the two parts 
by the other : then you multiply one of them by itself, and 
the product of this multiplication into itself is equal to four 
times that of one of the parts by the other." 

4 Solution. Make one of the two parts thing, and the other 
ten less thing : then multiply thing by ten less thing, and the 
product will be ten things less a square. Multiply by four ; 


for yon said " four times : " it will be four times the product 
of one part by the other; that is, forty things less four squares. 
Now multiply thing by thing, which is one of the parts by 
itself: the result is, square equal to forty things less four 
squares. Then restore it in the four squares, and add it to 
the one square. There will be forty things equal to five 
squares ; and a single square is equal to eight roots. It is 
sixty-four ; and its root is eight : and that is one of the two 
parts, which was multiplied into itself: and the remainder of 
ten is two ; and that is the other part. Thus has this instance 
been solved under one of the six heads : and that is the case 
of squares equal to roots. 

'The second case. "You divide ten into two parts, and 
multiply the amount of a part into itself. Then multiply ten 
into itself; and the product of this multiplication of ten into 
itself, is equivalent to twice the product of the part taken into 
itself, and seven-ninths : or it is equivalent to six times and 
a quarter the product of the other part taken into itself." 

4 Solution. Make one of the parts thing, and the other 
[524] ten less thing. Then you multiply thing into itself: 
it is a square. Next by two and seven-ninths : the product 
will be two squares, and seven-ninths of a square. Then 
multiply ten into itself, and the product is a hundred. Re- 
duce it to a single square, the result is nine twenty-fifths; 
that is, a fifth and four-fifths of a fifth. Take a fifth of a 
hundred and four-fifths of a fifth ; the quotient is thirty-six, 
which is equal to one square. Then extract the root, which 
is six. It is one of the two parts; and the other is un- 
doubtedly four. Thus you solve this instance under one of 
the six heads : and that is " squares equal to number." ' 

These extracts may serve to convey an adequate notion of 
the manner in which Khuw&razmi conducts the resolution 
of equations simple and compound, and the investigation of 
problems by their means. If a comparison be made with the 
Khuldsatu'l hisdb, of which a summary by Mr. Strachey will 


be found in the Researches of the Asiatic Society, 1 it may be 
seen that the algebraic art has been nearly stationary in the 
hands of the Muhammadans, from the days of Muhammad 
of Khuw&razm* to those of Bah&u 'd din of e Xmul, 3 not- 
withstanding the intermediate study of the arithmetics of 
Diophantus, translated and expounded by Muhammad of 
Buzj&n. Neither that comparison, nor the exclusive con- 
sideration of the Khuw&razmi's performance, leads to any 
other conclusion, than, as before intimated, that, being con- 
versant with the sciences of the Hindus, especially with their 
astronomy and their method of numerical calculation, and 
being the author of the earliest Arabic treatise on algebra, he 
must be deemed to have learnt from the Hindus the resolu- 
tion of simple and quadratic equations, or, in short, algebra, a 
branch of their art of computation. 

[525] The conclusion, at which we have arrived, may be 
strengthened by the coincident opinion of Gossali, who, after 
diligent research and ample disquisition, comes to the follow- 
ing result. 4 

4 Concerning the origin of algebra among the Arabs, what 
is certain is, that Muhammad ben Mtisa, the Khuw&razrnite, 
first taught it to them. The Easbinian, a writer of authority, 
affirms it; no historical fact, no opinion, no reasoning, op- 
poses it. 

'There is nothing in history respecting Muhammad ben 
Mfisa individually, which favours the opinion, that he took 
from the Greeks the algebra which he taught to the Muham- 

4 History presents in him no other than a mathematician of 
a country most distant from Greece and contiguous to India, 
skilled in the Indian tongue, fond of Indian matters, which 
he translated, amended, epitomized, adorned : and he it was, 

1 Vol. iii. * On the Oxns. 

> A district of Syria; not Amul, a town in Khurasan. Com. 

* Orig. del? Alg. y toI. i. p. 216. 


who was the first instructor of the Muhammadans in the 
algebraic art. 1 

c Not having taken algebra from the Greeks, he mast have 
either invented it himself, or taken it from the Indians. Of 
the two, the second appears to me the most probable.' * 


Communication of the Hindus with "Western Nations 

on Astrology and Astronomy. 

The position, that Astrology is partly of foreign growth in 
India; that is, that the Hindus have borrowed, and largely 
too, from the astrology of a more western region, [526] is 
grounded, as the similar inference concerning a different branch 
of divination, 3 on the resemblance of certain terms employed 
in both. The mode of divination, called Tajaka, implies by 
its very name its Arabian origin. Astrological prediction by 
configuration of planets, in like manner, indicates even by its 
Indian name a Grecian source. It is denominated Hora, the 
second of three branches which compose a complete course of 
astronomy and astrology : 4 and the word occurs in this sense 
in the writings of early Hindu astrologers. Yar&hamihira, 
whose name stands high in this class of writers, has attempted 
to supply a Sanskrit etymology ; and in his treatise on casting 
nativities derives the word from Ahor&tra, day and night, a 
nycthemeron. This formation of a word by dropping both 
the first and last syllables, is not conformable to the analogies 
of Sanskrit etymology. It is more natural, then, to look for 
the origin of the term in a foreign tongue : and that is pre- 
sented by the Greek &pa and its derivative wpocricoiros, an 

1 Orig. delV Alg., toI. i. p. 219. * See his reasons at large. 

3 As. Res., yol. ix. p. 366 (p. 320 of the present volume). [Cf. Weber's ex- 
cellent paper on Indian Astrology in Indisehe Studien, ii. pp. 236-287.] 
* See note K. 


astrologer, and especially one who considers the natal hour, 
and hence predicts events. 1 The same term hard occurs 
again in the writings of the Hindu astrologers, with an ac- 
ceptation (that of hour 2 ) which more exactly conforms to the 
Grecian etymon. 

The resemblance of a single term would not suffice to 
ground an inference of common origin, since it might be 
purely accidental. But other words are also remarked in 
Hindu astrology, which are evidently not Indian. An in- 
stance of it is dreshkana? used in the same astrological sense 
with the Greek Se/eavbs and Latin decanus : words, which, 
notwithstanding their classic sound, are to be considered as 
of foreign origin (Chaldean or Egyptian) in the [527] classic 
languages, at least with this acceptation. The term is as- 
suredly not genuine Sanskrit : and hence it was before 4 inferred, 
that the particular astrological doctrine, to which it belongs, 
is exotic in India. It appears, however, that this division of 
the twelve zodiacal signs into three portions each, with planets 
governing them, and pourtrayed figures representing them, is 
not implicitly the same among the Hindu astrologers, which 
it was among the Chaldeans, with whom the Egyptians and 
Persians coincided. Variations have been noticed. 5 Other 
points of difference are specified by the astrologer of Balkh ; 6 
and they concern the allotment of planets to govern the 
decani and dreshkdnas, and the figures by which they are 
represented. Abu Ma'shar is a writer of the ninth century ; 7 
and his notice of this astrological division of the zodiac as 
received by Hindus, Chaldeans, and Egyptians, confirms the 
fact of an earlier communication between the Indians and 
the Chaldeans, perhaps the Egyptians, on the subject of it. 

1 Hesych. and Suid. * As. Res., vol. t. p. 107. 

3 As. lies., vol. iz. p. 367 (p. 320 of the present volume). 
* As. Res., vol. ix. p. 367 and 372 (p. 320 of the present volume). Vide 
Salm. JExerc. Flin. 

5 Ibid., vol. ix. p. 374 (p. 326 of the present volume). 

6 Lib. intr. in Ast. Albumasis Abalachi, pp. 5, 12, and 13. 

7 Died in in 272 h. (886 c.) aged a hundred. 


With the sexagesimal fractions, the introduction of which 
is by Wallis ascribed to Ptolemy among the Greeks, 1 the 
Hindus have adopted for the minute of a degree, besides a 
term of their own language, kald, one taken from the Greek 
X€7TT<i, scarcely altered in the Sanskrit liptd. The term must 
be deemed originally Greek, rather than Indian, in that ac- 
ceptation, as it there corresponds to an adjective Xcrrofc* 
slender, minute: an import which precisely agrees with the 
Sanskrit kald and Arabic dakik, fine, [528] minute ; whence, 
in these languages respectively, kald and dakik for a minute 
of a degree. But the meanings of lipta in Sanskrit 8 are, 
1st, smeared ; 2nd, infected with poison ; 3rd, eaten : and its 
derivative liptaka signifies a poisoned arrow; being derived 
from /t>, to smear : and the dictionaries give no interpretation 
of the word that has any affinity with its special acceptation 
as a technical term in astronomy and mathematics. Yet it 
occurs so employed in the work of Brahmagupta. 3 

By a different analogy of the sense and not the sound, the 
Greek fjioipa, a part, and specially a degree of a circle, is in 
Sanskrit ania, bhdga, and other synonyma of part, applied 
emphatically in technical language to the 360th part of the 
periphery of a circle. The resemblance of the radical sense,, 
in the one instance, tends to corroborate the inference from 
the similarity of sound in the other. 

Kendra is used by Brahmagupta and the Surya-siddhanta, 
as well as other astronomical writers (Bh&skara, etc.), and 
by the astrologers Yar&hamihira and the rest, to signify the 
equation of the centre. 4 The same term is employed in the 
Indian mensuration for the centre of a circle ; 5 also denoted 
by madhya, middle. It comes so near in sound, as in signifi- 
cation, to the Greek xevrpov, that the inference of a common 
origin for these words is not to be avoided. But in Sanskrit 

1 Wallis, Alg. o. 7. * Am. Kosh. 3 0. i., § 6, $t pasaim. 

4 Brahm. siddh. o. 2. S&r. siddh. c. 2. Vfihat and Laghu Jdtaka*. 
* 8ur. on Lil. § 207. 


it is exclusively technical ; it is unnoticed by the vocabularies 
of the language ; and it is not easily traced to a Sanskrit 
root. In Greek, on the contrary, the correspondent term 
was borrowed in mathematics from a familiar word signifying 
a goad, spur, thorn, or point; and derived from a Greek 
theme tcevrkco, 1 

[529] The other term, which has been mentioned as com- 
monly used for the centre of a circle, namely, madhya, middle, 
is one of the numerous instances of radical and primary analogy 
between the Sanskrit and the Latin and Greek languages. 
It is a common word of the ancient Indian tongue ; and is 
clearly the same with the Latin medius ; and serves to show 
that the Latin is nearer to the ancient pronunciation of 
Greek, than picos; from which Sipontinus* derives it, but 
which must be deemed a corrupted or softened utterance 3 of 
an ancient term coming nearer to the Sanskrit madhyas and 
Latin medius. 

On a hasty glance over the Jdtakas, or Indian treatises 
upon horoscopes, several other terms of the art have been 
noticed, which are not Sanskrit, but apparently barbarian. 
For instance, anaphd, sunaphd, durudhard, and kemadruma, 
designating certain configurations of the planets. They occur 
in both the treatises of Yar&hamihira ; and a passage, re- 
lative to this subject, is among those quoted from the abridg- 
ment by the scholiast of the greater treatise, and verified in 

1 [Kern giyes a list of thirty-six Greek words which occur in Yarahamihira's 
Vrihat Sanhita (cf. Weber, Indische Studien, ii. 264, 260). The signs of the 
Zodiac (except Cancer), Kriya, Tavuri, Jitnma, Leya, Pathena, Dyftka or Jfika, 
Kaurpya, Taukshika, Akokera, Hridroga, Ittham ; — Heli (J)XiOf) Himna ('Ep/Mp), 
Are ("A/his), Jyan (Zffc), Kona (Kfxkos), Asphujit ('A^poS/ni), hora, kendra, 
dreshkana or drekkana, lipta, anapha (arcf^), sunapha (o-wo^), duradhara 
(&opt*popla), kemadruma (xpifporwyirf*), vee'i (<pdois), apoklima (arAcAjjia), 
panaphara {itaywpopd), hibnka (&w4yiiov), jamitra (8<4p«rpof), meshtirana 
(ptffovpdrnfux), dyunam or dyntam (8vruc^ P), ri^pha (£<$4), and harija {&pl(»r). 

* Pyrrhi Perotti, Epiteopi Sipontini, Cornucopia itw Lingua Zatina Commm- 
tarii, col. 1019, edit Aid. 1527, fol. 

* ["M6rros steht far /m*-j-m, pfror ist weiter abgeschwacht.''--Ciirtins, 
Grwukiige, p. 310.] 


the text of the less. 1 The affinity of those terras to words 
of other languages used in a similar astrological sense, has 
not been traced ; for want, perhaps, of competent acquaintance 
with the terminology of that silly art. But it must not be 
passed unremarked, that Yar&hamihira, who has in another 
place praised the Tavanas for their proficiency in astrology 
(or astronomy, for the term is ambiguous), frequently quotes 
them in his great treatise on horoscopes ; and his scholiast 
marks a distinction between the ancient Yavanas, whom he 
cha[530]racterizes as " a race of barbarians conversant with 
(hord) horoscopes," and a known Sanskrit author bearing the 
title of Yavaneswara, whose work he had seen and repeatedly 
cites ; but the writings and doctrine of the ancient Yavanas, 
he acknowledges, had not been seen by him, and were known 
to him only by this writer's and his own author's references. 

No argument, bearing upon the point under consideration, 
is built on Bh&skara's use of the word dramma for the value 
of sixty-four cowry-shells (Lil. § 2) in place of the proper 
Sanskrit term pramdna, which Sridhara and other Hindu 
authors employ ; nor on the use of dindra, for a denomination 
of money, by the scholiast of Brahmagupta (12, § 12) who 
also, like Bh&skara, employs the first-mentioned word (12, 
§ 14): though the one is clearly analogous to the Greek 
drachma, a word of undoubted Grecian etymology, being de- 
rived from Spdrrofxcu; and the other apparently is so, to 
the Roman denarius, which has a Latin derivation. The 
first has not even the Sanskrit air; and is evidently an 
exotic, or, in short, a barbarous term. It was probably re- 
ceived mediately through the Muhammadans, who have their 
dirham in the like sense. The other is a genuine Sanskrit 
word, of which the etymology, presenting the sense of 
* splendid/ is consistent with the several acceptations of a 
specific weight of gold ; a golden ornament or breast-piece ; 

1 See p. 435. Another passage so quoted and Terified uses the term kendr* in 
the sense above mentioned. 


and gold money : all which senses it bears, according to the 
ancient vocabularies of the language. 1 

The similarity seems then to be accidental in this instance; 
and the Muhammadans, who have also a like term, may have 
borrowed it on either hand ; not improbably from the Hindus, 
as the dinar of the Arabs and Persians is [531] a gold coin 
like the Indian ; while the Roman denarius is properly a 
silver one. D'Herbelot assigns as a reason for deriving the 
Arabic dinar from the Roman denarius, that this was of gold. 
The nummus aureus sometimes had that designation; and 
we read in Roman authors of golden as well as silver denarii. 9 
But it is needless to multiply references and quotations to 
prove, that the Roman coin of that name was primarily silver, 
and so denominated because it was equal in value to ten 
copper as; 3 that it was all along the name of a silver coin ; 4 
and was still so under the Greek empire, when the bqvdpiov 
was the hundredth part of a large silver coin termed apyvpov?.* 

1 Amara kosha, etc. [The tfnadi Stores giro a role (iii. 140) for the for- 
mation of dindra, but Ujjwaladatta in his Comm. expressly states that the role 
was wanting in two of the earlier commentaries.] 

» Plin. 33, $ 13, and 37, } 3. Petron. Satyr. 106, 160. 

1 Plin. 33, § 13, Vitr. 3, 1, Volus. Msecianus, Didymus. 

4 Vitr. and Vol. M©c. * Epiphanius, com multis aliis. 

[From Mr. Colebrooke's researches into the ancient astronomy and algebra 
of the Hindus, he was led to suspect that in astrology they borrowed largely 
from the Greeks. To this conclusion he arrived chiefly on philological evidence, 
the terms employed in their books being derived in some cases from the Arabs, 
but still more from the Greeks. This view he considered perfectly consistent with 
the supposition that the belief in the influence of the stars was part of their ancient 
religion, and that this so-called science was of considerable antiquity. Had he 
thought the subject worthy of research, he would not have failed to have supported 
the former view with very powerful reasons. The terminology of this "silly art," at 
he terms it, affords stronger traces of its Grecian origin than he has pointed out Of 
some of the words specified by him, of which he has failed to trace the origin, two are 
evidently derived from the Greek. The word anaphd claims kindred with imrtupopd 
'rifling/ — a word frequently used by 8extus Empiricus. Sunaphd is derived from 
the Greek word for * conjunctions.' The title of a chapter of the Ttrod0ifi\os of 


Ptolemy is xtpi avvwp&v xal dTtfpolwv, ' Concerning Conjunctions and Influences. 
(Delambre ii., cap. 19.) Sir George Lewis, in his * Survey of the Astronomy of the 
Ancients,' has elucidated the early history of astrology with great learning, and 
has proved, I think, very conclusively, that the practice of divination from stars 
and planets was of great antiquity, and introduced into the Roman Empire and 
Egypt by the Chaldeans ; bat that it owed its extraordinary popularity and suc- 
cess to the engrafting upon the old rude methods something of the scientific 
astronomy of the Greeks. From this time it spread rapidly over the Roman 
Empire, was cultivated in Egypt by the Arabs, and from thence spread over 
Western Europe in spite of prohibitory laws of the Roman Government and 
strong opposition of the Christian Church. It is in this modern form of gene- 
thlialogy, or judicial astronomy, that it has enjoyed the same extraordinary 
popularity in India, and it would be perfectly consistent with all that we know 
of the history of Indian astronomers, to suppose that they derived their know- 
ledge of the false science from the same source ; but this in no way invalidates 
the supposition that the study of astronomy with a view to divination may have 
been cultivated in more ancient times.— Sir T. E. C] 




Page 117, line 31. But cf. the M&lhyandina version, x. 6, 4, 5. 
Page US, last line. Add "Ind. Stud. zii. 350 sq." 
Page 131, line 27. Add "Ind. Stud. iz. 424 sq. ; z. 213 sq." 
Page 210, line 10. Dr. Hall has shown, in his Rational Refutation, 
pp. 196, 212, that Sankara-acharya and his followers held Vishnu 
to be the Supreme Spirit; cf. A. G. Burnell's preface to his edition 
of the Vania-br&hmana, 1873. 

Page 316, line 21. Another form of the negative argument is 
as follows. We have first the affirmative argument " the mountain 
has fire because it has smoke," and, from this, " the lake has the 
absence of smoke because it has the absence of fire." But the 
mountain has the absence of the absence of fire because it has the 
absence of the absence of smoke, or, in other words, " the mountain 
is different from the lake because it has smoke." In the same way 
we may prove that, as earth has earthiness because it has smell 
(smell being only found where earthy particles are), "earth is different 
from other things, as water, etc., because it has smell." 


Page 38, line 6. Since this portion was printed, the Mahdhhdehya, 
with Kaiyaja's commentary, has been published in Benares. Prof. 
Weber has published in Ind. Stud. vol. xiii., a valuable article on 
its importance for Indian literary history. 

Page 159, line 16. A note was inadvertently omitted here to 
suggest the correction of ' Bacja ' to ' B&JhaV 

YOL. III. [B88AY8 IL] 5l 



[ Where an article entirely consists of references to ike first volume, only the 
pages are given. Titles of books are printed in italics. ] 

Abacus, ii 440. 

Abbaci, Liber, ii 391, 440, 449. 

4 Abdullah benu'l MukahV, ii. 148* 

A'bharana, ii. 45, an astronomical 

work, ii. 284. 
Abhava, 285, 309, 328, 329. 
Abhidhdna, ii. 48. 
Abhidhdna-chintdmam, ii 185. 
jtbhidhdna-ratnamdldy ii 54. 
Abhidharma, 414- 
Abhihitanvaya-vidinal?, 341. 
Abhijit, ii. 299, 315. 
Abhimana, 255. 
Abhimanyu, ii 178. 
Abkinanda, ii. 5a 
Abhinava-s'dkatayana, ii 41. 
Abhira class, ii. 163, metre, ii. 139. 
Abhirf dialect, ii. 62. 
Abhisheka, 32. 
Abhyupagama, 313. 
Abja, 42. 

Ablutions, 142, 154. 
Abraham ebn Ezra, ii. 336. 
Absorption of the soul in the Supreme 

Being, *88, 389, 399, 426. 
Abu Hanifah Dainawari, ii. 462* 
Abu Hiyan, ii 464. 
Abu Hisan, ii. 306. 
Abu Kamil Shuja* ben Aslam, ii. 461. 
Abu'1-fazl, ii. 148, 149, 249. 
Abu'l-hasan 'Abdullah benu'1-mu- 

kafTa*, ii 148, 152. 
Abu'l-mala (?) Nasrullah, ii 148, 149. 
Abu'1-wafa al-buzjani, ii. 400, 463, etc. 
Abu-Ma'shar, ii. 455, etc., 475. 
Abu-Yahya, ii 400, 463. 
Abu-Yusaf al-kindi, ii 462. 

Achaladhriti fn. ii i$% t 144. 
Xchara, 328. 

Achdra-chandrikdy 167, 472. 
Achdrddarla, 167. 
Achhavika, 1*3, 205. 
Achita, a weight, 531. 
Achyuta-chakravarti, 482. 
Achyuta-jallaki, ii 17; 
Achyuta-krishnananda-tirtha, 362. 
Achyuta-upddhyaya, ii. 51. 
Adbhuta, adbkuta-brdhmana, 74, 120. 
Adhaka, a measure, 533, etc. 
Adhara, a weight, 531. 
Adharma, 306^ 409, 410, 421. 
AdharmastDcaya, 409. 
Adhikaraaas, i2i, 326, 342, 355, 403. 
Adhishthana-sarira, 258. 
Adhwara, 66. 
Adhwaryu, 13, 153. 
Adhydtma-rdmdyana, ii. 92. 
Adhvaya, 17, 32, 49, 54, 65, 71, 355. 
Adiswara, Adisur, u. 167. 
Aditi, 170. 
Xditya, the sun, 50. 
Xdityas, the, 28, 34, 67, 222. 
Xdivipula m. ii. 137. 
Adritanaya m. ii. 145. 
Adwaitananda, 359, 362. 
Adwayananda, 362. 
Agama, Agamas 9 i. 19, 414, 438, 441 ; 

ii. 158. 
Agastya, i 20, 26, a star, ii 307, 309, 

etc., 418, 420. 
Aghamarshana's hymn, 29, 114, 157, 

Agni, author of part of the Yajurveda, 

1. 66 ; incarnation of Agni, 242 ; a 

star, ii. 309, etc. 
Xgnidhra, 205. 
Agni-purdna, i. 143 ; ii 59. 



Agni-rahasya, 54, 352. 

Agnishtoma, 49, 68, 74, 205. 

Ahankara, 255, 44a 

Aharika darfra, ii 174. 

Ahmad ben Muhammad of Sarkhas, 

ii. 462. 
Ahuti, ii. 268. 
Aindrayaui, 162. 
Aindri, 201. 
AU'warya, 440. 
Aitareya, 41. 

Aitareya-dranyaka, 41, etc., 1 1 6. 
Aitareya-brdhmana, 22, 28, 32, etc, 

Aitartya-upanishad, 41, 83, 1x6, 35 1. 
Aitihya, 329, 427. 
Aitis'ayana, 32a 
Aja, 373. 

Ajatas'atru, 48, 59, 371. 
Ajaya, ii. 54. 
Ajfgarta, 21. 
Ajita, the Jina, ii. 187. 
Auva, 405, 406, 446. 
AWa, 255, 289, 296, 364, 368, etc., 

397, 410, 417, 422, 447. 
Akarfastikaya, 409. 
Akhbiyah, ii. 301. 
Akhl&ki Hindis 154. 
Akhyinaki tn. ii. 112, 142, 146. 
Akriti m. ii. 145. 
Aksha, a weight, 53a 
Akshapada, 200. 
Akshapadas, the, 28a 
Akshara-chhandas m. iL 87, 141. 
Akshara-pankti m. ii. 136, 141. 
Alaka, a weight, 532. 
Albategnius (Al-batanf), ii. 337, 338, 

362, 363. 
Albfruni, i. 297 ; »• 34°> 4io> 4*5» 437- 
Albumasar, ii. 456. 
Alchindus, ii. 462. 
Aldabaran, ii. 291. 
Alfargani, ii. 338. 
Alfazari, ii. 454, 459. 
Algebra of the Hindus, ii. 375, etc. ; 
of the Greeks, it 389, etc., 397, 
450, etc. ; of the Arabs, ii. 454, 
etc. ; of the early Italians, ii. 438, 
etc. ; symbols used by early alge- 
braists, ii. 387, etc. 

Alhazin ben Yusaf, ii. 306. 

4 Ali-ilahfyahs, the, ii. 202, 204. 

' Ali-murtaza', ii. 203, 204. 

« Ali-ullah, ii. 203, 204. 

Al-kasim, ii. 454, 459. 

Allobii, the, ii. 183. 

Almamun, ii. 399, 424, 459, 464, 466. 

Almansur, ii. 399, 424, 454, 461, 464. 

Almijast, ii. 303, etc., 464. 

Alokdkafo, 409, 450. 

Alola itu ii. 143. 
Alpaa'afe-pankti «• ii. 136. 
Alphonsme Tables, ii. 337. 
Amalananda, 358. 
Amaradatta, ii. 54. 
Amara-deva, ii. 49. 
Amara-kosha, ii. 16, 46, 48. 
Amara-md/d, ii 17, 54. 
Amara-sinha, i 10 ; ii 6, 16, 19, 36, 

46, 48, 163. 
Amaravati, ii. 407. 
Amaru, ii 86. 
Amaru-iataka, ii. 86. 
Ambarisha, 22. 
Ambashtha class, ii 160, .166. 
Ambashthya, 36. 
Ambhiui, 28. 
Ambhrina, 28, 29. 
Ambhrini, 28. 
Amgachhi, ii. 247. 
Amitagati, ii. 48, 416. 
Amir Khan Anjam, ii. 22. 
Amrita-dhara m. ii. 146. 
Amrita-gati m. ii. 142. 
Amrita-mati (?) m. ii. 142. 
Amptavindu-upanishad, 86. 
Analananda (?), 358. 
Ananda, 70, 425. 
Anandagiri, 56, 86. 
Anandajnana, 69, 75, 84. 
Ananda-lahari, ii. 103. 
Anandamaya, 363, kosa, 395. 
Anandarframa, 83. 
A'nandatirtha, 41, 42, 75, 359. 
Anandavalli-upanishad y 88. 
Ananga-krida m. ii. 79, 138. 
Ananga-s'ekhara m. ii. 145. 
Anantatfrtha (?), 359. 
Anaphi, ii. 477, 479. 
Anavasita m. ii. 142. 
Ancestors, ceremonies performed in 

honour of, 195, etc. 
Antfaja, 396. 
Andhra dialect, 340. 
Anekdrtha-dfcwani-manjart, ii. 19. 
Anga (the country), ii. 159, 196. 
Anga (a king), i. 21, 37. 
Angir, 84. 
Angiras, i. 20, 21, 32, 35, 36, 53, 60, 

84, 366, 469 ; it 177- 

Angirasa family, ii. 269. 

Angula, a measure, 537, 538. 

Anirukta-gdna, 73. 

Aniruddha, 439, 440; the commen- 
tator, 243. 

Anna, 397. 

Annamaya (kos'a), 396. 

Ansa, ii. 330, 476. 

Antaka, 163. 

Antaraya, 408, 448. 



Antarbed, iL 32. 

Antarfksha, 442. 

Antaryamin, 366. 

Antyavipula m. ii 137. 

Anu, 372. 

Anubandha, ii. 35. 

Anubhava, 287, 310. 

Anubhava, 448, 449. 

Anubhuti-swanipacharya, ii. 41. 

Anugamana, 138. 

Anugfti m. it 138. 

Anukramanl, 20, 24, 89, 108, 109, 

Anukula m. ii. 142. 
Anumana, 328. 

Anumati (the goddess), 170, 207. 
Anuradha, L 214; ii. 298, 319. 
Anushthana-rfarira (?), 258. 
Anushtubh/A. i. 31, 114; ii. 107, 108, 

127, 136, 141. 
Anuvaha, 205. 

Anuvakas, 1 7, 49, 65, 68, 80, 107, 1 19. 
Anvaya-vyatirekau, 314. 
Anvitabhidhana-vadinah, 341. 
Attwdri Suhaili, ii. 148, etc. 
Amoaydrtka-prakdaikd, 360. 
Anyonyabhava, 310. 
Ap, 220, 397. 

Apabhrana'a dialect, iL 1, 2, 30, 61. 
Apachyas, the, 34. 
Apadesa, 314. 

Apamvatsa, star, it 309, etc. 
Apana, 43, 209. 
Apantara-tamas, 352. 
Aparajita m. ii 143. 
Aparantika m. ii. 71, 138. 
Aparavaktra m. iL 112, 146. 
Xpas, a star, iL 309, 310. 
Apastamba, 15, 90, 162, 213, 339, 

Apastambiyas, the, 15. 

Xpatalika m. ii. 71, 138. 

Apararka, 473, 486. 

Apavaha m. ii. 145. 

Apavarga, 425. 

Apekshabuddhi, 301. 

Xpfcja m. ii. 146. 

Xpirfali, ii. 6, 36, 45. 

Apollonius, ii. 398, 452. 

Apollonius, Philostratus* life of, 

quoted, ii. 181. 
Apratisankhya-nirodha, 421. 
Apravrittl, 407. 
Apsarasas, 134. 
Aptani&chaydlankdra, 444. 
Xpta-vakya, 328. 
Xptva, 25, 34. 
Apurva, 343. 
Apyaya-dfkshita, Appayya, etc., L 

358, 362 ; ii. 154. 

Arabs, their divisions of the Zodiac, 
ii. 283, etc. ; their theory of the 
motion of planets, iL 363; their 
algebra, iL 390, 399, 454, 461. 

Aranya, 42, 68. 

Arcawakas, the, 41, etc, 56,68,, 116, 
a fifth, 333. 

Aranya-gdna y 72, 74, 120. 

Aratni, a measure, 539. 

Archika, 72, 120. 

Archika-gdna, 72, 73, 120. 

Archimedes, ii. 306, 398. 

Ardha-magadhi, ii. 62. 

Xrdharatrika, iL 384. 

Ardha-sloka, ii. 64. 

Ardha-vainarfika, 418. 

Xrdra, ii. 292, 319. 

Argha, 153, 182, 187, 202. 

Arghya, i. 220 ; ii. 268. 

Arhachchandra-suri, 444. 

Arhat, Arhats, L 323, 404, etc., 413; 
ii. 185, etc. • 

Arhatas, the, i. 337, 404, etc ; iL 197. 

Arindama, 41. 

Arjabahar, iL 385, 425, 46a 

Xrjfldya, the river, 155. 

Ariuna, i. 65 ; ii. 76, etc 

Xrka, ii. 385, 437. 

Xrkand, ii. 385, 437, 460. 

Arka-siddhanta, iL 437, 455. 

Armillary sphere, ii. 285, etc., 303, 
etc, 308. 

Arna, Arna, m. ii. 117, 145. 

Arnava m. iL H7 r 145. 

Arrian, his account of the Indian 
sages, ii. 179. 

Arskeya-brdhmanfi, 73, 120. 

Artha, 293. 

Arthapatti, 329, 444. 

Arthavada, 327. 

Aruna, 33, 48, 75, 76, 78. 

Aruuadatta, ii. 54, 

Arundhati, 134. 

Aruniya or Arwpsyogn upanishad y 86. 

Arya language, 340. 

Arya m. 1. 279; ii. 66, etc., 81, 137. 

Aryabhafta, ii. 332, 336, etc, 364, 
38°» 3^3* < tc » 420, etc; his age, 
424, etc. ; his name, 424. 

Arya-giti m. ii. 67, 69, 137. 

Aryaman, 70, 228, 233. 

Arydsh{oiata y ii. 332, 339, 420, 424. 

Arya-siddhdnta, ii. 371. 

Xryavarta, iL 197, 210. 

Arzael, ii. 336. 

Asamati, 22, 108. 

Asambadha m. ii. 143. 

Asandivat, 36. 

Asanga, 21. 
Asat, 30. 




Asclepias, juke of the acid, 25, 49, 66. 

See Soma. 
Ashatfha metre, iL 140; theasterism, 

iL 299. 
Ashrat, iL 289. 
Ask{ddhydya y ii 38. 
Ashfaka, 17, 65. 
Ashtf m. ii. 143. 
Asiknf, 155. 
A/lesha (Xrflesha), i. 81, 98, 116, etc. ; 

iL 294, 3", 3»9, 335. 34* 4*9* 4*7- 

Arfmarathya, 354, 3jS8» 372. 

Aioka-manjari m. ii. 145. 

Asphuta, iL 286, 356. 

Asphuta-sara, ii. 356. 

Atrama-upanishad, 88. 

Xsrava, 406, 447, 448. 

Astara-pankti m, iL 136. 

Astikaya, 409, 447. 

Astrology, Hindu, derived from the 
west, ii. 403, 474, etc. 

Astronomical instruments of the 
Hindus, iL 285, etc., 307, etc. 

Astronomy, Sanskrit works on, iL 
284, etc.; Hindu as compared with 
Greek, L 129, 130; ii. 402, etc., 
474, etc.; Arabian writers on, ii. 

454. etc. 
Asu, 46. 

ASubodha, ii. 44. 

Xsuri, 93, 162, 242, 243, 245, 271, 279. 
Arfwagati m. ii. 143, 144. 
AsVala, 62, 85. 
AsValalita m. ii. 145. 
Arfwalayana, i. 13, 42, 85, 90, 333, 

470; ii. 45. 
Aswalayani-rfakha, L 13, 17; iL 269. 
Aswamedha, 50, 54, 55, 56, 66, 117, 

119, 140, 250, 348, 399,46°- 
Aiwanibandhika, iL 219. 
Aswapati, 76, 367. 
Aswataraswa, 76, 78. 
Aswina (month), 201, 207. 
Ajb'wini, the asterism, i. 99, 128; ii. 

288, 319, 383, 417. 
AsVini, the mother of the As'wins, 

200, 221, 226. 
Ad wins, 26, 29, co, 61, 99. 
* Ata-ullah Rashfdi, iL 409. 
Atharvan, 10, 50, 53, 60, 61, 82, 84. 
Atharva or Atharvana Veda, 9, 60, 

80, etc., 121, 122. 
Atharva-pari^ishta, 535. 
Atharvasiras-upamshad, 86, 123. 
Atheistical Sankhya, 249, 264. 
Athilla **. ii. 139. 
Atidhriti m. ii. 144. 
Atijagatf m. ii. 143. 
Atiliha m. ii. 139. 
Atikriti tn, iL 145. 

Atipadanichrit-gayatri nu ii 136. 

Atipala, a measure of time, 541. 

Atiratra, 68. 

Atiruchira m. iL 79, 139, 143. 

Atisakkarf m. iL 143. 

Atisayani m. iL 144. 

Atisundara m. ii. 143. 

Ativahika, 257. 

Atmabodha^upaniskady lot, 132. 

Atman, 256, J67, 371, 417, etc. . 

Atmd-upanishad y 86. 

Atoms, 240, 255, 298, 372, 411, 423. 

Atreya, i. 15, 320; iL 45. 

Xtreyi (?L 354- 

Atreyf tfakhi, 14, 15, 67, 105, 106. 

Atri, 20, 37, 171, 468. 

Atyantabhava, 309. 

Atyarati, 38. 

Atyashtf**. n. 144. 

Atyukta m. ii. 141. 

Audarika (?) rfarfra, iL 174. 

Audayaka, ii. 384. 

Audayika, 446. 

Aufrlomi, 354, 372, 392. 

Au^umbara, 163. 

Aukhyavas, the, 15. 

Aulukyafe, the, L 280; iL 197. 

Aupachhandasikaivf.iL 71, 73,75, 138. 

Aupamanyavas, the, 15. 

Aupasamika, 446. 

Avachatnuka, 37. 

Avaha, 205. 

Avalambaka m. iL 140. 

Avataras, 42, 100; of Agni, 242; 

hereditary avatara of Gajnesa, 212. 
Avanti, ii. 62. 
Avantika dialect, ii. 62. 
Avarana, 448. 
Avasarpinfage (of the Jainas), iL 186, 

Avasathika, iL 269. 
Avidya, 420. 
Avikshit, 36. 
Avirati, 448. 
Avitatha m. ii. 133, 144. 
Avyakta, 251, 373. 
' Awwa, ii. 296. 

Ayana, L.121, 540; iL 330, 334. 
Ayasya, 61. 
Avatana, 368. 

AylniAkbari, i. 532, 536 ;iL 177, 254. 
Ayogava class, iL 162. 
Ayu (?), a measure, 537. 
Ayushka, Ayus, 408, 448. 
A'zam-shah, ii. 22. 

Babhru, 41. 

Badarayana, 320, 352, 385, 392. 
Badari, 320, 354, 368^ 391, 392. 



Baddha, 406. 
Baddhatma, 406. 
Baha, a measure, 533, 534, 537. 
Bahadur AH, Mir, ii. 154. 
Baha-ud-dfn, iL 465, 473. 
Bahlfka, country, iL 62, language, ib. 
Bahrain Shah, Sultan, iL 149. . 
Bahula, the cow, 207. 
Bahula-chaturthi, 207. 
Bakufich, 13. 

BahvrichJrdhmana'Upanishad, 41. 
Bahvrich-rfakha, 333, 339. 
Baidya, ii. 160. 
Bddyanatha-payagunda-bhafta, ii. 13. 

J 9, 40. 
abalabhi-bhujanga, 473. 
Balabhadra, ii. 34 J. 
Baladevas, Jaina, ii. 196. 
Balagra, a measure, 538. 
Balaka, 50. 
Balaki, & 59, 371. 
Bala-krishna, 53, 85, 87. 
Balambhatta, i. 485 ; ii. 39. 
Balarama, 440. 
Balarama-panchanana, ii. 44. 
Balarupa, 473. 

Bala-sarman Pagondiya, iL 13. 
Baldah, ii. 299. 
Balibhadra, 283. 
Balia, a weight, 532. 
Ballabha-acharya, 283, 304, 359. 
Ballala, iL 406, 409. 
Ballala-sena, iL 167, 169. 
Baluch, iL 207. 
Banabhafla, iL 89. See Vaoa. 
Bandha, 407, 431, 447, 448. 
Bandhu m. ii. 142. 
Banga, iL 159, 169. 
Ban-ling, 173. 
Barada-raja, ii. 39. 
Baraiya, ii. 161. 
Barbara, ii. 159. 
Barbara language, 339, etc. 
Bardesanes' account of the Buddhists, 

iL 182. 
Baru^a class, ii. 164. 
Barzuyah, ii. 148. 
Bashkala, 13 ; sakha, 13, 105. 
Bashkali, 13. 
Bathing, 142, 154. 
Batnu'Ihut, iL 302. 
Baudhayana, L 90, 162, 215, 339, 357, 

470; iL 92. 
Baudhayanas, the, 15. 
Bauddhas, the, L ico, 285, 308, 313, 

3*3, 337, 354, 377, 402, 4*3, «c, 
453; iL 16, 172, etc, 277 ; their re- 
ligion posterior to the Biahmanical, 
iL 176 ; epoch of their persecution, 
L 323. 

Beatitude, 249, 286, 426. 

Beings, orders o£ among theSankhyas, 

258 ; among the Jainas, 447. 
Bengal, brahman* of, ii. 167; kayas- 

thas of, iL 169. 
Bengali language, ii. 25, 63. 
Bentley's criticism, answer to, iL 366, 

Benu'l Adami, IL 454, 459. • 
Bhadra, 167. 
Bhadraka m. iL 145. 
Bhadrapada, iL 301, 302. 
Bhadravakarfa river, 174. 
Bhadraviraj m. ii* 146. 
Bhadrika m. iL 141, 14& 
Bhaga, 29. 
Bhaga, ii. 476. 
Bhagabhoga, iL 27a 
BMagavad-gitd, 352, 353, 379* 400i437- 
Bhagavat, 439, 440. 
Bhdgavata-purdna, L 94, 124, aio, 

437 ; iL 94, 313, 318. 
Bhigavatas, the, 354, 437. 
Bhaguri, i. 470; ii. 19, 45, 54. 
Bhakha, iL 31. 
Bhakta, 438. 
Bhakti, 438. 
Bhallavi, 76, 77. 
Bhamaha, iL 44, 61 • 
BkdmaH, 358. 
Bhdmini-vtldsa, iL 106. 
Bhanga-naya, 410, 450. 
Bhanudatte-misra, iL 87. 
Bhanu-dikshita, iL 51. 
Bhanujf-dfkshita, iL 16, 17. 
Bhara, a weight, 531. 
Bharadwdja, 20, 84, 85 ; iL 167. 
Bharadw&ja, the granunarian, iL 6, 45. 
Bharadwaja family, ii. 269, 272. 
Bharauf, L 128; ii. 201, 290, 319. 
Bharata, 37, 38* 115. 
Bharata era, ii. 426, 427. 
Bharatamalla, ii. 44, 51. 
Bharavi, ii. 69, 73, 70, 88> 95, ICO. 
Bharga, 41 • 

Bharma, a weight, 532. 
Bhartrihari, iL 6, 40, 105, 155. 
Bhasha, ii. 30. 

Bhdshd'parichheda, 281, 284. 
Bhdskd-vritH, ii. 38. 
Bhdshd-vfittyartha-vivtiH^ ii. 38. 
BAaskya, 282. 

Bhdshya-pradipa-vivarana^ iL 38. 
Bh&shya-pradlpoddyotOi ii. 38. 
Bhdshya-ratna'prabkdy 359. 
Bhaskara, L 360; iL 88, 197, 201, 

307, etc, 329, etc, 377, 4»5f 4*5. 

422, etc. 
Bhaskara-bhafta, ii. 39. 
Bhdswati, iL 311, etc, 342, 438. 



BhdswaH-karana, ii. 338, 434. 
Bhafta, 322, 325, 329, etc. 
Bhafta-balabhadra, ii. 424. 
Bhafta-bhaskara, 101, 359. 
Bhafta-dfpika, 324. 
Bhatia-kumarila-swami, 322, etc., 337, 

416, 444. 
Bhatta-malla, ii. 45. 
Bhafta-narayana, in 167. 
Bhattaraka, ii. 267. 
Bhatti, ii. 105. 

Bhafti-kdvya, ii. 41, 92, 105. 
Bhaftojf-ducshita, ii. 12, 36, 39. 
Bhaftotpala, ii. 311, etc., 320, 381, 

384, 412, 415, 426, 428, 431. 
Bhautika, 416, 417. 
Bhautika-sarga, 258. 
Bhava, 285 ; Bhava, 420. 
Bhavabhiiti, ii. 104, 1 18, 122, 123, etc 
Bhavadeva-bhatja, 167, 473. 
Bhavadeva-mirfra, 360, 390. 
Bhavana, 307. 
Bhavanatha-miira, 324. 
Bhavanf, 100, 211. 
Bhdva-prakddikd, ii. 39. 
Bhavdrtha-dipikd, 283. 
Bhava-sarga, 259. 
Bhavayavya, 21. 
Bha-vipula m. ii. 140. 
Bhavishya-purdna, i. 137, etc., 148, 

150; ii. 311. 
Bheda, 310. 
Bhekuri, 229. 
Bhelupura, ii. 191. 
Bhilla, ii. 164. 
Bhima, i. 41 ; ii. 45. 
Bhimasena [?], 207. 
Bhogavati, the city, ii. 244. 
Bhogya, 405. 
Bhoja, 34. 

Bhoja-prabandka y ii. 48. 
Bhojaraja, Bhoiadeva, or Bhojapati, 

i. 248, 488; ii. 21, 45, 48, $o, 265, 

415, 416, 435, 438. 
Bhoktri, 405. 
Bholanatha, ii. 43, 53. 
Bhramarapada m. ii. 144. 
Bhramaravali m. it 143. 
Bhramaravilasita m. ii 99, 142. 
Bhrigu, 20, 36, 69, 85, 468, 470. 
BhfiguvalH-upamshad, 88. 
Bhu, 442. 

Bhudhara, ii 283, 285. 
Bhujagarfisfusrita m. ii. 141. 
Bhujangaprayata m. ii. 106, 142. 
Bhujangasan^ata m. ii. 142. 
Bhujangavijrimbhita m. ii. 145. 
Bhuman, 368. 
Bhur, bhuval?, swar, 24. 
Bhurij, m. ii. 137. 

Bfolriprayoga-koshcL, ii 19. 

Bhdskana-sdra'darpanOj ii. 40. 

Bhiita, 416. 

Bhuta-yoni, 367. 

Bhutidatta, ii. 162. 

Bhuvana, 36. 

Bhuvana-malla-vira, ii. 241. 

Bidpai, ii. 149, 150, 434, 461. 

Bigha, ii. 219. 

Bihari-lal, ii. 22, 80. 

Bijanagar, ii. 227. 

Biriu-mala m. ii. 141. 

Bilwa, a measure, 537. 

Bimba m. ii 142, 144. 

Bfraswami-bhatta, 467. 

Biyaphar, ii. 460. 

Bisi, a measure, 536. 

Black Yajurveda, i. 14, 65, etc, 105, 

119; ii. 231. 
Bodhatma, 405. 
Bodhayana (?), 323. 
Bodhinyasa, ii. 38. 
Bodhisattwa, ii 178, 186, 222, 224. 
Body, inquiry concerning, in the 

Sankhya, 257, etc. ; in the Nyaya, 

289, etc. ; in the Vedanta, 395 ; in 

the sceptical school, 428. 
Bohrahs, the, ii. 202, etc 
Bombelli, ii 388, 444, 449, 465. 
Bonacci. See Leonardo. 
Bopalita, ii. 19, 54. 
Brachmanes, ii. 180, etc 
Brahma, a star, ii. 307, 309. 
Brahma, Brahman, 24, 51, 69, 76, 

365 (note), etc. 
Brahma, 28, 29, etc., 46, 84, 195, 

365, etc 
Brahma, Vishnu, and S'iva or Rudra, 

132, 144, 149, I5<>- 
Brahma priest (Brahman), 168. 
Brahmagupta, ii 68, 283, etc, 333, 

etc., 358, etc., 377, etc, 409, 411, 

etc, 421, 426; his date, 382, 415, 

417, etc 
Brahma-hridaya, a star, ii. 309, etc 
Brahma-mimansi, 320, 350, etc 
BraJima-mimdnsd-bhdshyay 243. 
Brahmdrnfita-varshinly 360. 
Brdhmanachhansi, 153, 205. 
Brahmanab parimarafe, 39. 
Brahmananaa, 362. 
Brahmananda-saraswati, 360, 362. 
Brahmans, ii. 158, 175. 
Brdhmanas of the Vedas, 16, 17, 61, 

333. 355 J of the Rigveda 32, etc.; 

of the white Yajurveda t 53, etc. ; 

of the black Yajurveda, 68, 119 ; 

of the Sdmaveda % 74, 120; of the 

Atharvaveda, 82. 
Brdhmana-sarvaswa y 167, 472. 



Brahma-purdna, 136, 138. 
Brahmapura, 369. 
Brahmarupaka m. ii 144. 
Brahma-nddhdntOy ii. 283, etc., 309, 

314, 341, etc., 347, 358, 371, 377, 

380,411, etc., 455. 
Brahma-sphu\a-stddhdnta> ii. 68, 339, 

^45. 349, 35*. 38i. 
Brahma-b'udra, ii. 161. 

Brahma-siitra, 352. 

Brahma-siitra-bh&shya, 360. 

Brahma-vaktarta-purdna> ii. 311. 

Brahmavadin (-dini), 28. 

Brahma-vidydbharana, 359. 

Brahtnavidyd-upanishad> 86. 

Brahmavindu-upaniskad, 86. 

Brahmi, 254. 

Brahmopanishady 86. 

Breath. .£« Pvana. 

Bridegroom, his solemn reception by 

the father of the bride, 217, etc. 
Brij-bhakha, ii. 32. 
Buddha, i 93, 100, 323, 402, 413, 

414; ii. 183. . 
Buddhi, 254, 305, 310, 311, 395, 437. 
Buddhists. See Bauddhas. 
Buddhi'Vildsiniy ii 406. 
Budha, 20, 171. 

Bukka-raya, i. 325 ; ii. 9, 227, 228. 
Bukka-raya II., ii. 250. 
Bula', iL 300. 

Bull, an emblem of religious duty, 152. 
Burning of dead bodies, 175. 
Butain, ii. 29a 
Butta, ii. 183. 
Buzur-cbumihr, ii. 148. 
Buzjani, see Abu'1-wafa al B. 


Calanus, 346. 

Calendar, ancient, 96, 97, 125, etc. 

Caracci, Raflaelo, ii 449. 

Cardanus, Hieron. ii 446, etc., 465. 

Casts. See Classes. 

Cause and effect, 265, 266, 375 ; the 
three causes, 288. 

Census, censo, ii. 390, 441. 

Ceremonies, writers on, 90, 141, 167 ; 
Ceremonies to be observed by a 
Brahman when rising from sleep, 
142, etc.; Funeral Ceremonies, 173, 
etc.; Ancestral Ceremonies, 195, 
etc. ; Hospitable and Nuptial 
Ceremonies, 217, etc 

Chahuvan tribe, ii 212. 

Chaitanatma, 405. 

Chaitanya, 284, 489. 

CJuutanydmfita, ii 44. 

Chaitra, 214. 

Chaitrakufa ii 42. 

Chakita m. ii 143. 
Chakra m. ii. 143. 
Chakrapatam. ii 143. 
Chakra varmana, ii. 45. 
Chakravartis, the twelve Jaina, ii. 195. 
Chala m. ii. 144. 
Chaldean astrology, ii. 403, 475. 
Chaluka tribe, ii. 241. 
Chamara m. ii. 143. 
Champa, ii. 196. 

Champaka-mala m. ii. 99, 100, 142. 
ChampapuH, ii 193. 
Champa, ii 95, 122. 
Chanchala m. ii. 143. 
Chanchalakshika m. ii. 142. 
Chancharfkavali m. ii. 142. 
Chan^ala class, i 79 ; ii 163. 
Chan^ali dialect, ii. 62. 
Chapga-vrishti-prayata m. ii 145. 
Chan^erfwara, 471, 480, 536. 
Chanel m. ii. 143. 

Chandra the grammarian, ii. 6, 19, 
36, 45 ; theKanauj Brahman, ii. 167. 
Chandra m. ii. 144. 
Chandrabhaga river, 174. 
Chandralekha m. ii 143. 
Chandramala m. ii. 144. 
Chandramukhi m. ii 142. 
Chandravarta m. ii. 100, 143. 
Chandravartma m. ii. 142. 
Chandra vati, ii. 193. 
Chandrika, ii. 14, 40. 
Chandrika, a metre, ii 78, 137, 138, 

Chapala m. ii. 67, 108, 137, 140. 

Charaeh-kush, the sect, ii. 202. 

Charaka, i. 15 ; the medical treatise, 
i. 247; ii 461. 

Charakas, the, 15. 

Charana, Vedic, i 105 ; (foot in pro- 
sody) ii. 135. 

Charana-vytiha, 13, 105. 

Charchari m. ii. 144. 

Charu, 341. 

Charugiti m. ii. 138. 

Charuhasinf m. ii. 71, 138. 

Charumukhi m. ii. 142. 

Charvaka, Charvaka school, i. 240, 

253, 329, 355. 404, 426, etc., 456, 

etc ; ii. 197. 
Chaturansa m. ii. 141. 
Chaturbhuja, ii. 45. 
Chaturthf, 235. 
Chaturveda, ii 349, 355. See Prithu- 

Chaturvedi, 11. 
Chatushpada, ii 139. 
Chatushpad-anush^ubh m. ii 136. 
Chatushpad-gayatri m. ii. 136. 
Chatushpad-pankti m. ii 136. 



Chatushpad-ushnih m. iL 136* 
Chatushpad-vrihati m. iL 136. 
Chatushpadika m. ii. 85, 139. 
Chaube\ 11. 
Chaucer's treatise on the Astrolabe, 

543- , 
Chauhan tribe, ii. 212. 

Chatipaa ni. iL 139. 

Chaupai m. iL 85. 

Chaupaia m. ii. §5, 139. 

Chaura, iL 86. 

Chauran/a m, ii. 141. 

Chaura'panch&iik&y ii. 86, 106. 

Chaurola m. ii. 140. 

Chauthf, 235. 

Chauvansa m. iL 141. 

Chedi, 21. 

Chedis, the, ii, 73. 

Cheshta, 329. 

Chet Sinn, ii. 22. 

Chhala, 318. 

Chkandasi sankitd, 72. 

Chhatidoga-pariiiskfa 471. 

Chhandoga priests, 72. 

Chhando-gmrinday ii. 59. 

Chkdndogya, i. 15; upamshad, 10, 75, 

etc., 83, 120, 326; ii. 177. 

Chkando-mdld, iL 59. 

Chhandc-manjari, ii. 59. 

Chhando-mdria^h **• 59> 91. 
Chhando-nrviU [t% ii. 59. 

Chhappaa m. iL 82, 139. 
Chhd& ii. 43. 
Chhaya m. ii. 144, 
Chhatrf, 189. 
Chidasthimdld, ii. 39. 
China, ii. 159. 

Chinna-govinda-sitara-gundi, ii. 244. 
CAintdmani, 284. See also Ganita- 

Chitra, 22, 48. 

Chitra, a metre, ii. 78, 138, 143. 
Chitra, a sacrifice, i. 345. 
Chitra, a star, i. 127, etc., 214; iL 296, 

383, 417, 434. ^ ^ 
Chitradurg, ii. 226, 236. 
Chitragupta, i. 399; ii. 162. 
Chitralekha m. ii. 144. 
Chitrangada, ii. 162. 
Chitrapada m. ii. 145. 
Chitrapada m. ii. 108, 141. 
Chitraiald m. ii. 144. 
Chitrasanga m. iL 143. 
Chitrasena, ii. 162. 
Chitravati m. ii. 143. 
Chitta, 416, etc 
Chola, ii. 159, 242. 
Chopaxa, ii. 279. 
Chuda m. ii. 79, 138. 
Chu<Jika m. iL 79, 139. 

Chuflkala m. iL 139. 

Chuliala m. iL 139. 

Chuliki m. iL 79, 139. 

CMHkd upanuhad, 86. 

Chdlika-paMachi, ii 61. 

Cburnika, iL 120. 

Cbyavana, 36. 

Classes or casts of the Hindu, iL 1 57, 

etc., 172 ; known to Greek writers, 

179, etc 
Clemens Alexandrinns, iL 182. 
Clepsydra, 97, 98, 125. 
Colour, Nyaya doctrine respecting, 

Commentaries, their importance in 

preserving the text of a book 60m 

changes, 09. 
Controversies of various philosophical 

schools, 252, 263, etc, 290, 293, 

313. 3*9. 373. 4<>3» 404, 4i<* 4^7. 
434, 441, 444, 457, etc 

Cosa, cossike, ii. 390. 

Courts of justice, Hindu, 490, etc 

Cows, let loose on certain solemn occa- 
sions, 221. 

Creation of the world, 30, 42, 57, 58, 
117, 149, 158; Vedantist idea of, 


DabishKm, ii. 149. 

Ddbistdn y the, ii. 203. 

Dadabhai, ii. 332, 333, 342. 

Dadhyach, 50, 53, 61. 

Dahara, 369. 

Dahara-vidydy 352, 369. 

Daivata, 23. 

Daksha", 28, 139, 469 ; the priest from 

Kanaui, ii. 167. 
Daksbini, 28, 1 12. 
Dakshinantika m. iL 138. 
Dakshina-ra^ha, ii. 169. 
Dakshinatya dialect, ii. 62. . 
Dam, a measure, 533, 536. 
Damanaka m. ii. 141, 142* 
Damayanti, iL 68, 69, 95. 
Damayanttitathd. ii. 95. 
Damodara, ii. 178. 
Danayogfswara, ii. 484. 
Danfc, a measure of length, 539, of 

time, 540, 541. 
Dandaka m. iL 117, 127, 129, 145. 
Dan^a-kala m. ii. 139. 
Dancjf, iL I, 89, 120, 154. 
Dara-shukoh, 8. 
Darbha, 81. 
Dars'anas, the six, ,354. 
Dariana-upanishad, xoi. 
Darsana-varanfya (?), 408, 448. 



Dasa class, ii 162 ; a common termi- 
nation of proper names, ii, 169. 

Dasati, 72. 

Daia-gtiikd, il 333, 371, 420, 424. 

Da*a-kumdra~charitra, ii. 89, 120, 1 54. 

Dasaratha, i 189; ii 105, 113. 

Datta, 470. 

DaUaka-mimdnsd, 486. 

Datmtreya, 468. 

Daurgasinhi, ii. 42.* 

AAva-Md^a, 479, 481, etc. 

Ddya-nirnaya, 484. 

Ddw-krama^sangrakoi 482. 

Ddya-rahasya, 484. 

Davarama-vachaspati, ii 43. 

Ddya-iaUwa, 471, 480, 483. 

geath, 4.5, 57, 388, 413. 

Decani, 11. 320, 325, 326, 475- 

Deities invoked in the hymns of the 
Vedas resolvable into different titles 
of one God, i 22, 23, no ; deities 
of Hindu mythology have only a 
definite duration of life, L 177, 251, 
252 ; four classes o£ distinguished 
by the Jainas, ii. 199. 

Deva, a common termination of proper 
names, ii. 169. 

Deva, a grammarian, il 45. 

Devabodha, 468. 

Devadarta, 16. 

DevadaWf rfAkha, 16. 

Devadhideyas, ii 185. 

Devagiri, ii. 406. 

Devahuti, 242. 

Devaki, 101. 

5 cvala / l 374. 469, 470; ii 5- 
Devanagari, ii. 25. 

Devan^a-bhatia, 480. 

Devapala, ii 248, etc. 

Devapala-deva, ii. 16. 

Devapalli-paftana, ii. 253. 

Devas of the Jainas, ii. 185. 

Devata of a mantra, 19, 108. 

Devavridha, 41. 

Devayana, 390. 

Devidasa, ii 43. 

Dha$, ii, 219. 

Dhananjaya, i 472 ; ii 19. 

Dhanapala, ii. 45. 

Dhanishtfia, i. 98, 126, etc ; ii 300, 

312, 335. 419. 
Dhanus, dhanurdan^a, a measure of 

length, i 539 ; ii 187, 195. 
Dhanwantari-nighan^a^ ii 19. 
Dhara, i 248 ; ii. 264, etc., 416, 438. 
Dharana, a weight, 530, etc. 
Dharanidhara, 467. 
DAarani-kasha, ii 19, 54. 
Dhareswara (ie. Bhoja), 248, 473, 


Dharma, 306, 319, 385, 409, 410, 

Dharmadhyaksha, the, 491, 495. 
Dharrnaditya, ii. 222. 
Dharmapala, ii 248, etc. 
Dhannapttrdna^ i 93 ; ii 157, etc. 
Dharmaraja, 163. 
Dhannaraja-dikshita, 361. 
Dkarma-ratna y 472. 
Dharmaidstra % i 337, 338, 466; ii. 

Dharmastikaya, 409. 

Dhata (?), 541. 

Dhataka, a weight, 532. 

Dhatri, 205, 208. 

Dhdlu-dlp&L, ii 43, 45. 

Dhdtu-ghoshdy ii. 43. 

Dhdtu-pdrdyama t ii- 15, 45- 

Dhdtu-pdfha of Paoini, ii 8, 15, 40. 

Dhdtu~pradipa y ii. 9, 40. 

DhdtU'ratnivall) ii. 43. 

Dhaumya, 470. 

Dhavala m. ii 144. 

Dhavalanka m. ii. 144. 

Dhfralalita m. ii 143. 

Dhritarashtra, 134, 139. 

Dhritasinha, ii 19. 

Dhj-itadri m. ii 145. 

Dhjiti m. ii 144. 

Dhruvaka, ii 285, 419. 

Dhurpads, ii 32. 

Dhurta-swami, ii. 45. 

Dhwaja, ii 135. 

Dhwansa, 309. 

Dwansi, 529. 

Dhydnavindu-upanuhad, 86. 

Dialects of India, i 340; ii. I, etc., 

20, 60, 61. 
Didhiti, 284. 

Digambaras, the, i 405, 452 : ii. 198. 
Dilipa, 207, 218. 
Dilla m. ii. 141. 

Dinar, dinara, i. 531 ; ii 478, 479. 
Diophanrus, ii 386, 389, 393, 450, 

etc, 463, etc 
Dfpaka m. ii 140. 
Dipa-kalikd, 468, 473, 486.